European Motifs in the Polish Medieval Chronicles
RYSZARD GRZESIK (POZ:'<A)
The culture of medieval Poland developed since the acceptance of Christianity
by Mieszko I (966) in the same way as the culture of Western European
countries. We find in the narrative texts, which were written there,
the same formal tendencies and the same motifs. The author of the first
chronicle written in Poland, an anonymous French monk, known as Gallus
Anonimus, used the modern form of Gesta which was written in beautiful
literary style of rhythm-prose.1 Vincent Kadlubek, who wrote his chronicle a
hundred years after Gallus at the beginning of the thirteenth century, knew
the intellectual streams, which were alive in France during that period.2
He included the Polish history into the historia universalis and showed the
long history of Poland and the Poles. They fought against Alexander the
1 The best edition is Anonima tzw. Ga/la Kronika czyli dzieje ksil}il}t i wla dcow polskich,
ed. K. Maleczyliski, Monumenta Poloniae Historica (henceforward: MPH), nova series
(!\S), 2. (Krakow, 1952); cf. J . M. Bak, Medieval Narrative Sources. A Chronological
Guide {with a Iist of major Ietter collections), (New York-London, 1987) (henceforward:
Bak, Med. ) , No 406. An overview of the whole Polish medieval literature gave T. Witczak,
Literatura polskiego iredniowiecza [The Literature of the Polish Middle Ages], (Warszawa,
1990); recently T. !11ichalowska, Sredniowiecze [Middle Agesj, (Warszawa, 1995 ) , passim.
See also B. Kürbis, ‚Dziejopisarstwo polskie do polowy XV wieku. Dzenia poznawcze
i pogldy‘ [Polish Historiography until the mid-fifteenth century. Cognitive Aims and
otions], Studia i Materialy do dziej6w nauki polskiej [Studies and Materials to the
History of Polish Arts and Sciences], series A, fase. 9, (Warszawa, 1966), p. 107-23,
repeated in eadem, Na progach historii [On the Thresholds of History], (Poznali, 1994),
p. 17-36 with new literature.
2 Recently see E. Skibinski, •irodla erudycji Kadlubka‘ [The Sources of Kadlubek’s
Erudition], Roczniki Historyczne [RH], 60, (1994), p. 163-72. Basic edition: Magistri
Vincentii Chronicon Polonorum, ed. A. Bielowski, MPH, 2, (Lwow, 1872), p. 191-453;
cf. Bak, Med., o 407. Recently the newest edition was published as Mütrza Wincentego
zwanego Kadlubkiem Kronika po/ska, ed. M. Plezia, !\1PH NS, 1 1 , (Krak6w, 1994).
41
Great and Julius Caesar and beat them.3 In Kadlubek’s story we find the
knowledge of the story of Alexander the Great which was very popular at
that time in the chivalrous circles of whole Europe.4 In my paper, however,
I would like to concentrate on another popular European motif – the story
of Attila. 5 He was mentioned in several European narrative sources. The
descriptions of the Hun’s leader were done originally by the Greek historian
and diplomat Priskos who visited Attila’s court in 448 AD.6 His information
was transcribed by Cassiodorus, and Cassiodor’s work was rewritten
by Jordanes.7 His Gesta transmitted the picture of Attila to medieval historiography.
It was completed by Paulus Diaconus in Carolingian time,8
and afterwards it was developed by several chroniclers who added the local
tradition to the core of historiography.
Amadee Thierry divided Attila’s literary tradition into three groups. 9
3 J. Banaszkiewicz, Kronika Dzierzwy, XIV·wieczne kompendium hi3torii ojczystej [The
Dzierzwa Chronicle. A Compendium of Home History from the Fourteenth Century],
(Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1979), p. 33 ff.
4 The stages of the development of Alexander the Great’s literary tradition were recently
described by W. Gawlowska, ‚Polskie przeklady powie5ci o Aleksandrze Wielkim w XVI
wieku‘ (The Polish Translations of Alexander the Great’s Story in the Sixteenth Century],
Studia Zrodloznawcze (henceforth: St. Zr6dl.), 32-3, (1990), p. 143 ff, especially 147 with
rieb bibliography in the footnotes.
5 I repeat here the theses of my article ‚Attyla a Slowianie. Przyczynek do wyobra.Zenia
o kontaktach hwisko-slowiari.skich w sredniowiecznych :i;rodlach narracyjnych‘ (Attila and
the Slavs. A Contribution to the Image of Hun-Slavic Contacts in Medieval Narrative
Sources], RH, 59, (1993), p. 33-42. I did not know yet the studies-collection Attila. The
Man and Hü Image, ed. F. H. Bäum!, :M. D. Birnbaum, (Budapest, 1993), during the
work on my article.
6 Excerpta de legationibus, ed. C. de Boor, (Berolini, 1903); d. Bak, Med., No 9.
Detailed information about the transcripts and manuscripts of this work in Testimonia
najdawniejszych dziej6w Slowian, seria grecka [Testimonies of the Oldest History of the
Slavs, Greek Series], fase. 2, ed. A. Brz6stkowska, W. Swoboda, (Wroclaw-WarszawaKrakow,
1989), p. 10.
i Iordanes, De origine actibusque Getarum, ed. T. Mommsen, Monumenta Germaniae
Historica (henceforth: :MGH), Auetores antiquissimi, (henceforth: AA), 5, 1, (Berlin,
1882); d. Bak, Med., No 24.
8 Eutropi Breviarium ab Urbe condita cum versionibus Graecis et Pauli Landolfique
additamenti3 (Pauli Historiae Romanae}, ed. H. Droysen, MGH AA, 2, (1879).
9 A. Thierry, Histoire d ‚Attila et de ses Su.ccesseurs, 6. ed, (Paris, 1884), vol. 2; E. Cordt,
42
The Church historiography of the Romanesque countries belonged to the
first group. It presented Attila as an enemy of Christianity, the cruel fighter,
who destroyed and burnt all on his way. He was, however, named also
the Scourge of God, the instrument of punishment of people’s sins.10 The
Germanie oral stories created the second group of the tradition. 11 They were
literary reshaped in several countries during the 11iddle Ages. Two pictures
of Attila are readable from the literary sagas. According to the first, he was
a cruel king, who was greedy and revenged the crimes against him. This is a
picture of the Icelandic sagas. He lived in l‘:orway or in the Icelandic fjords
in the same way as other heroes of Edda. His world was severe, without
mercy. 12 The second picture of the king of the Huns was different. He was
a great king, great fighter and, in the later stories, a true knight, a leader
of the chivalry, the same as king Arthur. Here I would like to recall the
Thiedrekssaga, and especially the Nibelungenlied.13 This last story was also
Attila · Flagellum Dei, Etzel, Atli. Zur Dar.5tellu.ng des Hunnenkönig3 in Sage und Chronistil.:,
(Trieste, 1984), distinguished the three ma.in groups of Attila’s literary tradition in
another way as Thierry: 1) Gallo-Frankian of the Church and hagiographlcal character;
2) Italian-secular; 3) German epic.
10 L. Löfstedt, ‚Attila, the Saintmaker in Medieval French Vernacular‘, in Attila, p. 65
ff. This consciousness was formed basing mainly on the eruditional picture transmitted
by the written chronicles.
11 H. Wolfram, ‚The Huns and the Germanie Peoples‘, in Attila, p. 22, observed that
Attila was the only duke of non-Germanic origin who found hls constant place in the
Germanie sagas.
12 Scholars discussed about the localization and the stages of the development of the
sagas, cf. the entries of A. Heusler in Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, ed.
J. Hoops, vol. 1-2, Straßburg 1911-3, e. g. Burgundensage, p. 360-1; H. de Boor, Das Attilabild
in Ge.5chichte, Legende und heroischer Dichtung, (Bern, 1932); G. Lahuda, Zr6dla
3kandynaw.5kie i anglo.5a.skie do dziej6w Siowiari.szczyzny, (Warszawa, 1961), p. l77, who
distinguished live circles of the Germanie oral tradition about Attila: 1) The fall of the
Burgundian state (Nibelungenlied); 2) Dietrich of Bern-cycle ( Thiedrik.s.5aga); 3) The fall
of Atli’s sons ( Edda); 4) Story of Walter of Aquitaine ( Walthariu.s, Waldere); 5) The
fights between the Goths and Huns (Widsith and the Norwegian story of the conftict
between Angantyr and Hlödr). An excellent edition of Widsith (with photocopy of the
Exeter Book, text in Anglo-Saxon with modern English and Polish translation), ibidem,
p. 1 19-74.
13 Die Ge.schichte Thidrek.s von Bern, ed. F. iedner, (Jena, 1924) (New-German translation):
Da.s Nibelungenlied, ed. G. Kramer, (Berlin, 1985) (New-German translation).
43
known in Hungary.14 Nevertheless, another picture of Attila was developed
in Hungary which formed the third group of Attila’s tradition, according
to Thierry. In my opinion, however, we can speak about the synthesis of
both, of the first and the second group of descriptions in this case. 1 5 Attila
was a king of the Hungarians in the earlier stage of the development of
Hungarian historical consciousness. He occupied the Pannonian territory
after the victorious march through whole Europe and created his own state
there. Later, he even gave laws to the Hungarians.16 In further chronicles,
he was one of the Runnie leaders, a victorious king in Pannonia. His state
was disintegrated after his death, and the Huns escaped to the East. They
returned to Pannonia as Hungarians.17
Some Western European sources identified Attila with Totila, the king
of the Goths who lived a century later. Their authors thought that AttilaTotila
was a king of the Vandals.18 Since the end of the eighth century the
Slavs, and since the end of the tenth century especially the Poles and the
Polabian Slavs, were also identified as the Vandals.19 It was a good reason
14 The Rungarian Anonymous knew that a new seat of Attila per lingu.am Hu.ngaricam
dicitu.r nu.nc Bu.du.var et a Teothonicis Ecilbu.rgu. vocatu.r. Die „Gesta Hu.ngaroru.m“ des
anonymen Notar3, ed. G. Silagi, (Sigmaringen, 1991) ( Ungarns Geschicht3schreiber, 4),
eh. 1, p. 32, v. 24-6; ‚Keza named Attila Etzel: Simonis de Keza Gesta Hungarorum‘
ed. A. Domanovszky, Scriptores reru.m Hu.ngaricaru.m (henceforward: SRH), eh. 10-8,
p. 150-61. Dietrich of Bern was one of the heroes of Keza’s story.
15 We found the connections of the Germanie oral tradition and of the literary tradition
as weil. Some Rungarian scholars thought that the Rungarian narratives preserved also
the traces of some home stories, as, e. g. B . Roman, A magyar hun-hagyomany es hunmonda
[The Rungarian Runnie Tradition and the Runnie Story), (Budapest, 1925 ).
16 As in the Anonymous‘ Gesta and in the Rungarian-Polish Chronicle, ed. B . Karacsonyi,
(Szeged, 1969), (Acta Historica Universitatis Szegedensis, 26).
1 7 In Keza’s work and in the composition of the fourteenth century that has a common
basis with Keza: ‚Chronici Hungarici compositio saeculi XIV‘, ed. A. Domanovszky,
SRH, 1, p. 217-505.
1 8 E. g., ‚Martini Opaviensis Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum‘, ed. L. Weiland,
MGH Scriptore3 (SS), 22, (1872), p. 418: meeting of Totila with a pope Leo; B. Kürbis,
Dziejopisar3two wielkopolskie XIII i XIV wieku. [The Greatpolish Ristoriography of the
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century], (Poznari., 1959), p. 208.
19 A. F. Grabski, Polska w opinii obcych X-XIII wiek [Poland in the view of foreigners
X-XIII century), (Warszawa, 1964), p. 148 f.; J. Banaszkiewicz, op. cit., p. 38 ff.;
J. Strzelczyk, ‚Wandalowie‘ [The Vandals], Siownik Staroiytnoici Siowianskich (hence-
44
for medieval intellectuals to include Attila-Totila into the history of the
Slavic peoples. The Polish chroniclers also created it. Vincent Kadlubek
was the first in Poland who wrote about the Vandals as the Poles. When
he presented the heroic history of ancient Poles, he mentioned a daughter
of the first duke of Cracow, Gracchus, called Vanda (Polish: Wanda). The
main river of her kingdom was called Vandalus from her name ( this is, of
course, Vistula), and her people were Vandali.20 The next chronicles from
the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth century repeated this story with
some additions. The author of the Chronicon Poloniae Maioris from the end
of the thirteenth century mentioned for the first time that Vanda finished
her life in the Vistula river. She jumped into the river and committed
suicide, because she did not want to marry a king of Almanorum. 21
A Yl:inoritan author, called Dierzwa, who transmitted Kadlubek’s work
to more simple and popular Latin, began bis story with a genealogical list.
He established the origin of the Poles from Yaphet, one of Noe’s sons. This
tendency was popular in contemporary Europe. Wandalus appeared there
as thE‘ thirteenth descendant of Noe. He gave name to the Poles and to the
forth: SSS), 6, (Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krak6w 1977-80), p. 313; Idem, Goci – rzeczywi3to.
U i legenda [The Goths – Reality and Legend], (Warszawa, 1984), p. 380 f;
Idem, Wandalowie i ich afrykan3kie pan3two [The Vandals and Their Afriean State),
(Warszawa, 1992). p. 318-21, where the opinions of the Western European authors about
Poland were deseribed. The first who ealled the Poles Wandali was Gerhard, the author
of the Miracula Sancti Oudalrici epi3copi, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS, 4, {1844), eh. 23,
p. 423.
2° Kadlubek, I 7, p. 12-3 (MPH 2, p. 257-8): Tantu3 autem amor demortui princpi i$ $enatum
proceres uulgus omne deuinxerat ut unicam eius uirginculam cuius nomen Vanda,
patrü imperio 3ubmgarent. (. . . ) Ab hac Wandalum flumen dicitur nomen sortium quod
eius regni centrum extiterit; hinc omnes 3unt Wandali dicti; qui eiU3 subfuere imperii3.
21 Kronika Wielkopolska, ed. B. Kürbis, MPH S, 8, (Warszawa, 1970), eh. 1 , p. 8-9. To
the date of origin see B . Kürbis, Dziejopisarstwo, passim (end of the thirteenth eentury) ;
M. Derwieh, Benedyktynski klasztor iw. Krzyia na Lysej G6rze w iredniowieczu [The
Benedictine Monastery at Lysa G6ra = Bald Mount du ring the Middle Ages], (WarszawaWroclaw,
1992), p. 194 (middle of the fourteenth eentury); J. Bieniak, ‚Fragment 1333-
1341 w tw6rezosci dziejopisarskiej Janka z Czarnkowa, ez. 2‘ [The Fragment 1333-1341
in Janek’s of Czarnk6w Historiographkai Production, part 2), Zapiski Historyczne, 49,
(1984), p. 28 (Janko wrote the final shape of the former ehronicle from the mid-thirteenth
century). It is possible that Janko is an author of the Slavic Interpolation. Cf. Bak,
Med., No 408.
45
Vistula (ftuvius Wanda).22 Dierzwa repeated, however, Kadlubek’s story
of Vanda. There we found the same words as in the Chronicon Poloniae
Maioris.23 It is a discussion in the Polish source-critics, what the source of
this story was. Perhaps both authors used the lost version of the Annales
Poloniae Minoris, or one text was the basis for the second. 24
The story of the Vandals was also known in Silesia. The local description
brought, however, a new, important addition. The so-called PolishSilesian
Chronicle, written at the end of the thirteenth century, probably in
the Benedictine monastery in LubiC}i, repeated Kadlubek’s story about the
Polish-Vandalian identity: . . . Vanda . . . a qua ftuvius regni centro preterftuens
Vandalus dictus, qui nunc Wizla vocatur, et populus Vandali nuncupantur,
quo discisso pars eius Huni dicti sunt, quorum rex fuit primus
Atyla, rex Wandalorum . . . 25 The chronicler included for the first time At-
22 Mierzwy Kronika, ed. A. Bielowski, MPH, 2, (Lwow, 1872), eh. 1, p. 163: Sciendum
e3t autem ante omnia, quod Poloni e:z: 8tirpe 8Unt Iaphet, qui filiu8 Noe fuit, cui cum
pater benediceret, hoc 3piritu Dei in3tigante intonuit: dilatet Deu3 Ia phet. Hic Ia phet
inter multos filio3 quo3 genuit, unum habuit, cuiu3 nomen erat Iavan, quem Poloni vocant
Iwan. Iavan autem genuit Philiram; Philira autem genuit Alan; Alan autem genuit
Anchi3en; Anchise3 autem genuit Aeneam; Aenea3 autem genuit Ascanium; Ascanius
autem genuit Pamphilium; Pamphilius autem genuit Reasilvam; Reasilva autem genuit
Alanum; Alanus autem, qui primus Europam intravit, genuit Negnonem; Negno autem
quatuor filio3 genuit, cuius primogenitus Wandalus a quo Wandalitae, qui Poloni nunc
dicuntur, orti 3unt. Hic e:z: nomine suo ftuvium, qui nunc Wy3la vulgariter nuncupatur,
Wandalum censuit appellari, nam et mons de quo oritur dictu8 ftuvius Wanda ab eiu3-
dem nomine vocitatur. Fuit autem secundum computationem verisimilem circa tempora
3ancti Io3eph filii Iacob patriarchae. Io8eph enim a computatione Noe fuit in tertia
decima generatione sie et Wandalu3 per aliam lineam de3cendendo. J. Banaszkiewicz,
op. cit., p. 32-51 gave the most detailed analysis of this genealogy.
23 The words of the German king who could not marry Vanda: “ Woda mari Woda
terre Woda aeri imperet, diisque immortalibus pro sui3 victimet et ego pro vobis omnibu3,
o procere8, 3ollempnem hostiam inferis devoveo, ut tarn ve8tra quam vestrorum
successorum perpetuitas sub femineo senescat imperio“, Chron. Pol. Mai., ch. l , p. 9.
24 B. Kürbis, Dziejopi3arstwo, p. 126-31 (common source: one of the redactions of the
Annales Poloniae Minoris); J. Banaszkiewicz, op. cit., p. 87-107 (Dzierzwa was a source
for the Chron. Pol. Mai.).
25 Kronika polska, ed. L. Cwikliiiski, MPH 3, (Lwow, 1878), p. 608-9 (cf. Bak, Med., No
409). About the date of its origin see E. Wilamowska, ‚Kronika polsko-slk. Zabytek
pochodzenia lubiskiego‘ [The Polish-Silesian Chronicle. A relic of Lubi<}Z origin], St.
46
tila into Polish history. He knew, however, that Attila was a king of the
Runs: he created, therefore, the thesis that the Vandals were divided, and
a part of them accepted the name of the Runs. Their king was Attila, king
of the Vandals. This hyp othesis was repeated without changes by Piotr of
Byczyna, the author of the Chronica principum Poloniae (1382-6). 26 The
tendency to include Attila into the home history was typical for the Silesian
historiography. The Polish-Silesian Chronicle was also known in Pomerania.
We found the traces of it in the Protocollum of the Augustinian-Hermit
of Stargard . Researchers knew him as Angelus. We know now, after extensive
studies of Ryszard Wa lczak, that he was called Augustinus and lived
in the middle of the fourteenth century. 27 His treatise was devoted to the
thesis that Pomerania was an independent state, not a part of Poland.
He argued on the basis of Polish historiography that the Pomeranians and
the Poles had common roots. They were called W andali from their queen
W andala. After her death they divided . … principalior ac potior pars regni
Leekitarum Pomeranici nomen regni obtinuit, quodam Attila nuncupato in
reg em W andalorum promoto, Polonia vero nomen ducatus … obtinuit. In
this way Attila was described as primus rex Pomeranorum. 28
The so-called Slavic In terpolation of the Chronicon Poloniae Maioris
could have been written at the same time as Augustin’s treatise29. Its author
tried to explain the origin of the Hungarians who, in his opinion, were
Slavs. According to him, the Vcrani tribe (Polish: Wkrzanie) , who lived in
Pomerania, near the river Wkra (German: Ucker) escaped from their horneland,
because they were afraid of the Goths‘ invasion. They were elected
Z1·6dt. 25, (1980), p. 81 (ca. 1285-90); G. Labuda, ‚!’\owe spojrzenie na slski} „Kronike
polska“ ‚ [A New View on the Silesian „Polish Chronicle“ ], in Ojczyzna bliisza i dalsza,
(Krak6w, 1993), p. 25-40 (1285-7).
26 Kronika bil}il}t polskich, ed. z. Wclewski, MPH 3, eh. 3, p. 431. Cf. Bak, Med., No
883 with false date.
27 R. Wa lczak, „Protocollum“ augustianina-eremity zwanego Angelusern ze Stargardu.
0 polsko-pomorllkich ZWil}zkach hilltoriografi cznych w sredniowieczu [The „Protocollum“
of the Augustinian-Hermit Called Angelus of Stargard. About the Polish-Pomeranian
Historiographical Connections in the Middle Ages], (Poznan, 1991).
28 ‚Notula satis notabilis de Pomeranorum, Stetinensium ac Rugiae principatu‘, ed.
I. G. L. Kosegarten, Baltillche Studien, 17, (1858), p. 124; J. Banaszkiewicz, op. cit., p.
45.
29 Cf. note 21.
47
by God to punish other peoples‘ sins. They went through Theutonia, Burgundia
and per Lombardiam usque ad terras Slawonie . . . Quorum rex Tyla
nomine qui in scripturis Atyla nominatur veniens Pannoniam sibi perpetuam
in ea constituit mansionem et quia multe naciones Slaworum ad ipsos
confiuxerunt unde tune non Wtrane sed Vandali sunt appellati. They mixed
with Runs, who came in Pannonia from Sicilia afterwards, and changed
their name to Hungari. 30 We find here the connection of the Pomeranian
descriptions (Attila as a ruler of a Pomeranian tribe) with the older stage
of the Hungarian tradition. It was transferred to Poland by the so-called
Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. I think that this Chronicle originated in the
court of the duke of Slavonija, Coloman, in the twenties or in the beginning
of thirties of the thirteenth century, perhaps in the circle of chancellor
Kalan.31 lt was preserved, however, only in Poland, so it belongs both to
Hungarian and to Polish history. We read there32 that Attila was a great
king of Bastern Hungary. He went to conquer the rest of the world to be
more powerful. He went through Lithuania, Scotland (it means Ireland33 ) ,
Dacia (it means Denmark34), Cologne, Austria, Apulia, Lombardy, Croatia
and Slavonia. He created his own state in the northern part of Slavonia
and established laws and institutions to it. He named it Ungaria to memorize
his old homeland. He and his soldiers married the Slavs from Chroatia
and Slavonia. We observe here the Slavic point of view of this narration,
3° Chron. Pol. Mai., ed. cit., Prologu!, p. 7.
31 I mention that in some yet unpublished articles.
32 Ed. Karacsonyi, eh. 1-3, p. 10-21.
33 This identification was general in the Middle Ages, cf., e. g., Zegluga switego Brendana
opata {Navigatio !ancti Brendani abhati!), ed. I. Lewandowski, J. Strzelczyk, (Pozna.D.,
1992), p. 93, footnote 10 to page 22; B. Kürbis, ‚Szkola i katecheza wedlug rkopisu
z Wessobrunn (München, CLM 22053, ok. 800 r.)‘ (School and Catechesis According
to the Manuscript of Wessobrunn c. 800], St. Zr6df., 35, (1994), p. 5, n. 20: Hybernia
!cottonolant. The tradition of Attila’s wandering through Ireland was also alive in the
Alps in the mid-fourteenth century: Athila der Chunig von Ungern do er twang hispanien
und 3chottenland . .. (words of mss. from Tyrol from the second half of the fourteenth
century; I quote them from E. Cordt, Attila – Flagellum Dei, p. 48).
34 This identification was also popular in the Middle Ages, cf. Herbord, Dialog o zyciu
sw. Ottona bi!kupa hamber!kiego, ed. J. Wikarjak, K. Liman, MPH NS, 7, 3, (Warszawa,
1974), (d. Bak, Med., No 593), II 21, p. 60: Itaque Pomerania post se in oceano Daciam
habet et Rugiam … and the commentary, ib., n. 21.
48
that way readable in the later Slavic Interpolation as well. 35 I think, therefore,
that this Chronicle was known to the interpolator. We know that the
Chronicle was popular in the middle of the fourteenth century, when its
oldest manuscript, Zamoyski-Codex, was written.36 We found the marginal
notes in the manuscripts of the Hungaxian-Polish Chronicle which testified
that the readers were interested in Attila’s history.37 We found, however,
the lack of knowledge of this Hungarian-Polish Chronicle’s motif, except
the Slavic Interpolation.
The story of Attila in the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle again leads us
to a European motif which is unknown to the other Polish chronicles; we
did not find its traces in the Polish Annales neither. It is the story of the
martyrdom of Saint Ursula and her Eleven Thousand companions.38 It is an
example of a hagiographical connection which was animated by the needs
of early medieval people.39
This cult had been developed from a local cult and based on the information
of the real maxtyrdom of eleven virgines, which could have taken
place during the Roman rule in the Rhineland. One considers that its first
sign was an inscription which has been preserved on the wall of the organ-
1oft of St. Ursula-Church in Cologne and which commemorated the rebuilding
of this church by Clematius.40 It is generally dated to the turn from the
35 I think, however, that the author of the chronicle was a Hungarian because of the
Hungarian point of view of Hungarian history.
36 J . Wiesiolowski, Kolekcje rkopismienne w Polsee sredniowiecznej XIV-XV wieku
[The 1anuscript-Collections in Medieval Poland of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries],
(Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krak6w, 1967), p.33.
37 E. g., we found in the Codex of Sdziw6j of Czechel (mid-fifteenth century) a gloss:
Aquila rex primus Hungarie (p. 349 v. 13-5, right column).
38 The article of M. G. Borkowska OSU, ‚Kult liturgiczny sw. Urszuli od [recte: do]
XVI wieku‘ [The Liturgical Cult of St. Ursula until the Sixteenth Century], Roczniki
Humanistyczne, 14, 2, (1966), p. 109-98 offered the most detailed analysis of the cult of
the 11000 Virgins in Poland.
39 I have devoted an article to this problem, which will be published in English in the
Yearbook oj the Medieval Department of Central European University in Budapest.
40 The text of the inscription was published by W. Levison, ‚Das Werden der
Ursula-Legende‘, Bonner Jahrbücher, 132, (1927), p. 4 (reproduction p. 1); M. G.
Borkowska, op. cit., p. 127-8 with Polish translation; N. Gauthier, ‚Origine et Premiers
Developpements de Ia Legende de Sainte Ursule a Cologne‘, Comptes Rendus de
49
fourth to the fifth century. This inscription mentioned the virgines, who
shed their blood in the name of Christ, although without specifying their
nurober and their names. This cult did not go beyond the Cologne frontiers
during whole the early Middle Ages, because it was not known by Gregory
of Tours and by the unknown author of the Martirologium Romanum
dated to the seventh century. The liturgical sources of the ninth century
mentioned the virgines first, offering at the same time the first attempt to
give them names. Amidst the continuous changes of the canon, the name
of Ursula appeared, which could have been taken from the early Christian
inscription. lt mentioned a girl of the same name, who died, when she was 8
years, 2 months and 4 days old.41 She was promoted by the medieval legend
to the leader of the group. The nurober of virgines was increased during
the ninth century. It came to the unreal numher of 1 1000 of martyrs. The
question of the origin of the Saints from Britain also was determined at that
time. It refiected the vivid contacts between the Rhineland and England.42
The ripe form of the tradition of the 1 1 000 Virgins found its expression
in two legends. The Passio I, incipit Fuit tempore pervetusto, which
was written in the second half of the tenth century, was one of them.43 In
account of its subtle form it did not find many recipients. Its contents were
popularized by the Passio II, incipit Regnante Domino which was written
about hundred years later.44 Its popularity is testified by the fact that we
l’Academie de Irucriptions et Belle-Lettre, 1973, p. 109 with reproduction and French
translation.
41 This inscription was published by W. Levison, op. cit., p. 36; M. G. Borkowska, op. cit.,
p. 130; N. Gauthier, op. cit., p. 116 with reproduction.
42 W. Levison, op. cit., p. 26-42 wrote a deta.iled overview of this prohlem. M. Thiebaux,
‚ „Damoisele“ Ursula: Traditions of Hagiography and History in the South English Legendary
and Lazamon’s Brut‘, in The South Englüh Legendary. A Critical Asement,
ed. K. P. Jankofsky, (Tübingen, 1992), p. 45, insisted on the role of the monastery
St. Bertin in Sa.int-Omer in Lorra.ine for the development of this story.
43 BHL 8427. lt was published hy W. Levison, op. cit., p. 142-57.
44 It was published by the Bollandists, Acta Sanctorum, 9, October 21 ( on the basis of the
Codex Bruxellerui MS 7984), and by J. Klinkenberg, ‚Studien zur Geschichte der Kölner
Märterinnen‘, 2, Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande, 93,
( 1 892), p. 154-63 (based on Bayerische Staatbibliothek, ms. 18897). English translation:
The Psion of Saint Urula (Regnante Domino), ed. P. Scheingorn, M. Thiebaux, 2. ed.,
(Toronto, 1991).
50
know more than hundred manuscripts of this legend, while Passion I has
preserved only in six manuscripts.45 Both Passions showed the history of a
daughter of a Christian king of Britain who started a sea trip with 11000
Virgins to preserve her virginity. After three years of God’s dispensation
they came to the harbour of Thiele, which was located at the mouth of
the Rhine. Next they sailed to Cologne, where Ursula bad a vision of their
future fate. The Virgins sailed further to Basel, where they left their ships.
Consecutively they went to Rome. During their return they stopped at
Cologne to buy food. The town was besieged by the barbarious Runs who
attacked the landing ships and killed the Virgins. At the end Ursula’s ship
came to the harbour. The pagans‘ tyrant, who was characterized by the
Passio II as a victor over whole Europe, seeing her beauty, fell in love with
her. When she refused bis request to marry him, she was transfixed with an
arrow. Both Passions mentioned at the end a vision of Helmdrude, a nun
from t.he Saxon monastery of Heerse. She described a history of Cordula’s
fates relating to this vision.
Since the time of origin of both Passions the martyrdom of the 1 1000
Virgins has been identified with Attila in common consciousness, despite
further developments of the Cologne tradition.46 The Hungarian-Polish
Chronicle refl.ected such early stage of the tradition.47 The catalogue of
the companions of St. Ursula was extended. The virgins got husbands, and
even children in the further stage of the growing of the hagiographical tradition!
The second chapter of its longer version is entitled De occisione XI
milium virginum. We read in it that soon after the occupation of Cologne
by Aquila’s troops a group of Eleven Thousand Virgins, who were coming
back from a pilgrimage to Rome, approached the town. When the Hungarian
guards saw them, they informed the king. From bis order whole
the troops struck the coming saints and began to kill them. When almost
all Virgins were killed, Aquila came near to St. Ursula and shocked by her
beauty he understood bis mistake. He spoke to her explaining bis tragical
mistake, and as a recompensate he proposed her marriage and common rule
45 W. Levison, op. cit., p. 91-6.
46 E. g., Sigeberti Gemblacensis Chronographia, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS, 6, (1844},
p. 310.
47 Just Geoffrey of Monmouth changed the end of this story, Geoffrey of Monmouth,
Hütoria Regum Britanniae. A Variant Version, ed. J. Hammer, (Cambridge (Mass.),
1951), p. 99.
51
over all kingdoms of the world. But Lrsula gave a scornful answer, which
enraged the king so much that he ordered to decapitate her and all her
surviving companions. Only Cordula survived of all the Virgins. She saw
at midnight that Jesus Christ descended with singing angels in the bright
light and took the souls of the martyrized Virgins to Heaven. St. Cordula
cried bitter tears because she had left her companions. Next day she stood
up and began to walk up and down, until she was seen by a pagan, who
decapited her.48
The detailed comparison of the sources confirms that the text of our
chronicle should be the transformation of the narration of both Passions,
especially of the Passion Regnante Domino which is self-dependent in great
part.
I have mentioned earlier that this chronicle originated from Hungary,
and that Polish narratives did not know the whole Cologne history.
We, therefore, have to put the question whether we find such a motif
in other Hungarian sources. The other Hungarian chroniclers from the
thirteenth and fourteenth century, based on the missing Hun Chronicle,
also knew about the acts of the Huns‘ leader in Cologne. Sirnon of Keza
wrote: Taliterque Francia et Flandria demolita Renum Coloniae pertransivit,
ubi Sanctam Ursulam, Brittanorum regis filiam cum XI millibus virginum
Hunorum feritas iugulavit.49 The convergence of these words with
the Passio 11 Sanctae Ursulae is visible. It is known that in Hungary, as
weil as in the rest of Latin Europe, the cult of the 11000 Virgins developed,
and the Hungarians went on pilgrimages to Cologne, where they could learn
the local hagiographical tradition. The appearance of this theme in historiography
became a premise of the conclusion that the most popular Passion
of St. Ursula arrived at the lands of St. Stephen’s Crown where these
manuscripts were unknown.50 It is an example of the utilization of a hagio-
48 Chron., eh. 2, p. 12-4.
49 Keza, eh. 13, p. 155 v. 18-21 . The chroniclers of the fourteenth century described this
episode in the same way: Taliterque tota Francia et Flandria demolita pervenit Coloniam,
ubi Sanctam Ur.!ulam, Bractanorum regis filiam cum undecim milibus virginum
Hunorum ferita.! crudeliter iugulavit. Chronici Hungarici, eh. 13, p. 267 v. 20-1.
50 The Hungarian-Cologne relationships have not been searched yet. G. Klaniczay, ‚Le
Culte des Saints dans la Hongrie Medievale (Problemes de Recherche)‘, Acta Historica
Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 29, 1983, p. 72 and n. 73, did not examine them in
detail. Neither E. Thoemmes, Die Wallfahrten der Ungarn am Rhein, (Aachen, 1937),
52
graphical motif in the secular epic poetry and historiography as well. After
the detailed text comparison I believe that this version of the Cologne story
\vas independent from the narration of the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. lt
is not so detailed. The story of this last Chronicle seems to be created to
vindicate Attila’s behaviour. I have not observed such interpretations in the
later chronicles. Also the information of Keza that Ursula was a daughter
of a king of the Britts ( the chronicles from the fourteenth century changed
this name into rex Bractanorum) shows that both sources used the Passions
independently.
To conclude:
1) The Polish medieval historiography knew several narrative motifs which
were alive in the whole circle of Western civilization. In my presentation
I concentrated only on the stories of Attila. I tried to show the roots of
appearance of this person as a hero of Polish history and to present the
stages of its development. I think that including Attila in the course of
Polish history testified the old splendor of the Poles. We observe the same
process in Hungary.
2) The identification of Attila as a home hero had a place in thirteenth
and fourteenth century in Silesia and Pomerania, the most Western parts
of Poland. It was connected with a popular Polish-Vandalian identification.
Only in the middle of the fourteenth century the Great Polish and Cracow
tradition connected these historiographical motifs with the Hungarian
version of Attila’s legend. lt came to Poland within the Hungarian-Polish
Chronicle.
3) From the medieval narratives, which were preserved in the Polish libraries,
only the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle contained the legend of the
11000 Virgins. This legend was very popular in the West. I think that this
motif was also known in Hungary, where it was used independently by other
narratives too.
nor E. Csukovits, ‚ „Cum capsa … cum bacillo“. Közepkori magyar zarandokok‘ [The
Medieval Hungarian Pilgrims] , Aetas, I, (1994), p. 5-27, mentioned this problem. M. G.
Borkowska, op. cit., p. 136, wrote, however, that the Virgins were the saint patrons of
the Hungarian Kingdom.
53
MED IUM AEVU M
QUOTIDIANUM
33
KREMS 1995
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KULTURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Titelgraphik Stephan J. Ttamer
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen
Kultur des Mittelalters. Körnermarkt 13, A-3500 Krems, Österreich. – Für den Inhalt
verantwortlich zeichnen die Autoren, ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher
Nachdruck, auch in Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Druck: KOPITU Ges. m. b. H.,
Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, A-1050 Wien.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort
ELITTA WEISS ADAMSON, „Unus theutonicus plus bibit
quam duo latini“: Food and Drink in Late Medieval Germany
G E RHARD J A RITZ, Spiritual Materiality or aterial Spirituality.
Cistercian Inventories of the Late Middle Ages …. … …. .
SAXDOR PETENYI, Von den Dilgen ….. . … .. . . .. …….. . .. … . .
RYSZARD GRZESIK, The European otifs in the Polish edieval
Chronicles …… .. .. . .. .. . .. …. .. … . . . .. .. .. . .. … … … .
EDWARD SKIBIXSKI, The Image of Women in the Polish
Chronicle of Master Vincent ( called Kadlu bek) . . . . . . .. . . . … . … . .
PIOTR BERING, Das Publikum der Elegienkomödie und der
humanistischen Komödie im spätmittelalterlichen Polen …. .. . .. ..
RE ZEl\’SIONEN:
HELGA ScHÜPPERT, Aktuelles zum Hexenthema
Eine Stadt der Frauen. Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte
der Baslerinnen im späten Mittelalter und zu Beginn der
euzeit (13.-17. Jahrhundert), hg. von Heide Wunder in
Zusammenarbeit mit Susanna Burghartz, Dorothee Rippmann
und Katharina Simon-Muscheid. Basel 1995 (BRIGITTE
RATH) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Karl Brunner, Herzogtümer und Marken. Vom Ungarnsturm
bis ins 12. Jahrhundert (Österreichische Geschichte
907-115 6, hg. von Herwig Wolfram) Wien: Ueberreuter 199 4
(GERHARD JARITZ) ……………………………………… .
5
7
8
21
28
41
5 4
63
7 0
7 0
7 2
75
Vorwort
Durch den tragischen Tod von Harry Kühnel im August dieses Jahres hat
nicht nur Medium Aevum Quotidianum seinen Präsidenten verloren, sondern
auch die Erforschung von Alltag und materieller Kultur des Mittelalters
einen ihren herausragendsten Vertreter. Harry Kühnel hat in seinen
wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten sowohl in methodologischer als auch in inhaltlicher
Hinsicht Bedeutendes geleistet und als Direktor des Instituts für
Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit der Österreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften vieles zur Intensivierung der Erforschung
mittelalterlichen Alltagslebens beigetragen. Wir werden ihm ein ehrendes
Angedenken bewahren.
Das vorliegende Heft von Medium Aevum Quotidianum bietet unterschiedliche
Beiträge aus unserem Forschungsbereich, die von Mitgliedern
und Freunden der Gesellschaft angeboten wurden. Das nächste Heft wird
als Sonderband IV im März erscheinen und unter dem Titel „Quotidianum
Estonicum“ unter der Herausgeberschaft von Jüri Kivimäe und Juhan Krem
(Tallinn) Beiträge aus der Estnischen Alltagsgeschichtsforschung des Mittelalters
beinhalten. Ein zweiter Sonderband des Jahres 199 6 wird sich
unter der Herausgeberschaft von Dorothe Rippmann (Basel) Schwerpunkten
Schweizer Forschung widmen. Zwei weitere Hefte werden unterschiedliche
Beiträge unserer Mitglieder und Freunde beinhalten, mit manchen Schwerpunkten
auf alltagshistorisch relevanten Papieren, die bei den Mittelalterkonferenzen
von Kalamazoo und Leeds 199 6 vorgelegt werden.
Wir wünschen Ihnen ein privat und wissenschaftlich erfolgreiches Jahr
199 6!
Gerhard Jaritz, Herausgeber
7
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