Weather and Weather-Related Natural Hazards in Medieval Hungary II: Documentary Evidence on the 13thCentury

5
Weather and Weather-Related Natural Hazards
in Medieval Hungary II:
Documentary Evidence on the 13th Century
Andrea Kiss
Introduction
This paper is the second part of the series on weather events and weatherrelated
phenomena in medieval Hungary.1 As noted in the title, not only direct
weather references but also any information that might have been a consequence
of specific weather conditions (e.g., fire, hunger) are discussed here. Due to the
fact that flood-related information will soon be published elsewhere,2 in the
present study floods are included only in those cases where weather-related
conditions can also be detected. After the scarcity of source evidence for the
11th-12th centuries, the 13th century shows a transitional picture: despite the
increasing number of reports, the 13th-century evidence is still rather patchy
compared to the relative abudance of source material available from the first
decades of the 14th century onwards.
The majority of documentary evidence analysed here, similar to the 11th-
12th centuries, is out of foreign narratives: mainly from the German territories
and partly from the Czech and Polish areas. In addition, Russian narratives
sometimes also contain references on weather events that occurred in Hungary.
Compared to the earlier centuries, contemporary domestic source evidence plays
a more pronounced role: important new (and unique) elements are, for example,
the weather events described in the canonisation protocols of Princess Margit as
well as an early example of a charter reporting on snowy winter conditions.
1 See the first part in “Weather and Weather-Related Natural Hazards in Medieval Hungary I:
Documentary Evidence on the 11th and 12th Centuriers,” Medium Aevum Quotidianum 66
(2013): 5-37.
2 Andrea Kiss, Floods and long-term water-level changes in medieval Hungary (Heidelberg-
New York: Springer, 2015, in prep).
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Fig. 1: Locations in high medieval Hungary, mentioned in the present paper
As for the temporal and spatial distribution of source evidence, the
majority of the available sources refer to the period from the 1240s onwards,
whereas only a few sources are available concerning the weather in the first
decades of the century. Most of the contemporary sources are available for the
early 1240s, the 1260s and the mid-1280s. While the latter are largely (domestic
and foreign) narratives and charters related to the Mongol invasions, weather
evidence concerning the 1260s predominantly originates from the canonisation
protocols of Princess (Saint) Margit containing testimonies of contemporary
eye-witnesses. The weather events and weather-related phenomena reported
have an uneven distribution within the country: most of the evidence refers to
the central and western parts of the country, while only a small amount of
information is available for the northern, noortheastern and eastern parts.
Late medieval evidence concerning the 1210s: Was there a famine in 1217?
The arrival of a comet and a great famine were documented in the
Bavarian Annales Sancti Stephani Frisingenses in the year 1217. Although some
parts of the texts could be contemporary, it is a problematic source, written by
many different persons and restructured in the 14th century.3 This information
3 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 13 (Hannover: Hahn, 1881) (hereafter
MGH SS 13), 56 (Annales S. Stephani Frisingenses): 1217. Stella comes visa est. Fames
valida per totam Bawariam et Austriam et Marchiam et Ungariam. Rex Ungarie, dux
7
was also again taken over by a later author: it appears in the Chronicon
Baioariorum, a late fifteenth-century compilation written by Vitus Arnpeckhius
referring to Bavaria, Moravia, Austria and Hungary.4 Taking all the uncertainties
into consideration, if we give some credit to the above-mentioned
evidence, then it seems that a famine would have occurred in the country probably
in the same year when the Hungarian king led a military campaign to the
Holy Land. However, it should again be mentioned that this data comes from
sources compiled in the 14th and 15th centuries, and no contemporary evidence is
available to confirm the reliability of this information.
Evidence from the 1220s5
Esztergom and (Ó)Buda burnt down in 1223
According to the Chronica Albrici Monachi Trium Fontium, in 1223 fire
destroyed Strigonium and Boduaria. No further information is available on the
reasons (or the season) of these fires.6 As for the two locations, the first one is
rather clear in referring to the town of Esztergom. The localisation of the second
place name is a bit more complicated: although Budavár (Buda castle) would
offer an easy solution, Buda castle was built up after the first Mongol invasion
and thus did not exist in the 1220s. However, the town centre of Buda (what is
called Óbuda today) was mainly built up in the early 13th century, together with
its new royal castle:7 this could be a possible location for the above-mentioned
Austrie et multi alii principes ex omni Romano imperio Ierosolimitanum iter arriiunt,
insuper ex aliis regnis, ex Anglia, Hispania, Dania reges et principes et innumerabilis
multitudo crucem acceperunt.
4 Georg Leidinger (ed.), Veit Arnpeck, Sämtliche Chroniken, Quellen und Erörterungen zur
Bayerischen und Deutschen Geschichte, Neue Folge, vol. 3 (Munich: M. Rieger’sche Universitäts-
Buchhandlung, 1915), 222: Anno Christi 1217 cometa visus est et fames valida
per totam Bavariam, Austriam, Moraviam et Hungariam invaluit.
5 The cattle plague (in 1222-1226; later combined with human disease in the West) that
passed through Hungary from the Byzantine Empire towards Central and Western Europe
is not included here due to its doubtful connection with the weather conditions of the Carpathian
Basin. For its sources and duration see, for example, Tamás Körmendi, “Az Imre,
III. László és II. András magyar királyok uralkodására vonatkozó nyugati elbeszélő
források kritikája” (Critical evaluation of western narratives in the periods of the Kings
Imre, László III and András II), Diss. (Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University, 2008), 11-12,
129. Available online: http://doktori.btk.elte.hu/hist/kormendi/diss.pdf (last accessed November
30, 2014).
6 Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, vol. 23 (Hannover: Hahn, 1874) (hereafter
MGH SS 23), 913 (Chronica Albrici Monachi Trium Fontium): A. 1223 In Hungaria ignis
casualis Strigonium et Boduariam devastavit. See also: Körmendi, “Az Imre,” 8.
7 See, for instance, Gyula Kristó (chief ed.), Korai magyar történeti lexikon (Lexicon of early
Hungarian history) (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994), 130. See also: László Gerevich
(chief ed.), Budapest története, vol. 1 (History of Budapest) (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó,
1973), 280.
8
Bodvaria (see fig. 1).
The effects of rain on the military campaign of Prince Béla through the Carpathians
in 1229
Although the southern group of Russian chronicles – especially concerning
military campaigns – sometimes mention the physical conditions of
rivers or other circumstances obstructing armies, the authors usually concentrated
on areas over the Carpathians, and only in exceptional cases did these
narratives mention events that occurred in Hungary (or along the borders). In the
Halič-Volodimer annals, however, an event is reported that occurred in the
‘Hungarian Mountains:’ in 1229 Prince Béla (in the source he is called “king”)
started a military campaign to Halič; during this campaign the army crossed the
‘Hungarian Mountains’ (Carpathians; for a probable location, see fig. 1) where –
due to the great rainfall (downpour) – their horses drowned and the army had to
escape to a higher place.8 The exact date of the event, which occurred in 1229, is
unknown. Nevertheless, in the Halič-Volodimer annals it is also reported that at
the beginning of the same year “Prince” András (in fact he was the king at that
time) had a battle on the ice of the Dnjester at Halič and then he returned to
Hungary. The above-mentioned military campaign of Prince Béla took place
after this event, but still in the same year of 1229.9
Evidence from the 1230s: Incessant rains in Austria and Hungary caused
floods in 1235
The great Danube flood in 1235, described by contemporary authors, was
caused by incessant rains:10 according to the Continuatio Sancrucensis, con-
8 Antal Hodinka, Az orosz évkönyvek magyar vonatkozásai (Hungarian references in Russian
annals) (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1916), 366 (Holič-Volodimer annals):
… изииде же Была риксъ рекъмыи король Оугорьскыи в силы тяжьцы рекшю емоу,
яко не имать остатй грaдъ Галичь, ны кто избавляя и о роукоу моею. bшедъшоу же
емоу во горы Оугорьскыы, посла на ны Бъ архангла Михаила отворити хляби нбйыя.
конем же потопающимъ и самымь возбыгающимъ на высокая мыста, ономоу же
одико оустремисшися прияти гра и землю, … .
9 Gyula Kristó, Az Árpád-kor háborúi (Wars of the Arpadian Period) (Budapest: Zrínyi
Kiadó, 1986), 108-09.
10 Christian Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse im Ostalpenraum. Naturerfahrung im Spätmittelalter
und am Beginn der Neuzeit (Cologne: Böhlau, 2007), 219-20; Körmendi, “Az Imre,”
10; Andrea Kiss, “Dunai árvizek Magyarországon a középkori írott források tükrében:
1000-1500. Esettanulmányok, forráskritika és elemzési problémák” (Danube floods in
Hungary in medieval documentary evidence: 1000-1500. Case studies, source critics and
analysis problems), in Középkortörténeti tanulmányok 7 (Research in medieval studies 7),
ed. P.A. Kiss, F. Piti and Gy. Szabados (Szeged: Középkorász Műhely, 2012), 341 and
passim. It has to be noted that in Austria there was a destructive (ice jam) flood in the
previous year, in 1234, too: for sources and analysis, see Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse,
219. This flood most probably also reached Hungary, but – similar to the other Danube
9
tinuous rainfall lasted for three days and nights, and this occurred both in
Austria and Hungary.11 Referred to the year 1236 (together with the death of
András I, who died in 1235), the same flood is mentioned by the non-contemporary
Anonymi Chronicon Austriacarum12 and the Anonymus Zwetlensis.13
Although the season of the incessant rains and that of the flood event is
unknown, based on these brief descriptions it seems that the rains and the flood
event occurred in the summer half-year (or in the summer itself), and – similar
to the floods of 1899, 2002 or 201314 – might have been connected with an
atmospheric blocking event with a frontal line over the (northern) alpine and
(western) Carpathian area.15 Due to the fact that the spatial extension of Austria
was at that time geographically more restricted to the eastern half of its presentday
territories, the heavy rainfall, mentioned in 1235, probably occurred more to
the east compared to, for example, the 1899, 1954, 2002 and 2013 events: in the
high-medieval case the eastern part of the northern alpine catchment, and the
area of the West-Carpathians would have been primarily affected.
flood reported for Austria in 1210 (see Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 218) – no source is
available that refers to this event.
11 Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, vol. 9 (Hannover: Hahn, 1851) (hereafter
MGH SS 9), 638 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): A. 1235 … Interea rex Bohemie et altera
parte Danubii vastavit Austriam rapina et incendio usque Stadelowe, ubi dum moraretur,
tanta inundatio pluvie erupit, fere per trees dies et noctes per Austriam et Ungariam, quod
ante per multos annos non est visum vel auditum. Item Danubius ex habundantia aquarum
terminos suos excedens, agros, villas, segetes vastans, homines quoque, qui in insulas
confugerant, cum iumentalis suis et aliis rebus extinxit. Andreas rex Ungarie obiit.
12 With exactly the same text, referred under the year 1236, see Hieronymus Pez, Scriptores
rerum Austriacarum veteres ac genuini, 2 vols. (Leipzig 1721-1725) (hereafter SRA), vol.
2, 240 (Anonymi Chronicon Austriacarum). See also Rudolf Brázdil and Oldřich Kotyza,
History of Weather and Climate in the Czech Lands I (Period 1000-1500), Zürcher
Geographische Schriften 62 (Zurich: ETH, 1995), 102; Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse,
219-20.
13 SRA 1, 979 (Anonymus Zwetlensis): A. 1236 Tanto inundatio pluviae erupit fere per tres
dies et noctes per Austriam et Ungariam, quod antea per multos annos non est visum vel
auditum. Item eodem anno rex Ungariae obiit.
14 For a comparative, hydrometeorological analysis of these major flood events see G.
Blöschl, Th. Nester, J. Komma, J. Parajka and R.A.P. Perdigão, “The June 2013 flood in
the Upper Danube basin, and comparisons with the 2002, 1954 and 1899
floods,” Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 17 (2013): 5197-212.
15 For such blocking events in the Carpathian Basin and their background conditions see, for
example, György Gyuró and Tamás Tóth, “Blokkoló anticikonok szerepe nagy csapadékmennyiséggel
járó időjárási helyzetek kialakulásában” (The significance of blocking
anticyclones in the development of weather situations with great precipitation event),
Légkör 53/3 (2008): 14-18.
10
Evidence from the 1240s
Weather circumstances of late winter and early spring of 1241: the swift Mongol
attack16
The first or great Mongol invasion in Hungary commenced in March
1241. The Mongols came through the passes of the Carpathian Mountains rather
quickly from early March onwards; Batu, the older prince, was already in Pest
around mid-March.17 This fact suggests that neither Batu nor Caydan (the
younger prince, cousin of Batu) – using different passes while crossing the
mountains to enter Hungary – had to face any major difficulties caused by
unfavourable weather conditions. These circumstances may indirectly suggest
dry conditions (either cold or mild) in the eastern sections of the Carpathians. As
for a possible parallel, R. Glaser mentioned in his analysis concerning the
German territories that the end of the winter in 1241 was very cold.18 Thus, the
cold character of late winter–early spring time might also have helped the
Mongols in crossing the Carpathians.
Related to the rest of the spring, one contemporary source, Rogerius19 (in
the Carmen miserabile) reported on the heat in the Hungarian camp during the
16 For previous, more detailed discussions on the weather events and related environmental
hazards of the first Mongol invasion in Hungary, see Andrea Kiss, “Weather events during
the first Tatar invasion in Hungary (1241-42),” Acta Geographica Universitatis Szegediensis
37 (2000): 149-56; eadem, “Ecce, in hyemis nivis et glaciei habundantia supervenit
– Időjárás, környezeti krízis és a tatárjárás” (Weather, environmental crisis and the Mongol
invasion), in Tatárjárás (The Mongol invasion), ed. Balazs Nagy (Budapest: Osiris, 2003),
439-52.
17 Circumstances (and related sources) were discussed by Lajos Négyesi, “A muhi csata” (The
battle at Muhi), in Tatárjárás, ed. Nagy, 394-405;
18 Rüdiger Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas: 1200 Jahre Wetter, Klima, Katastrophen
(Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2008), 75.
19 The cleric of Italian origin was archdeacon of (Nagy)Várad (today Oradea in Romania) at
that time, and later became the archbishop of Spalato (today Split in Croatia). He wrote the
Carmen miserabile around 1243, based on his own experiences. For more information on
the author and the manuscript see, for example, Tibor Almási, “The Carmen Miserabile:
The transmission of the text and its problems,” Chronica 3 (2003): 51-57; idem, “Megjegyzések
Rogerius magyarországi méltóságviseléséhez” (Comments on Rogerius’ hierarchic
position in Hungary), Acta Historica Universitatis Szegediensis 86 (1988): 9-14. His
letter, under the title ‘Rogerii miserabile carmen super destructione Hungariae’ was also
published in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 29 (Hannover: Hahn,
1892) (hereafter MGH SS 29), 547-67. Thomas Spalatensis, his later successor in the seat
of the archbishopric of Spalato, presumably as well may have had information about those
years from Rogerius and from reports of others and their accounts. Thomas himself
mentioned the great number of refugees who arrived from Hungary and were put up in the
houses of Spalato (including the royal family for a while) during the invasion (MGH SS 29,
593). Thus, while Rogerius’ letter is a personal and subjective description ‘on the spot,’
written just after the ‘disaster,’ by the time Thomas wrote his work the information
‘settled,’ and was interpreted more, also from the viewpoint of the clergy in Spalato.
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battle of Muhi at the Sajó river, on 11 (GC: 1820) April 1241.21 No other
information is available concerning this event; hence it would be difficult to
draw any conclusions concerning the weather conditions around that time. An
interesting piece of information on the environmental conditions is that, apart
from the existing bridge located near the Hungarian camp, Mongols built a
bridge over the Sajó River at its lower sections where it would have been
impossible to find a ford for safely crossing at that time. Moreover, another part
of the Mongol army crossed the Sajó at a ford on the upper river sections where
the river was still narrow.22
The hard (and long) winter of 1242
No information is known about the summer and autumn weather of 1341
in Hungary. However, it is known that a full solar eclipse occurred on 6 October
1241: an omen of a forthcoming disaster.23 Even if we have no direct weatherrelated
evidence concerning the Carpathian Basin, perhaps not just the early-mid
winter but also the late autumn was colder than expected. For example, the king
of Bohemia attacked Austria, but due to the extreme cold he returned home.24
During this winter, it seems that even the weather conditions were on the
side of the Mongols. As an important contemporary eye-witness (Rogerius)
20 Dates in this paper are provided according to the dating of the sources in Julian calendar. In
specific cases dates in the Gregorian calendar (‘GC’ for short) are also provided in brackets
(in the 13th century this means a seven-day difference between the two calendars).
21 Imre Szentpétery, Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum. Tempore ducum regumque stirpis
Arpadianae gestarum, 2 vols, new ed. (Budapest: Nap Kiadó, 1999) (hereafter SRH), vol.
2, 570 (Carmen miserabile): Et, si mixtim ex quacunque parte ibant Hungari ad pugnam,
illi eis cum sagittis obviam venientes ipsos infra exercitum retrocedere faciebant ita, quod
ipsi ex calore nimio et angustia maxima ad tantam lascitudinem venerant, quod rex et
Colocensis archiepiscopus, qui anxii formidabant, nec minis neque adulationibus ac monitionibus
iam ad pugnam poterant aliquos destinare ab aurora usque ad meridiem in tali
angustia existentes.
22 For the circumstances of the battle, including a detailed analysis of how the Mongols
crossed the river, see Négyesi, “A muhi csata,” 394-405. This also means that the fords
were unpassable only at the lower (and middle) sections of the river, but Mongols could
find place(s) for crossing the river at its upper sections. See also: Kiss, “Ecce,” 442.
23 For example MGH SS 29, 585 (Thomas Spalatensis): Eo autem tempore, anno videlicet
incarnacionis millessimo 241. sexto die intrante Octubri, die dominica, iterum factus est
solis deffectus, totusque aer obscuratus est, fuitque orror magnus in omnibus, velud in ea
ecclisi, que facta est tercio anno precedente, ut supra tetigimus. Monumenta Germaniae
Historica. Scriptores, vol. 17 (Hannover: Hahn, 1861) (hereafter MGH SS 17), 344 (Annales
Scheftlariensis minores): A.D. 1241. sol obscuratus est in meridie, et nox facta est
per longam horam, et stelle vise sunt. Item Sarraceni dicti Tartari, gens crudelis, exierunt
potenti manu, et intrantes Ungariam et Austriam vastaverunt.
24 MGH SS 9, 639-40 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1241. Obscuratus est sol in quibusdam
locis, et facte sunt tenebre, ita ut stelle viderentur in celo circa festum sancti Michaelis
hora nona. …. Item rex manu valida intravit fines Austrie ad depopulandam terram; sed
propter frigus et clamorem pauperum reversus est ad propria.
12
emphasised, there was such a great abundance of snow and ice as had not
happened for a long time.25 Furthermore, Thomas of Spalato mentioned that, due
to the unusually severe winter conditions in January, all the rivers froze over and
became passable.26 Apart from the fact that frozen rivers made crossing easier
and quicker for the Mongols, another bad consequence of this great cold snap
could be (in the areas east to the Danube) that swamps and lakes became frozen
solid, and people whose only chance for survival on the Great Hungarian Plain
was to escape to the swamps, became accessible through the frozen water
surface. Furthermore, deep snow made it even more difficult to find food both
for the animals and humans, while long-lasting severe frosts with weeks of low
temperature (below 0 °C) greatly reduced their chances of survival.
When the Danube froze over: deep frosts in (December and) January (1241-)
1242
The most detailed information, however, is available on the conditions of
the solidly frozen Danube. When and for how long did the Danube remain
frozen? As for the massive freezing of the Danube we know that it had to have
happened before the Mongols crossed the river, namely when the ice was
already strong enough to hold a larger number of animals (and people).
According to the letter written by Felix, the abbot of the Schottenstift in Vienna
on 4 January 1242, the Danube would already have been frozen from Christmas
(in Hungary), and hence the Mongols could have crossed the river and attacked
territories outside of Hungary such as the Czech Lands and Austria.27 In reality,
however, the legion of Mongol troops attacking Moravia, Bohemia and Austria
came from the direction of Poland through Silesia and Northwest-Hungary
(today’s Western Slovakia), without crossing the Danube.28
25 SRH 2, 583 (Carmen miserabile): Ecce, in hyeme nivis et glaciei habundanti supervenit ita,
quod Danubius, quod non acciderat a multis retroactis temporibus, gelabatur. … Tamen,
cum dire glacies advenerunt, totum Danubium congelatum est, sed isti transire cum equis
nullatenus attentabant.
26 MGH SS 29, 592 (Thomas Spalatensis): Itaque transacto Ianuario hyemalis asperitas solito
magis inorruit, omnisque aquarum cursus glaciali frigore constrictus liberam viam
hostibus patefecit.
27 György Fejér, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus et civilis, 11 vols. (Buda:
Typis Typogr. Regiae Universitatis Ungariae, 1829-1844) (hereafter Fejér CD), vol. 4/1,
235-37: Deinde proficiscentes ad fines nobilis ducis Austrie, Styriae, Marchiae Taruisiae,
Morauiae et Boemiae, in Natali Domini, Danubio congelato, cum magna fortitudine ad
alteram partem fluminis transmearunt; praedictorum Principium terras vastando, Omniaque
feraliter per circuitum exterminando: nulli parcentes sexui, innarrabilia perpetrant
imprudenter. … Datum Viennae Anno gratiae MCCXLII. pridie nonas Ianuarii.
28 See, for example, Katalin Szende, “Magyarország külpolitikája 1242-1246 között” (The
foreign politics of Hungary between 1242 and 1246), in Tatárjárás, ed Nagy, 553. For related
further literature with some interesting comments: John Joseph Saunders, The history
of the Mongol conquests (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1971), 87; Peter Jackson,
The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410 (Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd., 2005), 64.
13
Contemporary Hungarian sources, right ‘from the frontline’ tell a
somewhat different story: other important information appears in two letters asking
for help, written by Hungarians to the pope. The letter of Béla IV, king of
Hungary, contains probably the most significant information: on 19 (GC: 26)
January the king, at that time staying in Slavonia (letter written near Časma),
reported on the fact that Mongols had not yet crossed the river.29 Another letter,
written two weeks later on 2 (GC: 9) February by Hungarians (clergymen), gave
a description on the fact that Mongols had already crossed the frozen Danube
and commenced the invasion in the northwestern parts of Transdanubia (see fig.
1). It is presumed that some time between these two dates Mongols crossed over
the solidly frozen Danube, the first time perhaps near (Ó)Buda (portus Danubii).
30 Since the king was some distance away from the Danube, news took a
couple of days to reach him. Clergymen in Transdanubia mentioned only the
devastation that occurred on the east side of the Danube, and stated that
Mongols had crossed the Danube (no news on the destruction of Transdanubia).
Furthermore, some other circumstances have to be taken into account
while trying to determine the most probable time of the massive freeze-over. For
example, some days before the Mongols crossed the river, the Hungarians had
individual skirmishes with the Mongols on the ice every day. Although the ice
cover of the river was probably already quite thick in some places days before
the Mongols’ crossing, Hungarians frequently (and successfully) broke up the
ice in order to make crossing impossible.31 According to the same contemporary
narrative (Rogerius), due to constant guarding and ice-breaking, Mongols could
not be sure whether or not safe crossing was possible, and therefore they sent a
large number of horses (and other animals) who then were wandering around
over the ice, and when Hungarian soldiers drove them over to the other side, the
Mongols were able to discover the safe way of crossing. 32
29 See, for example, Imre Szentpétery, Az Árpád-házi királyok okleveleinek kritikai jegyzéke /
Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-diplomatica, vol. 1 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó,
1923), 214. See also György Györffy, “Újabb adatok a tatárjárás történetéhez” (New data
to the history of the Mongol invasion), Történelmi Szemle 33 (1991): 84-88; and Nagy
(ed.), Tatárjárás, 177-78.
30 Congellato tandem Danubio transeundi ad nos liber eis aditus ubique patuit et facultas;
denique transeuntes discurrunt per provincias pleni iniqua cogitatione, malitie sue
complere propositum cupientes. In: Fedor Schneider, “Ein Schreiben der Ungarn an die
Kurie aus der letzten Zeit des Tatareneinfalles (2. Februar 1242),” Mitteilungen des Instituts
für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 36 (1915): 661-70. See also: Györffy, “Ujabb
adatok,” 87.
31 SRH 2, 583 (Carmen miserabile): Sed Hungari ex ipsorum parte singulis diebus frangebant
glacies et custodiebant Danubium ita, quod assidue fiebat pugna peditum super gelu. See
also: Attila Zsoldos, “A királyi várszervezet és a tatárjárás” (The royal castle system and
the Mongol invasion), in Tatárjárás, ed. Nagy, 531.
32 SRH 2, 584 (Carmen miserabile): Tunc Hungari credentes Tartaros recessisse, subito
transierunt et omnia illa animalia per glacies transduxerunt. Quod Tartari advertentes
cogitarunt posse in equis transire libere super gelu.
14
How could we utilise and conclude all this partially contradictory
information from a weather-reconstruction point of view? Based on the
knowledge gained from the Viennese abbot, Mongols would have already
crossed the frozen Danube around Christmas time. According to the Hungarian
letters, this crossing took place some time between 19 January and 2 February.
In both cases, crossing required the firm ice cover of the Danube at the crossing
place. This firm ice cover, however, could have developed – without the
‘intervention’ of the Hungarian soldiers – at least a couple of days earlier.
Although the crossing took place in late January and thus the Danube surely had
firm ice cover by this time (but more likely several days before) in the Buda
area, the information from Vienna was probably based on the local observations
of the abbot: possibly the Danube had already frozen over in the Vienna area
before Christmas.
The Viennese information, if we can give some credit to the abbot’s letter,
would suggest long-lasting frosts for December. The evidence concerning
Central Hungary indicates (as Thomas of Spalato also notes) weeks of hard
frosts in January, or even from December in Hungary and probably also on the
upper Danube sections. While we can provide a relatively well-defined timing of
the massive freeze-over of the Danube in Central Hungary, little is known about
when the ice broke up. Nevertheless, data is available about the end (or a mild
interruption) of the long-lasting frosts: this case is described in the next section.
End of deep frost: thaw in February 1242 – the Mongol invasion of Transdanubia
As described in a letter written of 2 February to the pope, by that time the
Mongols had crossed the Danube over the ice and attacked (Ó)Buda and
Esztergom – and probably soon after 2 February the coronation town of
(Székes)Fehérvár.33 In Fehérvár, the Mongols completely destroyed the suburban
areas (the civitas Latinorum) located on the plain practically without
significant protection against intruders. However, they could not even approach
the fortified downtown located on an island, in the swamps (paludes) of the
Sárrét. According to the contemporary narratives, due to rapid melting, the
swamps around the island became impassable and, thus, Mongols could not
harm the ‘historical’ inner city.34 Based on this information, the end of the
33 MGH SS 29, 592 (Thomas Spalatensis): Primo ergo concremata Budalia, Strigonium
accessit, … Inde discendens, recto cursu devent ad urbem Albensem…. For the detailed
description of the sieges of Esztergom and Székesfehérvár see SRH 2, 582-588 (Carmen
miserabile).
34 SRH 2, 585 (Carmen miserabile): Et, cum ad Albam Regiam civitatem accederent, que est
paludibus circumsepta, cum esset in dissolutione nivis et glaciei, nequierunt eam occupare.
MGH SS 29, 592 (Thomas Spalatensis): Inde discedens, recto cursu devenit ad urbem
Albensem et continuo cuncta suburbane habitacionis domicilia concremavit, civitatem vero
aliquot diebus obsessam factis insultibus invadere satagebat; sed quia locus circumfusa
15
freezing period (or a mild interruption of hard winter conditions) occurred some
time in early(-mid) February. As we will see later on, even though there is no
direct information available until spring, the winter had not yet ended with this
important period of melting, and winter weather conditions might have also have
prevailed in early spring.
Frosty (early) March 1242 in Croatia
After crossing the Danube, one of the primary aims of the Mongols was to
capture the king of Hungary who – together with his family (including the queen
pregnant with the later Princess Margit) – quickly escaped to Dalmatia: first to
Spalato (today Split in Croatia) and then to the island-town called Trau (today
Trogir in Croatia; see fig. 1). Caydan, the younger prince of the Mongols, got
the noble task of catching the king. Thomas of Spalato provides us with a vivid
description of Caydan’s trip and stay in Dalmatia: the younger prince of the
Mongols led his troops through Transdanubia, Slavonia and Croatia, all the way
to the Dalmatian coast. Thinking that the king and his family were staying there,
Caydan with a part of his army came to the town of Spalato, then turned against
Clissa, and finally (unsuccessfully) besieged Trau. And since the beginning of
March there was severe cold (erat enim principium Marcii asperis frigoribus
inhorescens) along the Dalmatian coastline in the Spalato(-Trau) area in 1242,
and there was insufficient green vegetation for their horses, Caydan with his
Mongol warriors gave up chasing the king, and left Dalmatia (towards Bosnia).35
The Great Famine in (1241-)1243: main causes and weather conditions
The Great Famine: literary tradition and dating
Contemporary narratives as well as the medieval source tradition kept the
palustrium aquarum copia satis erat munitus, quem optima Latinorum presidia erectis
undique machinis tuebantur, dux impius, vano frustratus labore, discessit.
The thaw is mentioned only by Rogerius. The other source, Thomas of Spalato, mentioned
that the swamp around the island played a significant role in the defence. As the swamp
could only have protected the island if it was impassable (so not deeply frozen), this
description indirectly supports Rogerius’ report. It should also be mentioned that in the 18th
century the most devastating ice jam floods (e.g., the one in 1712, 1732, 1775, 1789 and
1799) often occurred in the second – third week of February or at the latest in early March
(see, for instance, Kiss, “Suburbia”).
35 MGH SS 29, 594 (Thomas Spalatensis): Spalatenses autem ceperunt fabricare machinas et
eas per oportuna erigere loca. Ecce autem, paucis diebus elapsis venit Caydanus cum
aliquanta parte sui exercitus, quia non erant erbe pro toto equitatu sufficientes; erat enim
principium Marcii asperis frigoribus inhorescens. It has to be also mentioned that, according
to Rogerius, Ugrin (archbishop of Kalocsa) was driven into the swamps around Pest on
17 March: this information indirectly suggests that the swamps in that area were not
(heavily) frozen by that time. See SRH 2, 565.
16
memory of the Great Famine as a side effect of the Mongol invasion. As
(amongst others) Thomas of Spalato and the Continuatio Sancrucensis also said,
the famine was so severe that – after all the miseries – one had to expect a great
depopulation of extensive areas.36 According to Thomas of Spalato and other
contemporary domestic sources,37 as well as to the written tradition preserved in
the 14th-century chronicle composition and the Continuatio Sancrucensis,
probably even more people died during the three years of hunger than those
killed directly by the people called the Mongols or Tatars.38 Several sources
suggest that cannibalism also occurred around that time.39 Furthermore, a large
group of 14th- and 15th-century narratives included information based on the
36 MGH SS 9, 640 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1243. ….In quindecim dietis in longitudine
et latitudine homo non inveniebatur in regno illo; a nativitate Christi non est tanta plaga et
miseria vise et audita in aliquo regno, sicut in Ungaria propter peccata eorum. In plaga et
post plagam tales erant quales ante fuerunt. This opinion also appears in the domestic
charter testimony; see, e.g., 1248 (issued by the king): Fejér CD 4/2, 455. Depopulation
was the most severe in the eastern and central, lowland areas of the country, where in some
cases 40-50% of the settlements remained deserted after the invasion. On the different
opinions see, for example, György Györffy, “Magyarország népessége a tatárjárástól a
XIV. század közepéig” (The population of Hungary from the Mongol invasion to the mid-
14th century), in Tatárjárás, ed. Nagy, 487-92; István Szabó, “A tatárjárás okozta veszteségekről”
(Losses caused by the Mongol invasion), in ibidem, 493-97; Gyula Kristó, “A
tatárjárás korának demográfiai viszonyai” (Demographic conditions of the Mongol invasion),
in ibidem, 499-504.
37 MGH SS 29, 595: Licet autem barbarica rabies totum regnum Hungaricum immoderato
gladio attrivisset, e vestigio tamen famis subsecuta pernicies miserabilem plebem tabo
inedie devastavit. Instante namque furore Tartarico non licuit colonis miseris arvis semina
tradere, non valuere preterite messionis recoligere fruges; sic ergo, non exstantibus
alimentorum subsidiis, cadebant infelicium corpora clade famis absorta. Iacebant per
campos, per vias innumera vulgi cadavera, ut non minus credatur hec acerba lues inedie
gentem Hungaricam devastasse quam pestilens immanitas Tartarorum. For an analysis of
Thomas of Spalato’s view: James R. Sweeney, “Thomas of Spalato and the Mongols: A
thirteenth-century Dalmatian view of Mongol customs,” Florilegium 4 (1982): 156-83.
38 MGH SS 9, 640 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1243. …. Interea fames horribilis et inaudita
invasit terram Ungarie, et plures perierunt fame quam antea a paganis. See also:
SRH 1, 467-68 (Chronici Hungarici compositio saeculi XIV): (S) Tempore autem istius
Bele regis anno Domini millesimo CCXL primo Mangali sive (S+V) Tartari cum quinquies
centenis millibus armatorum regnum Hungarieinvaserunt. … Manserunt enim ipsi Tartari
in regno Hungarie tribus annis. Et quia seminare illius temporius non poterunt Hungari,
ideo multo plures post exitum illorum fame perierunt, quam illi, qui in captivitate ducti
sunt et gladio ceciderunt.
39 On the one hand, neither Rogerius nor Thomas of Spalato or the 14th-century chronicle
composition mentioned cannibalism in their descriptions. On the other hand, other contemporary
domestic sources such as the poem about the Mongol invasion and the great
famine (Plantus destructionis regni Hungariae per Tartaros; see SRH 2, 597) indeed
mentioned cannibalism. Moreover, foreign narratives such as Guillelmus de Nangiaco or
Martinus Oppaviensis (see Nagy (ed.), Tatárjárás, 47-48), and following the latter text
even the Georgenberger Chronik (SRH 2, 282) reported on people eating the flesh of
human corpses.
17
14th-century chronicle composition and the Continuatio Sancrucensis, while
referring to the Great Famine.40 As for the main causes, both contemporary and
later narratives referred to the uncertain situation (fearing the Mongols). Even
when the Mongols had left in 1242 (mid-, late spring), there was no food (and
probably no seed to sow or animals to do the ploughing). In most areas sowing
was not done in 1242 and hence the situation grew worse by 1243.41
The king himself only crossed the Danube in August 1242: according to
Rogerius, for example, up to this time people did not dare leave the places of
refuge and could not start any normal life in the central and eastern parts of the
country, east to the Danube.42 Moreover, it seems that even in 1243 there were
basic security problems in the country: for example, a magnate with his troops
was sent by the king to the areas ‘over (east to) the Tisza’ against criminals and
robbers who still ruled there.43 And even if Mongols only ‘ran through’ the areas
west to the Danube, and both Caydan and Batu had left Hungary by spring 1242,
based on charters and the narrative tradition, it seems that the uncertainties
strongly affected Transdanubia (and even Slavonia), and caused major
difficulties in food supply in 1242 and 1243. All in all, the 15th-century Długosz
gives a good ‘literary’ summary on the events:44 the Mongols devastated the
40 For example SRH 2, 42-43 (Chronicon Posoniense); SRH 2, 82 (Chronicon Monacense);
SRH 2, 207 (Chronicon Henrici de Müggeln); “Iohannis de Vtino: Brevis narratio de
regibvs Hvngariae,” in Ferenc Toldy (ed.), Analecta monumentorum Hungariae historicorum
literariorum maximum inedita, vol. 1 (Pesthini: Typis exscripsit et venvndat
Gvstavvs Emich Acad. Hvng. typographus, 1862) (hereafter AMH), 75-86; or the wellinformed,
15th-century Polish chronicler, Jan Długosz: I. Dlugossi, Historiae Polonicae
libri XII, vol. 7 (Leipzig: sumptibus Ioannis Ludovici Gleditschii et Mauritii Georgii Weidmanni,
1711) (hereafter Długosz 7), 686 (Historia Poloniae). According to these reports,
Mongols would have stayed in the country for three years (thus, also accounting with the
famine period as part of the Mongol invasion); this latter remark also appears in other,
more contemporary foreign sources such as Russian (Holič-Volodimer annals and the
Moscow annals) and some western narratives (e.g., Continuatio Sancrucensis). See Antal
Hodinka, Az orosz évkönyvek magyar vonatkozásai (Hungarian references in Russian
annals) (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1916), 409: Holič-Volodimer annals,
Ipatius manuscript; and Hodinka, Az orosz, 457: Moscow annals, Nicon-manuscript. See
also: Continuatio Sancrucensis II, MGH SS 9, 641. Sources taking account of the information
like Anonymi Chronicon Austriacum, in Adrian Rauch, Rerum Austriacarum Scriptores,
vol. 2 (Vienna: apud Josephum Stahel, 1793), 245.
41 For a detailed overview see, e. g., Ladomér Zichy, A tatárjárás Magyarországon (The Tatar
invasion in Hungary) (Pécs: Dunántúl pécsi egyetemi könyvkiadó és nyomda R.-T., 1934),
104-109.
42 SRH 2, 588.
43 For more details see, e. g., Jenő Szűcs, “A tatárjárásról és következményeiről” (About the
Mongol invasion and it consequences), in Tatárjárás, ed. Nagy, 516.
44 Długosz 7, 692 (Historia Poloniae): Bela Rex ab exploratoribus certior factus, Tartaros ex
Hungaria descessisse, in Hungariam cum suis reuersus est. Sed cladem Tartaricam
biennalem, mox fames horrida in annum tertium, famem vero luporum rabies cateruatim
discurrentium, & obvios quosque etiam armatos & repugnantes inuadentium & deuorantium
secuta. Qui cadauerum, quae Tartarica immanitas occiderat sollicitati illecebra,
18
country for (almost) two years (when there was already want and hunger), and
famine (with wolf attacks and cannibalism) occurred afterwards (and) in the
third year; he (in good agreement with contemporary narratives) also referred to
the great difficulties in ploughing and sowing due to the lack of domestic
animals (and people).
The Great Famine: spatial distribution
Many charters – issued by the Hungarian king in the next years and
decades – refer to ‘the’ Great Famine in Hungary, and provide information on
the possible spatial extension (as well as main causes) of the famine. A charter
issued in 1255 gives testimony on a former land purchase concerning Szelepcsény
(today Slepčany in Central Slovakia) near the town of Nitra (see fig. 1). In
the time of the famine (famis tempore) lands had changed ownership and later
this transaction was accepted and corroborated by the king.45 In another charter
from the same area and time (Füss: today Trávnica in Slovakia; 1255), a land
purchase is mentioned that occurred “post recessum Tatharorum, tempore
famis.”46 Similar transactions that were later proven by the king, occurred during
the famine after the Mongols had left the country, for example in 1254 (Gút in
Fejér; Dad in Szabolcs; Garabsa, Budilo, Karos and Karacsa in Zemplén
counties – see fig. 1).47 Important information is provided in the charter issued
by the convent of Székesfehérvár Crusaders in 1264, referring back to the time
of a transaction related to a landed possession in Lyula (Gyugy, Central
Transdanubia): the famine times occurred shortly after the Mongols had left
(“paulo post recessum Thatharice gentis in famis tempore”).48 In 1258, the
chapter of Győr, in a charter connected to the landed possession of Tapan (today
Táp) located in northern Transdanubia, added the important detail that this
famine was widespread in Hungary (“quia tamen iidem homines eandem terram
tempore famis, que in Hungaria generaliter acciderat”).49 Some legal debates
around the transactions that had occurred during the famine in the time of the
Mongol invasion like the lawsuit related to Nyárád (North-Central Transdanubia)
were settled only decades later (“quia tempore irrupcionis Tartarorum
Poka per pressuram ualide famis in magne inopie et miserie articulum
esuriem suam cadaueribus non extantibus per viuos homines explebant. Sicque integro
triennio Hungarorum regiones ferro, fame, & luporum rictu vehementissime attritae sunt,
& in eam necessitatem adductae, vt bobus, equis, caeterisque pecoribus deficientibus,
aratri iugo se homines subiicerent, & sic agriculturam exercerent.
45 1255: Gusztáv Wenzel, Árpád-kori új okmánytár / Codex Diplomaticus Arpadianus Continuatus,
12 vols. (Pest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1860-1874) (hereafter ÁUO), vol.
9, 405-06.
46 Fejér CD Vol. 4/2, 363.
47 A. Ipolyi, I. Nagy and D. Véghely, Hazai okmánytár / Codex diplomaticus patrius Hungaricus,
vol. 7 (Budapest: Kocsi Sándor, 1880), 43-45 (issued on 23 April in 1254).
48 1264: ÁUO 8, 119.
49 1258: ÁUO 2, 306-07.
19
deuenerat”).50 Perhaps the same famine (“tunc temporis”) is mentioned in a
1279-charter, referring to Cozolyn in Slavonia, in the mountains near Chasma
(today Časma in Croatia). In this case, however, they also talk about the infertile
times caused by the uncertainties (“quod cum famis inedia et periculo propter
instantem temporis sterilitatem laboraret”).51
As we can see, concerning the spatial distribution of the famine, apart
from the rather general country references in narrative sources, charters are able
to supply more precise information. The landed possessions, mentioned in
charters in relation to land purchases during the famine, are located both in the
southern, central and northern parts of Transdanubia, but we also know of cases
from Slavonia, from the north (today’s central Slovakia), and from the northeastern
part of the Great Hungarian Plain. Together with the areas most
devastated by the Mongols (most of the Great Hungarian Plain and large parts of
Transylvania) from where no land purchase is known, we may conclude that the
charter evidence on the local impact of the famine is available from all major
regions of the country.52
The Great Famine: is any weather-related information available?
Besides the Mongols and related uncertainties, there could be other
weather-related difficulties which might also have exacerbated the terrible
situation then. As we saw earlier, an important weather-related problem was the
hard winter of 1241-1242. In the areas east to the Danube, in addition to the
absent harvests and food shortage, the long-lasting cold period and snowy winter
probably severely affected the already threatened population who were starving
far from their home.53 Another important question is the access to animal
50 Referring to Nyárád (Naragh, Naraph) and 1292 (1260): ÁUO 12, 537-40.
51 1279: ÁUO 12, 264-65. Although 36 years after the Great Famine we cannot completely
exclude the possibility of a later great famine, no other sources (or the political
circumstances) suggest that there would have been another severe famine during the reign
of Béla IV.
52 In some cases transactions probably took place far from the actual lands: for example, an
important buyer of lands (located in the Transdanubia and the northeast Great Hungarian
Plain) was the duke of Slavonia – just in the way for those (in this case magnates) probably
escaping from Hungary to the Dalmatian coast. Other, clearer cases are the ones where
Transdanubian landed properties (Táp in the north, Gyugy in the south) were bought by
Transdanubian people: in these cases there is more chance that, since both parties are from
the same broader region, the great need described in the charter similarly referred to the
their own region (and the place where they stayed during the famine). It is especially clear
in the case of Nyárád in Veszprém county, where one neighbouring landowner gave money
to the other being in great need “per pressuram valida famis”; similar cases occured in the
north, in Bars county (Szelepcsény and Füss) where neighbours and relatives helped out
each other in the times of the famine. And probably the Slavonian case (near Časma) also
belongs to this category: here similar transaction took place between local owners (the
buyer was actually the church) during the infertility caused by the uncertain times.
53 A parallel case is known, for example, from the Czech Lands where, during the severe and
20
products, and the survival of domestic animals in these troubled times: part of
the livestock was driven away by the Mongols, or simply left to wander about
(and die) on their own. Since during the winter of 1242 there was much ice,
deep snow and severe frost, similar to people, the remaining domestic animals
along with the wild animals in the occupied areas (east to the Danube) might
have had great difficulty in finding food. Moreover, a cold early spring may
have prolonged the winter period without green vegetation: this might have
caused further difficulties for both people and animals. So, even if the onset of
the famine can be attributed to the Mongol invasion, the hard and long winter
would have certainly caused distress among the human and animal populations.
Another problem arose when – as for example the Continuatio Sancrucensis
remarks – even in those areas where people did sow, locusts (whose
mass appearance is usually associated with dry conditions) ate the harvest.54
Since the maturation of grain seeds takes place usually before the locusts can
fly, the harvest among normal weather conditions can be damaged only around
the nesting place of locusts, which is usually restricted to an area of a few square
kilometres. In these troubled years locusts probably even had a better chance to
spread than in normal circumstances. Moreover, further widespread damage in
the grain harvest may occur when – due to a warm early spring – the breeding of
locusts begins earlier.55 As for further Hungarian weather evidence, there is not
much information available directly related to the weather of spring and summer
in 1241-1243 from there or the neighbouring areas. Neither is there anything
available for the winter of 1242-1243.
The scientific literature in Central Europe is also mostly silent about the
character of the weather in these years. The only weather-related evidence in the
immediate neighbourhood is described for Austria (by the Continuatio
snowy winter of 1281, due to war conditions masses of refugees spent the winter in the
forest: a huge number of people were hunted down by the enemy and/or died in the frosty
conditions. See Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 108.
54 MGH SS 9, 641 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1243. …. Deinde locusta id quod seminatum
erat corrosit.
55 It is worth pointing out that locust invasions would have had the biggest effect in those
areas (i.e., Transylvania, Great Hungarian Plain especially in the south) which were already
devastated and depopulated by the first Mongol invasion. Moreover, a larger scale
locust invasion (affecting larger parts of the country) might have lasted for at least three
years; if locusts were already in 1342 in Austria, then (presuming that they came through
the Carpathian Basin) they had to be in Hungary in a larger number already in 1241. And if
they had caused significant damage in 1343 in Hungary, then most probably they were still
present (to some extent) in the country in the following year. For a short overview of
historical locust invasions see Andrea Kiss, “A sáskajárások néhány területi és tájtörténeti
vonatkozása a Kárpát-medencében” (Some regional and areal consequences of historical
locust invasions in the Carpathian Basin), in A táj változásai a Kárpát-medencében.
Történeti emlékek a tájban (Landscape changes in the Carpathian Basin. Historical
monuments/memorial places in the landscape), ed. György Füleky (Gödöllő: Szent István
Egyetem, 2012), 123-32.
21
Sancrucensis):56 there were notable frosts in October 1242. Concerning the
German territories (in the Mainz area), Glaser mentions prevailing dry
conditions for the spring of 1242; the summer of 1241 was predominantly dry,
and the summer of the following year (1242) was presumably also dry until July
when rainy weather commenced.57 Furthermore, it seems that the years before
and after the invasion were vicissitudinous in the close neighbourhood:
according to the Continuatio Sancrucensis – for a variety of reasons – in 1240
there were high prices (also of wine) and a famine in Vienna, while for 1244 the
same source reported on drought, infertility and (domestic) fires in many towns,
without mentioning actual locations.58
Invasion of wolves, foxes, eagles – 1241(-1243?)
During the Mongol invasion and the great famine, frequent attacks of
wolf-packs against humans are also described, and in some sources foxes and
eagles are also reported. According to the Annales Polonorum (I) referring to the
year of 1241, wolves, foxes, and eagles killed people in Hungary.59 Concerning
the wolf attacks, very interesting information is available in the description of
the contemporary Dalmatian cleric, Thomas of Spalato: wolves appeared after
the famine in great numbers and openly attacked people in their houses.60 For
1243, the Continuatio Sancrucensis mentioned the same case, namely that
wolves ran into houses, attacked and took away people.61 Animal attacks against
people were more frequent when their ordinary food, namely herbivores,
decreased sharply in numbers: in medieval and early modern evidence wolf
attacks (with casualties) are especially associated with hard winters;62 the severe
cold, a snowy and enduring winter, and also probably the uncertainties had a
56 Continuacio Sancrucensis: MGH SS 9, 640. See also Brázdil and Kotyza, History of
Weather, 102.
57 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 63, 84 (without source reference).
58 MGH SS 9, 639-640 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II). See also Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse,
443-44.
59 MGH SS 19, 55 (Annales Polonorum I): 1241. Thartari devastaverunt Poloniam et ducem
Henricum occiderunt. Eo tempore in Ungaria lupi, vulpes, aquile occiderunt homines. See
also: August Bielowsky, Monumenta Poloniae Historica, 6 vols. (Warsaw: Nakladem
Własnym, 1864-1893), vol. 2, 838 (Rocznik Traski), vol. 3, 167 (Rocznik Malopolski).
Following these sources, Długosz also includes this information (vol. 7, 686).
60 Thomas of Spalato (MGH SS 29, 595): Post hec vero rabidorum luporum multitudo quasi
de diaboli caverna emersit, qui non nisi humanum sanguinem sicientes, non iam occultis
insidiis, sed palam irrumpebant in domos et de matrum gremiis parvulos rapiebant, nec
solum parvulos, sed ipsos eciam armatos viros facto agmine invadentes, sevis dentibus
lacerabant.
61 See, for example, MGH SS 9, 640 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1243. …. Deinde lupi
rapaces et infesti, nemini parcentes, prevaluerunt in terra, ita quod vix aliquis auderet de
domo sua inermis procedere.
62 See, for example, Rohr Extreme Naturereignisse, 455-56.
22
dramatic impact on the wild animals.63 Although the winter of 1241-1242 was
hard and snowy, contemporary descriptions, such as those from Thomas of
Spalato and the Continuatio Sancrucensis, did not refer to the hard winter as the
cause; they rather mentioned that these attacks had followed the chaotic
conditions and the famine, when corpses were left unburied and the carnivors
had ‘got used to’ eating them.
Locust invasion: only in 1243?
According to some Austrian sources, locusts also appeared in great
quantities around the years of the Mongol invasion.64 The Continuatio Sancrucensis
(II) dated animal attacks as well as the locust invasion for 1243:
locusts contributed to the prolongation of the famine by destroying the harvest.65
Concerning literary tradition, it is interesting to note that the late 15th-century
Polish chronicler Długosz – while mentioning the attacks of beasts – did include
wolves, foxes and eagles, but did not include locusts at all.66 Since authors
usually mentioned locusts in a rather generalised manner, it is reasonable to ask
whether there was a locust invasion at all – or was it only a (copying or
interpretation) mistake of some of the authors?
On the one hand, based merely on these generalised texts describing the
horrors of the Mongol invasion and the subsequent famine, no safe conclusions
can be drawn about whether there was a locust invasion at all in those days. On
the other hand, an independent source from Salzburg, the Annales Sancti
Rudberti, mention specifically the locust invasion itself: the contemporary
author dated an invasion of “locusts with large body” to 1242. As the author
described in brief, the event occurred in Austria and caused damage in vineyards
and orchards.67 Thus, according to this report, around the years of the Mongol
63 Several cases can be mentioned from the modern period when – due to severe winter
conditions (and snow) – even in peaceful times wolves came close to settlements or even
entered them. For example, there were great frosts and very low temperatures in December
1812 (the Danube froze over on 15 December): in the great cold, wolves and other animals
appeared close to the town of Buda, and they even entered villages. Notes of a Buda citizen
from 1811-1812 were published in Antal Réthly, Időjárási események és elemi csapások
Magyarországon 1801-1900-ig (Weather events and natural hazards in Hungary, 1801-
1900), vol. 2 (Budapest: Országos Meteorológiai Szolgálat, 1999), 665.
64 See, for example, SRA 1, 245 (Anonymi Chronicon Austriacarum).
65 MGH SS 9, 641.
66 Długosz 7, 686 (Historia Poloniae): (1241) Ad Tartarorum rabiem, etiam bestiarum rabies
accessit; aquilae, lupi, & vulpes in Hungaria grege facto homines solitarios gradientes inuadunt,
& victos crudelibus rictibus deuorant, & discerpunt.
67 MGH SS 9, 788 (Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses): 1242. …. Locuste magna
corporis quantitate Austriam intrantes in tanta multitudine, quod vineta et pomeria
plurima consumpserunt, insuper equos et animalia in campis pascentia corroserunt. Rohr
(Extreme Naturereignisse, 467) mentions this report as the first known evidence in Austria
concerning locust invasions.
23
invasion there was indeed a locust invasion in the direct vicinity of Hungary.
Taking this information into account, the locust invasion reported concerning
Hungary in relation to the Mongol invasion and the famine is probably based on
real fact.
Overall, from the available information, we can say that locusts were
present in Austria in 1242; they were present in Hungary during the great famine
and also in 1243. Taking into consideration the generality of information placed
in the year 1243 in the Continuatio Sancrucensis, and also the fact that locusts
usually come from the east through Hungary to Austria, it seems likely that the
locust invasion in Hungary started at least in 1241, and locusts were still present
and caused significant damage (probably in the first sowing in years) in 1243.
A hot day in early June of 1246
When the king of Halič called Danilo came to help the Hungarian King
Béla IV in the military campaign against the Germans (Austrians), he met the
Hungarian king at Požeg (either Pozsony/today Bratislava or Bazin: today
Pezinok in Slovakia) on a hot day.68 Since they together attacked Austria in June
1246 (main battle on 15 June),69 this hot day probably occurred in early June.
Princess Margit the Blessed (successfully) prays for rain: autumn day of 1249 in
Veszprém?
In the Inquisition Protocols of the royal Princess Margit (born during the
Mongol invasion70) Domina Eliana, a 60-year old nun in the Dominican
monastery on the Island of Rabbits (today the Margit Island in Budapest)
mentioned in 1276 the shower or cloudburst which occurred in the monastery of
Saint Catherine in Veszprém when Margit was a little girl, before the age of ten
(before 1252). Little Margit did not want to let their two guests (Dominican
friars) leave, and she prayed for rain. The date of the event is unknown; but it
occurred after breakfast (post prandium) on an autumn day when the weather
was otherwise very clear.71
68 Hodinka, Az orosz, 434-36: 1252 … Присла коpоль Оугорьскы к Данилоу прося его на
помощь. Бы бо имы рать на бои с Нымци. иде емоу на помощь и приде к Пожгоу. ….
и просися оу него въ станъ, зане знои бы великъ дне того.
69 Kristó, Az Árpád-kor háborúi, 134. See, e. g., MGH SS 9, 559 (Continuatio Lambacensis).
70 Due to the fact that many Margaretas are mentioned in the texts of the Inquisition Protocol,
as a clear separation, I use the Hungarian name (Margit) for Princess Margaret.
71 József Lukcsics, Monumenta Romana Episcopatus Vesprimiensis, vol. 1: 1103-1276 (Budapest:
Franklin Társulat, 1896) (hereafter MREV 1), 173-74 (Inquisitio super vita): Interrogata,
si recordatur, quod aliquo tempore, dum esset in dicto monasterio de Vesprimio, duo
fratres predicatores venirent illuc, qui vellent recedere, respondit: «Sic, et bene recordor,
quando volebant recedere, qud virgo Margaretha rogabat eos, quod non recederent, et ipsi
dixerunt, quod non poterant stare; et ipsa dixit: ‘Ego rogabo Deum, quod faciat pluere tam
fortiter, quod non possitis recedere,’ et ipsi dixerunt: ‘Nulla pluvia posset non tenere,’ et
24
Some additional information appears in the testimony of another nun,
Domina Jolent, who was 40 years old in 1276. Similar to Domina Eliana, Jolent
lived together with Margit from early childhood (when entering the convent,
Jolent was 3.5 years old) first in the Saint Catherine convent in Veszprém, and
later in the Dominican convent on Rabbit Island. Apart from the names of nuns
and a friar who were present at the miracle, she remembered the time of the rain
in a more precise way, which happened immediately after breakfast (statim post
prandium). Here another important piece of information appears, namely that
Margit was roughly ten at that time (although Jolent was not sure about this, and
could not tell the exact year either); so the event might have happened some
time before they left Veszprém for the Rabbit Island.72 This would mean an
autumn day in 1251 (or perhaps earlier). According to the mother superior of the
convent in Veszprém, Domina Olimpiades, this miraculous rain occurred when
Margit was 7 years old, which most probably means 1249.73
recesserunt, et ipsa beata Margaretha, que tunc poterat esse decem annorum, intravit
ecclesiam, et rogavit Deum quod plueret, et facte sunt pluvie tam magne, quod ipsi fratres
redierunt, et non potuerunt recedere, et steterunt nocte illa in illa civitate, sed nescio ubi».
/ Interrogata, quot anni sunt, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de die respondit:
«Nescio.» / Interrogata de hora diei, respontdit: «Post prandium cito». / Interrogata de
presentibus, respondit: «Catharina, que est priorissa modo et Olimpiades, de aliis non
recordor». / Interrogata, in quo loco erant tunc, quando sic rogavit fratres quod non
recederent, respondit: «In domo capituli». / Interrogata, quale tempus erat, quando
rogavit fratres, quod no recederent, respondit: «Serenum tempus multum». / Interrogata,
quomodo scit, quod dicti fratres redierunt, respondit. «Thomas presbyter noster nobis
dixit». / Interrogata si fuit docta, vel rogata, respondit simpliciter: «Non».
72 MREV 1, 179-80 (Inquisitio super vita): Interrogata, si recordatur, quod duo fratres
predicatores venissent ad monasterium Vesprimiense, quando ibi erant, et dum ipsi
recedere vellent et recedere incepissent, pluit fortiter, et non potuerunt tunc recedere,
respondit: «Scio, quod semel venerunt duo fratres predicatores, et unus frater habebat
nomen Herbart, sed nomen alterius non scio, et ipsa beta Margaretha rogabat eos, quod
non recederent, et ipsi dixerunt: ‘Ego rogabo Deum, qud pluat sic fortiter, quod non possitis
recedere,’ et ipsi dixerunt: ‘Pluvia non posset nos retinere,’ et recedebant, et ipsa
beata Margaretha, que habebat forte decem annos, sed nescio pro certo, intravit
ecclesiam, et rogavit Deum, quod faceret pluere tam fortiter, quod ipsi fratres non possent
recedere, et venti pluvia incontinenti tam magna, quod dictum fuit nobis, quod steterunt in
civitate illa de Vesprimio». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod hoc fuit, respondit: «Non
recordor». / Interrogata de mense, respondit: «Nescio pro certo, sed bene scio, quod fuit in
autumno». / Interrogata de die respondit: «Nescio». / Interrogata de hora diei, respondit
«Statim post prandium». / Interrogata de presentibus, respondit: «Multi erant, et bene
recordor quod ibi erat soror Olimpiades (et) soror Catharina que modo est priorissa». /
Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod oravit in ecclesia, ut dixit, respondit. «Vidimus eam orare
et flere ante nos, et intravit ecclesiam, et credo, quod ibi oravit similiter». / Interrogata, a
quibus audivit, quod dicti fratres redierunt et steterunt in civitate illa, respondit:
«Presbyter Thomas, qui stabat in ecclesia nostra, hoc dixit nobis».
73 MREV 1, 221-22 (Inquisitio super vita): Die lune sequenti rediit dicta soror Olimpiades et
dixit: «Quadam die venerant duo fratres predicatores ad predictum monasterium sancte
Catherine Vesprimiensis, quos ipsa virgo Margaretha rogavit, quod starent, et cum ipsi
vellent recedere, ista sancta Margaretha rogavit Deum, ut plueret, quod non possent
25
Evidence from the 1250s
Famine in Western Europe – mass immigration to Hungary: 1259
Another famine is mentioned in some western (German) sources referring
to 1259. Due to this famine, a massive immigration (from many areas like
Bavaria) occurred towards Hungary which indirectly suggests that this crisis
probably did not affect Hungary so much.74 In the Czech Lands the winter of
1257-1258 was severe and long, while the summer of 1259 was very hot and dry
in Austria. This very hot and dry summer was followed by a hard winter in
Poland, when Mongols crossed the solidly frozen rivers and attacked the
country.75
The fact of mentioning this immigration of westerners is also interesting
because of the beginnings of intensified clearances, for example, in the
recedere, et statim magna pluvia facta est, quod non potuerint recedere». / Interrogata de
nominibus fratrum illorum predicatorum, respondit: «Unus vocabatur Hembrath, qui est
mortuus, de alio non recordor». / Interrogata, que erant presentes, quando rogavit fratres
et oravit et pluit, ut dixit, respondit: «Soror Elena et soror Lohalenth, de aliis non
recordor». / Interrogata, cuiusmodi tempus erat, quando oravit ut dixit, respondit: «Valde
serenum». / Interrogata, quot annos habebat ista virgo Margaretha, quando oravit, ut
dixit, respondit: «Septem annos». / Interrogata, in quo loco monasterii erat, quando oravit,
ut dixit, et pluit, respondit: «In ecclesia ipsius monasterii, ut credo». / Interrogata, quot
anni sunt, quod hoc fuit, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de mense, respondit:
«Non habeo in mente». /Interrogata de die, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de
hora diei, respondit: «Ante vesperas».
74 MGH SS 13, 57 (Annales Sancti Stephani Frisingenses): 1259. Hoc anno fuit maxima
fames, et homines de diversis terris exulaverunt euntes ad partes Ungarie. MGH SS 17,
345 (Annales Scheftlarienses minores): A. D. 1259. fames valida fuit, et multitudo
hominum in Ungariam profecta est. Late 14th-century compilation, applying previous
evidence: Andreas Felix von Oefele, Rerum Boicarum Scriptores, vol. 2 (Augsburg: Veith,
1763), 338 (Anonymi Monachi Bavari Compilatio): 1259. Fames validissima est facta et
morticinium grande nimis et innumerabilis multitudo hominum in Ungariam est profecta.
75 MGH SS 9, 560 (Continuatio Lambacensis): 1259. Tartari Gracoviensem provinciam
devastaverunt. Stephanus rex Ungarie Karinthiam ferro et igne invasit. Estas valida et
sicca. See also: Brázdil-Kotyza, History of Weather, 104-05. Concerning the winter attack,
see also: Długosz 7, 757 (Historia Poloniae): (1259.) … Aduenit enim in illas, statim post
festum Beati Andreae Apostoli, Tartarorum ingens exercitus, plures de solis Tartaris,
quorum Nogai & Thelebuga erant Duces, continens legiones, hunc Ruthenorum &
Lithuanorum Duces, gentes, & copiae, ingentiorem fecerant. Qui dum Visłam & caeteros
fluuios, gelida hyeme & glaciebus induratos facile transissent, subito Sandomiriam
perueniunt, & oppido Sandomiriensi incenso, Ecclesiisque conglagratis, Sandomiriense
castrum, in quod fere vniuersa Sandomiriensis regio, cum coniugibus, pignoribus, &
fortunis, Tartarorum aduentu vulgato, confugerat, corona cingunt, & nec ad quiescendum
auut colligendum animos, ex subito pauore, spatio dato, illud nocte & interdiu oppugnant.
Note that according to the dating of Długosz cold conditions (strong frosts) would have
already prevailed from late autumn-early winter onwards.
26
mountain valleys of North-Hungary (today Slovakia) can be detected from the
second half of the 13th century onwards.76 Another interesting question is related
to the possible atmospheric causes of bad harvests, resulting in great famine in
(West-Central) Europe: one of the greatest (or the greatest) volcanic eruptions of
the last millennium, with global atmospheric effects, occurred around 1258 in
the tropics (probably the El Chicon eruption in Mexico).77
Evidence from the 1260s
A famine in 1263?
Several European, but no Hungarian sources mention some years later
another famine, dated to 1263: the Continuatio Sancrucensis (II),78 and then
Paltramus79 as well as the Anonymus Leobiensis report on the same event,80
76 For an analysis of the settling process see, e.g., Adrienne Körmendy, Melioratio terrae.
Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Siedlungsbewegung im östlichen Mitteleuropa im
13.-14. Jahrhundert (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Pryzjaciół Nauk,
1995).
77 See, e.g., Richard B. Stothers, “Volcanic dry fogs, volcanic cooling, and plague pandemics,”
Climatic Change 42 (1999): 713-23. This eruption, concerning the detected volcanic
sulphate depositions (and therefore, emissions) was presumed to be much greater than
the Tambora eruption in 1815, and in some of the studies only the 1454 (or 1453?)
eruption is known to be similar or greater in magnitude and importance. For comparisons
see, for example, C.T. Plummer, M.A.J. Curran, T.D. van Ommen, S.O. Rasnussen, A.D.
Moy, T.R. Vance, H.B. Clausen, B.M. Vinther and P.A. Mayewski, “An independently
dated 2000-yr volcanic record from Law Dome, East Antarctica, including a new perspective
on the dating of the 1450s CE eruption of Luwae, Vanuatu,” Climate of the Past 8
(2012): 1929-40. Ch. Gao, A. Robock, C. Ammann, “Volcanic forcing of climate over the
past 1500 years: An improved ice core-based index for climate models,” Journal of
Geophysical Research 113 (2008): D23111, 1-15.
78 MGH SS 9, 645 (Continuatio Sancrucensis II): 1263. Facta est eclypsis lune 6. Kalendas
Martii, post ortum lune cum adhuc pars diei superesset. Hoc anno fuit maxima fames per
totam Austriam et Ungariam et Boemiam et Moraviam, qualis ante raro visa fuit, et
duravit usque ad messem.
79 SRA 1, 715 (Paltramus seu Vatzo): 1263. Hoc anno fuit maxima fames per totam Austriam
et Ungariam et Bohemiam et Moraviam, qualis antea raro visa fuit, et duravit, usque ad
messem.
80 Similarly to the Continuatio Sancrucensis (II), the text is included in the Anonymus
Leobiensis (SRA 1, 827): 1263. Hoc anno fuit maxima fames per totam Austriam et
Hungariam et Bohemiam et Moraviam, qualis ante raro visa fuit, et duravit usque ad
messem. Nevertheless, more information is as well added: SRA 1, 833 (Anonymus
Leobiensis): 1263. … Eodem vero anno rex Bohemiae prae nimia hyemis saevitia adhaec
nihil valens facere, distulit bellum usque ad proximum pasca. In eadem vero hyeme
quaedam societas nobilium, quorum capitaneus erat Syfridus Wehingarius, consanguineus
Orphanorum, volens per rapinam Ungariam intrare, et frigus erat maximum; et cum lacum
quendam transire vellent congelatum, ex equorum vero totque virorum armatorum glacies
confracta (fuisset), submersi sunt ibidem; qui erant noti, nobilium 40, aliorum fere fortium
numero 300.
27
referring to Austria, Bohemia, Moravia and Hungary. It is interesting to add,
however, that the Anonymus Leobiensis concerning the description of military
events clearly applies the text of the 1270 Czech campaign on the 1263
campaign. The Anonymus Zwetlense dates the same event to 1264.81 The
Continuatio Lambacensis also refers to the famine of 1263, but only mentions
Austria.82 Thus a famine, which occurred most likely in the year of 1263 in the
Central European region, might have affected (some parts of) Hungary as well.
Princess Margit cleaned fish in a great frost: year unknown
Domina Margaretha (Duchess of the Cumans), a distant relative of
Margit, spent a lot of time with the princess. Margaretha was only 28 years old
in 1276, roughly 7 years younger than the princess. Although without mentioning
the year, Margaretha described hard weather conditions when the princess
was cleaning fish in great frost and coldness.83 Similarly without providing any
information on dates, the same event was described by another nun, Domina
Elisabeth, niece of Princess Margit.84 A cousin of the princess, Domina Margaretha,
the 36 year-old duchess of Macsó (today Mačov, N-Bosnia), at that
time nun in the same convent, was present as well and remembered the event in
the same way.85 Other nuns, such as the 38 year-old Domina Benedicta86 and the
81 SRA 1, 979 (Anonymus Zwetlensis): 1264. Fames maxima per totam Austriam fuit et
Vngariam, Moraviam et Bohemiam, et caeteris quibusdam provinciis oriebatur, qualis
ante raro visa est, et duravit usque ad messem.
82 MGH SS 9, 560 (Continuatio Lambacensis): 1263. Fames facta est in Austria.
83 MREV 1, 181-82 (Inquisitio super vita): Domina Margaretha, filia domine Anne, sororis
coniugis regis Stephani, sororet monialis dicti monasterii virginis gloriose de insula
Danubii …. Interrogata, quomodo scit hoc, respondit: «Quia videbam et lectus meus erat
iuxta lectum suum». Item dixit, quod predicta virgo Margaretha in septimana sue lavabat
scutellas et pignatas, et aliquando erat tam magnum frigus, quod quando squaminabat
pisces et lavabat, manus sue tremebant ex nimio frigore, propter glaciem et frigus
magnum. Item dixit, quod super totum hoc serviebat infirmis, faciendo coquinam earum,
dando eis bibere et comedere, lavando eis capita, et radendo et portando et iuvando eas
ire ad necessarium.
84 MREV 1, 185 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod ipsa soror Margaretha faciebat
coquinam per septimanam suam, sicut aliqua alia, lavando scutellas et ollas, scopando
domum, et aliquando parando pisces cum tanto gelu, quod pellis manuum crepabat, et inde
sanguis exibat.
85 MREV 1, 189-90 (Inquisitio super vita): Domina Margaretha quondam filia domini
Gulielmi ducis de Maconia, soror et monialis dicti monasterii virginis gloriose de insula
Danubii …. Item dixit, quod dicta virgo Margaretha, quando veniebat sua septimana,
faciebat coquinam, lavabat scutellas e tollas, et quandoque squaliabat pisces in tanto
frigore eet glacie, quod manus sue crepabant, ita quod sanguis exibat.
86 MREV 1, 195 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod quadam die in hyeme, dum esset
magnum frigus, ipsa virgo Margaretha, que tunc faciebat septimanam suam in refectorio,
vocavit sororem Chingam, ut iuvaret eam portare extra refectorium et evacuare quoddam
magnum vas aque, super quo lavabant sibi manus sorores, et illa nolebat ire, et ipsa
iterum vocavit eam, et quasi irata fuit, et dum evacuarent illud vas, dicta soror Chinga
28
32 year-old Domina Stephana87 also remembered the extreme cold which was in
the wintertime, but did not mention the year either. Another Domina
Margaretha, daughter of Dris de Betama, also mentioned this case.88
Margit did dirty (kitchen) jobs in the cold winter time: was it the winter of
1266/1267?
Maybe the same, or perhaps another case is described by Domina
Margaretha, the 51 year-old mother of the Transylvanian duke: Margit washed
dishes in severe cold weather.89 Some important information is available in the
testimony of the 44-year old daughter of the late palatine, Domina Judith: by
mid-1276 she had already been at the monastery for 11 years. She mentioned the
case where Margit was able to carry a big bucket (tina) over the mud of water
(per lutum aquam) to the sick nuns. And then Judith continued narrating that
Margit was washing wool in the bitter cold, she put her feet into the bucket
(tina), and the water became frozen on her robe; and her hand, because of the
bitter cold, was sore and bled.90 Since Judith had already stayed there for 11
years by 1276, and (as she said) she had not yet spent much time in the convent
when all these events happened, it seems likely (by counting back with 1276 as
year 1) that the event occurred some time around or during the winter of
sparsit aquam suer pectus dicte sororis Margarethe, et ipsa cepit ridere, dicens: «Bona
soror quare fecisti hoc?» et tunc illa soror Chinga recessit ab ea. / Interrogata, quomodo
scit, respondit: «Qui fui presens».
87 MREV 1, 209 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod ita libenter serviebat servitialibus
infirmis sicut sororibus, et non separabat se eundo per lutum et per pluviam et portando
aquam per crucem ad domum servitialium, ad faciendum balnea eis, et aliquando erat tam
magnum frigus, quando faciebat hoc, quod sanguis exibat de manibus suis.
88 MREV 1, 259 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod septimanam suam faciebat in coquina
conventus, sicut alie de sororibus, et quod lavabat scutellas et tollas, et pisces purgabat in
maximo frigore. / Interrogata, quomodo scit predicta, respondit: «Vidi, et secum fui in illo
servitio».
89 MREV 1, 248 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod libenter serviebat infirmis parvis et
magnis in faciendo coquinam, in magno frigore nudis pedibus lavabat scutellas, scopabat
casam, et in aliis, in quibus poterat, serviebant eis cum magna humilitate.
90 MREV 1, 250 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Vidi, quod ipsa portavit per lutum aquam
pro informis, et portabat ita magnam tinam, quod mirabamur, qualiter poterat portare».
Item dixit: «Vidi quod ipsa lavabat lanam in maximo frigore, et faciebant compostam cum
manibus suis, et calcabat pedibus suis in tina in maximo frigore, ita quod vestimenta sua
congelabantur ab illa aqua, et manus sue propter magnum frigus crepabant et
sanguinabant». Item dixit, quod soror Olimpiades, magistra sua, quando ipsa Margaretha
orabat prostrata in terra, aliquando reprehendebat illam, dicens: ‘Tu queris Deum in terra
cum naso et facie, sicut esses porcus, quare facis hoc, quare destruis te?’ Et ipsa omnia
sustinebat in pace. / Interrogata, quomodo scit predicta, respondit: «Quia vidi». / Interrogata,
si vult plus dicere, respondit: «Non fui per longum tempus in isto monasterio, et
propterea non possum multum dicerem et que scivi dixi». / Interrogata, quot annos habet,
respondit: «Quadraginta quatuor». / Interrogata, per quot annos stetit in isto monasterio,
respondit: «Per undecim annos».
29
1266/1267. Clearly hard winter conditions are described (from the viewpoint of
human comfort), although the water in the bucket was not completely frozen if
she could step into it, and earlier Judith talked about the mud of water, which
might suggest that the temperature was not much below freezing point, although
the water on Margit’s dress/robe froze. Both cases were also mentioned in the
testimony of the 28 year-old Domina Candida.91 The circumstances of carrying
(some sort of) liquid to the sick nuns will be seen in a somewhat different light
in the next case.
Margit brought (hot) soup to the sick nuns in deep snow: year unknown
According to Domina Benedicta, Margit – while carrying “hen-food” for
the sick nuns to the infirmary – fell down in the deep snow and poured soup on
her dress/robe, but still she continued and brought the pot of food to the
infirmary.92 Without further details, Domina Benedicta also mentioned that other
events had occurred.93 The 44 year-old Domina Margaretha, daughter of a Dris
de Betama, talked about the unfavourable weather conditions, bitter cold and
great mud (!) when Margit had served the sick nuns.94
It may be that this event is the same or occurred around the same time as
the above-mentioned cold-winter cases, especially if we take into account some
clear similarities in the descriptions. However, due to the very limited information
on dating the event, firm conclusions cannot be drawn.
Margit prays for sunshine on a gloomy day: date unknown
According to Domina Stephana, one day princess Margit made the sun
appear in the gloomy weather, while praying to God.95 One of the (at that time
91 MREV 1, 258-59 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Libenter serviebat conventui et in luto
et frigore, aliquando habebat vestimenta sua affangata usque ad genta, et quando peius
tempus erat, petebat a priorissa, quod tunc daret sibi sepimanam suam ad serviendum, et
aliquando manus habebat per servitium, quod faciebat in magno frigore, crepatas usque
ad sanguinem». / Interrogo, quomodo scit predicta, respondit: «Omnia vidi oculis meis».
92 MREV 1, 247 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Ista sancta Margaretha quadam die
portabat unam ollam plenam de posslastris in scapolario suo, et cum per magnam nivem
de coquina ad infirmariam iret, cecidit in nivem, et parum de brodio sparsum fuit super
brachia sua, et postea portabam dictam ollam infirmis».
93 MREV 1, 247 (Inquisitio super vita): Interrogata, si vult plus dicere, respondit: «Quod scivi
melius dixi, et plura scirem, sed non possum dicere». It is an interresting addition that,
although she was a Domina, she could not tell how old she is, not even approximately,
although knew that she spent 20 years in that convent.
94 MREV 1, 257 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod in quolibet tempore serviebat libenter
infirmis, et quod in obedientiam querebat a priorissa, quando erat malum tempus et
magnum frigus et magnum lutum, septimanam sua ad serviendum infirmis. / Interrogata,
quomodo scit predicta, respondit: «Qui presens fui et vidi».
95 MREV 1, 210 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Quando puella eram, et cum aliis puellis
luderem, quadam die, in quo erat tempus multum obscurum, ipsa virgo Margaretha venit
30
little) girls (Domina Elisabeth) also remembered this event in much the same
way.96
Ice jam floods may refer to preceding hard winter conditions: the winter of
1267-126897
The miracle which gained probably the greatest interest and publicity
among the eye-witnesses is related to two Danube flood events, occurred in
winter three years before Margit’s death (18 January, 1270). In the inquisition
protocols about Margit’s holy life many details concerning the weather background
of these two events can be detected:98 in relation to the first flood event
two eye-witnesses (Alexandra and Margareta) suggested that it occurred eight
days before the second flood, while others (Elisabeth, Benedicta, Olimpiades)
only mentioned that the second flood event was some days or some time after
the first one.
Somewhat more is known about the timing of the second flood: it
occurred when frater Marcellus and two other brothers arrived to the convent;
ad nos (et dixit): ‘Vultis, quod ego faciam vobis apparere solem?’ Ipse puelle
responderunt: ‘Quomodo posses hoc facere?’ Et tunc ipsa respondit: ‘Bene’, et incepit
orare, et statim sol apparuit». Interrogata de nominibus puellarum, que tunc erant ibi,
respondit: «Soror Margaretha, filia domini Gulielmi, soror Elisabeth, filia domini comitis
Thome; de aliis non recordor». / Interrogata, in quo loco fuit hoc, respondit: «In
infirmaria». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de
mense, respondit: «Non habeo in mente». / Interrogata de die, respondit: «Nescio». /
Interrogata de hora diei, respondit: «Post prandium ante nonam».
96 MREV 1, 214-15 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Dum ego luderem cum quibusdam
sociis meis, que scholares erant, et cum essemus puelle, et cum ipsa virgo Margaretha
esset puella nobiscum, et ita obscura erat dies, quod sol non apparebat, ipsa virgo
Margaretha dixit: ‘Vultis, ut faciam, quod sol appareat?’ Et nos respondimus: ‘Sic’. Et
tunc ipsa dixit: ‘Antequam vadam ad locum illum, monstrabo vobis certum locum, et
revertar ad vos, videbitis solem,’ et oravit, et ivit ad ipsum locum, et antequam rediret ad
nos, sol apparuit». / Interrogata, que erant ille sorores, cum quibus tunc ludebat,
respondit: «Soror Stephana, filia Pausse, de aliis non recordor». / Interrogata, que verba
dicebat, quando oravit, ut dixit, respondit: «Domine Deus, fac, ut appareat sol». /
Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod fuerunt predicta, respondit: «Non recordor». /
Interrogata, de quo mense fuit hoc, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de die,
respondit: «Non habeo in mente». / Interrogata de hora diei, respondit: «Nescio». /
Interrogata, in quantum distat locus ille in quo erant, ab illo loco, quem ostendit eis tunc,
respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod dixit: ‘Domine Deus, fac,
sol appareat,’ respondit: «Qui presens fui et hoc audivi». /Interrogata, quot annorum erat
tunc ipsa testis, respondit: «Non recordor».
97 For all related text references and a more detailed analysis, see Andrea Kiss, “Floods and
long-term water-level changes in medieval Hungary,” Dissertation (Budapest: Central
European University, 2011), 229-33.
98 MREV 1 (Inquisitio super vita), 183-87, 191-92, 196-97, 242-43, 280-81: The testimonies
of Domina Alexandra, Benedicta, Elisabeth, Margareta(1), Margareta(2), Olimpiades and
frater Marcellus. See also: Kiss, “Dunai árvizek,” 342-43.
31
according to four eye-witnesses (the two Margaretas, Alexandra, and Benedicta)
this happened after Epiphany (6 January; GC: 13 January) and before Lent (21
February in 1268; GC: 28 February in 1268). Domina Olimpiades mentioned a(n
unspecified) date before the start of the Lent. Only frater Marcellus named a
very different timing (April), just because he did not remember exactly, so he
merely guessed that it had happened when the rivers were usually in flood.
According to Domina Elisabeth the first flood lasted for three days, and
reached the yard of the servant sisters and the infirmary of the convent. Domina
Margaretha(2) also remembered that the first flood had lasted for days. The
second flood probably lasted only for some hours: after a sudden increase of the
water level, the water rapidly entered the convent so that it even reached the
chapter hall (thus, probably it was higher than the first one). This event was
followed by a sudden decrease of water (mentioned by the two Margarethas,
Olimpiades and Elisabeth). A cracking sound (cum magno sonitu) was also
mentioned by Domina Alexandra. Based on all this information the second flood
event was probably an ice jam flood. From a weather point of view this is an
important fact because the development of an ice jam flood requires long-lasting
frosts when a firm ice cover develops on the river (in the Budapest area and on
the upper section), interrupted by the arrival of mild humid western air masses,
causing rapid melting and ice break-up, first on the upper sections.
Compared to the second flood event, less direct information is available
concerning the type of the first flood. Some important circumstances, however,
may be of help in identifying the likely type of the flood event. For example,
frater Marcellus had to cross the Danube when visiting the nuns on the Island;
thus, the river had to be passable for a while between the two flood events.
According to some of the testimonies, not very long time passed between the
two flood events (eight days or less). This fact would suggest that if the second
flood was an ice jam flood (therefore, there were great amounts of large ice
pieces that had accumulated and obstructed the flow of the river), then there also
had to be ice on the Danube at least during the previous two weeks (or more);
and this also implies that there was ice on the upper sections of the Danube. This
indirectly points to the fact that there were strong frosts in the weeks before the
second flood and around/before the time of the first flood event as well.
Based on the available information, the first flood event reached some
parts of the convent, lasted only for three days (thus, it was a relatively quick
flood) and the water had to reach a significant height in the middle of the winter.
Being usually the coldest months of the year, we also have to consider the fact
that (normal) floods very rarely occur between early/mid-January and late
February, due to the usually very low water levels of the Danube at this time.
Taking into consideration the flood behaviour of the Danube before water
regulation works at Pest and Buda and also the season, there is relatively little
chance for the development of a relatively quick flood wave with considerable
height without any intervention of ice, especially if there was an ice jam flood
32
some days (or a week) afterwards.99 Thus, while the second flood event was
most likely an ice jam flood, there is a good chance that the first flood event also
belonged to the same type.
Although we have no more information for Hungary about the character
of this winter, data can be found in the neighbouring areas. We are in the
fortunate position that, due to the exceptionally good source coverage and a
detailed analysis work available for these years, an almost regular series on main
weather features is available for the period from the 1250s to the 1280s in the
Czech Lands and its neighbourhood. While the winter of 1266-1267 was cold
and dry in Thuringia, it is known that the Bavarian campaign of the Czech king
was obstructed by strong frosts some time after 30 November (maybe in early
December) 1266. As for the winter 1267-1268, the Czech king led a military
campaign to Prussia from 11 December 1267. Due to the fact that he already
reached Chelm on 3 January, Brázdil and Kotyza suggested constant cold freezing,
when swamps and probably also lakes were firmly frozen. At the end of
January there was a thaw which made further progress difficult, and the king returned
home.100
Concerning the instrumental period and based on some parallels in the last
500 years, the long-term winter temperature fluctuations of the Czech Lands
(e.g., Prague) correlates well with the winter temperature fluctuations of the
Budapest and also that of the Vienna area. This relationship is still highly
significant, but somewhat weaker between the Carpathian Basin and the Polish
areas.101 Based on this information there is high probability that, similar to the
presumed Czech-(south)Polish conditions, weather probably induced a cold,
freezing character during the (first part of the) winter of 1268 in the broader
region, including the Hungarian area of study. If the 1267-1268 winter dating is
correct, then this further effects our understanding on the first flood event
reported in the inquisition protocols: the Czech parallel increases the chance that
in December and January considerable ice cover developed on the Danube, and
already the first flood event was not a ‘simple’ flood event but a flood in-
99 For the ice conditions of the Danube before water regulation works, see Sándor Horváth, A
Duna jégviszonyai (Conditions of the Danube ice) (Budapest: VITUKI, 1979), 45. As for
some parallels in the same area, in Pest-Buda the greatest ice jam flood event of the 18th
century occurred in February 1775, lasted for three days; a much less severe ice jam flood,
for example, occurred in early March 1784, similarly lasting around three days. For the
development (and background) of the ice jam floods in the late 18th century in the Pest-
Buda area, see Andrea Kiss, “Suburbia autem maxima in parte videntur esse deleta –
Danube icefloods and the pitfalls of urban planning: Pest and its suburbs in 1768-1799,” in
From Villages to Cyberspace, ed. Cs. Kovács (Szeged: University Press, 2007), 271-82.
100 Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 106, with source references.
101 For a 500-year comparison in more detail, see P. Dobrovolný, A. Moberg, R. Brázdil, Ch.
Pfister, R. Glaser, R. Wilson, A. van Engelen, D. Limanówka, A. Kiss, M. Halíčková, J.
Macková, D. Riemann, J. Luterbacher and R. Böhm, “Monthly and seasonal temperature
reconstructions for Central Europe derived from documentary evidence and instrumental
records since AD 1500,” Climatic Change 101/1-2 (2010): 69-107.
33
fluenced by ice.102 In addition, the late January thaw might also ‘fit’ the picture:
it is in the interval suggested by the Hungarian eye-witnesses. If this late January
thaw had also been responsible for the ice break up on the Danube, then the two
flood events would have occurred around or after this time, i.e., in late January–
early February. This means early-mid February in the Gregorian calendar.
Otherwise, this period was the time, when in the 18th century some of the
greatest ice jam floods occurred in the Pest-Buda area (e.g. 1712, 1775).
Margit and the great wind (storm) in 1268?
The twenty-seventh witness, Domina Anna, mentioned a certain day when
a memorable strong wind occurred, which destroyed the roof (coopertura) of the
chapter in the convent and transported it to the ‘pomerium’. But they prayed
seven ‘psalmus penitentialis,’ and the wind ceased to blow.103 As for the year of
the event, the nun suggested that it occurred two years before the death of the
princess. Since the princess most probably died in 1270 (18 January), there is a
chance that the strong wind occurred in 1268.
Margit rescued the servant sister, Agnes, on a gloomy, rainy day in 1268 (or
102 It is interesting to mention the parallel of the 1783-1784 flood events: although during this
hard winter there were significant mild interruptions when significant floods developed in
Central (and Western) Europe, in the Polish areas in most cases no significant floods are
known. See, e.g., R. Brázdil, G.R. Demarée, M. Deutsch, E. Garnier, A. Kiss, J. Luterbacher,
N. Macdonald, Ch. Rohr, P. Dobrovolný, P. Kolář and K. Chromá, “European floods
of the winter 1783/84: scenarios of an extreme event during the Little Ice Age,”
Theoretical and Applied Climatology 100/1-2 (2010): 163-89.
103 MREV 1, 251-52 (Inquisitio super vita): Interrogata super miraculis dixit: «Ista sancta
quadam die, in qua erat ita magnus ventus, quod portraverat cooperturam domus capituli
in pomerium, portabat unam assidem plenam de terris (?) ad furnum coopertam de una
toalida, et tunc ego que iuvabam ipsam, dixi sibi: ‘Domina, quo vadimus, ventus iste
destruet istas terras, et noli facere malum;’ et tunc ista sancta respondit: ‘Quomodo non
nocebit nobis, quia destruxit cooperturam calituli nostri,’ et tunc ventus cessavit omnino
ita, quod nobis nihil nocuit». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod hoc fuit, respondit: «Per
duos annos ante mortem ipsius». / Interrogata de mense, respondit: «In quadragesima
tertia die post festum sancti Georgii». / Interrogata de die, respondit: «Non recordor». /
Interrogata de hora diei, respondit: «Circa nonam». / Interrogata, qui erant presentes,
respondit: «Nullus». / Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod ventus portavit cooperturam
capituli in pomerium, ut dixit, respondit: «Quia vidi». / Interrogata, in quo loco erant
tunc, quando ipse steterunt, ut dixit: respondit: «In curia servitialium ad celum apertum»,
et dixit: «Nolo aliquid aliud plus dicere, et ea que dixi, vidi et vera sunt». / Interrogata,
quot annos habet, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata, per quot annos stetit in
monasterio, respondit: «Per viginti annos». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod mortua est
dicta virgo Margaretha, respondit: «Septem anni». / Interrogata, si fuit docta, vel rogata
hoc testimonium, respondit: «Non». / Frater Andreas, prior eremitanorum de Buda et
frater Martinus, prior ecclesie sancti Michaelis de insula et Martinus Rubini interpretes
fuerunt modo predicto in depositionibus sororis Lucie, Catherine, Alexandrie, Benedicte,
Margarethe, Judith et domine Anne.
34
1269)?
Domina Margaretha, the duchess of Macho (Mačov), remembered a
memorable event, when the princess helped a sister called Agnes who had fallen
into a pit on the day of the resurrection. The weather was very gloomy (multum
obscurum) and it was raining (pluebat).104 According to Domina Elisabeth, there
was heavy rainfall, very gloomy weather, and the event happenned on “die
resurrectione domini post completorium”, without mentioning the year.105
Domina Olimpiades described the weather in the same way: it was gloomy with
heavy rain.106 The most detailed description of this particular event was pro-
104 MREV 1, 192 (Inquisitio super vita): Interrogata, si est aliqua servitialis, que vocaretur
Agnes, respondit: «Sic, quedam que cecidit in quemdam puteum istius claustri, in die
resurrectionis domini, in sero, et erat multum obscurum tempus et pluebat, dum dicta
virgo Margaretha mitteret pro quadam sua tunica, et cum dicti servitialis non
reverteretur, et quedam puella clamaret, quod illa ceciderat in puteum, tunc sorores et
dicta virgo Margaretha iverunt ad puteum, et soror Olimpiades, magistra ipsius virginis
Margarethe incepit multum reprehendere ipsam et dicere: ‘Tu occidisti istam servitialem,
quia tu mittebas illam tali tempore,’ et ipsa virgo Margaretha tunc flexit genua et orabat
ad dominum et ad sanctam Mariam, quod iuvaret ipsam servitialem, et quod ipsam libaret
de tanto periculo, et dicebata magistre sue. ‘Non timetatis, qui servitialis non erit mortua,’
et ipsa servitialis, que iam per tres vices iverat ad fundum dicti putei, extracta fuit
superius per dictas sorores cum fune et hidria putei». / Interrogata, quomodo scit
predicta, respondit. «Quia presens fui». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod hoc fuit,
respondit: «Non recordor». …
105 MREV 1, 210 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit: «Quadam die in resurrectione domini post
completorium, cum plueret fortiter, et esset obscurum multum, beata Margaretha vocavit
Agnetem, servitialem suam, et dixit, quod portaret sibi tunicam suam, et dum iret cito,
cecidit in puteum, qui est ante coquinam claustri, et tunc ipsa virgo Margaretha audivit
eam, qunado in puteum cecidit, et pulsavit ad fenestram refectorii, ut alie domine hoc
scirent, et iverunt ad puteum, et mater mea, soror Olimpiades, magistra ipsius sancte
Margarethe dixit eidem: ‘Quia misisti sic istam bonam feminam, tu perdidisti corpus et
animam,’ et illa dixit: ‘O Jesu Christe, tu scis, quia servivi tibi a pueritia mea, et (si)
placuit tibi servitium meum, facias, ne moriatur ista bona femina;’ et postea traxerunt
eam de puteo, et non habebat aliquod malum». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod hoc
fuit, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod ipsa virgo Margaretha
sic dixerit dicte servitiali sue, quod adportaret sibi tunicam suam, ut dixit, respondit:
«Quia tunc fui presens». / Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod erat ovscurum tempus,
respondit: «Quia vidi». / Interrogata, quomodo scit, quod ita oravit, ut dixit, respondit:
«Quia presens fui et audivi».
106 MREV 1, 222-23 (Inquisitio super vita): Item dixit, quod in quodam festo resurrectionis in
sero cum plueret fortiter, ipsa virgo Margaretha dixit cuidam servitiali, quod iret et
portaret sibi tunicam suam, et dum illa servitialis iret ad portandum illam tunicam, cecidit
in puteum, «et quando ego audivi dicere, quod servitialis ceciderat in puteum, ivi ad illam
virginem Margaretham, et cepi eam reprehendere, et dixi: ‘Domina, male fecisti, perdisti
corpus et animam,’ (et) respondit: ‘Non timeas mater, quia ista non morietur,’ et sic
oravit: ‘O domine Deus, si aliquantulum placet tibi meum servitium, fac, ut ista servitialis
non moriatur,»’ et dixit, quod illa servitialis tantum stetit in dicto puteo, donec claves
claustri invente fuerunt, et aperuerunt ostium, et ipsa virgo Margaretha «et ego et alie
35
vided by the ‘subject’ of the accident, the servant sister (Agnes), who not only
confirmed the statements of the previous nuns, but remembered that the event
happened nine years ago, “In die resurrectionis domini” (Easter Sunday in 1268:
8 April).107
Evidence from the 1270s
Hard, winter conditions of late 1270? (late autumn- early winter of 1270-1271)
The Continuatio Vindobonensis refers to the hard winter of 1270 in
Bohemia, and also describes the military campaign led by captain Sifrid(us)
Waehingarus to Hungary: the army of Sifrid proceeded in great frost. While
crossing over a frozen lake (lacus) on horseback, the ice broke and 40 noblemen
with 300 other armed soldiers became submerged there.108 Another Viennese
sorores ivimus ad puteum, et traximus ipsam servitialem vivam superius, et sine aliqua
lesione». … Interrota de nomine illius servitialis, que cecidit in puteum, ut dixit,
respondit: «Agnes». / Interrogata, si vivit, respondit: «Sic». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt,
quod predicta fuerunt, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de mense, respondit:
«Non habeo in mente». / Interrogata, si erat clarum tempus, vel obscurum, respondit:
«Pluvia erat et obscurum tempus». / Interrogata, in quo loco est ille puteus (respondit):
«In curia servitialium ante conquinam».
107 MREV 1, 229 (Inquisitio super vita): Agnes servitialis istius monasterii iuravit, ut supra.
… / Interrogata, quomodo scit predicta, respondit: «Quia videbam». Item dixit: «Quodam
die post completorium pluebat fortiter, et erat multum obscurum, et tunc ipsa domina mea
vocavit me, et veni cum una socia ad eam, et ipsa dixit mihi, quod ego apportarem sibi
tunicam suam, et multum mihi displicuit cum ibam pro dicta tunica, credens quod ipsa
socia mea esset mecum, sed eam non videbam, quia erat ita obscurum tempus, quod si
aliquis me percusisisset ad faciem ego non vidissem eum, et sic cecidi in quemdam
puteum, et postquam ivissem ad fondum putei tertia vice, cepi me ad parietem muri, et
domine que accurrerant extraxerunt me superius». / Interrogata, in quo loco erat tunc
virgo Margaretha, quando hoc sibi dixit, respondit: «In quodam domo de petris, nescio
aliud nomen». / Interrogata, quot anni sunt, quod hoc fuit, respondit: «Credo quod sunt
novem anni.» / Interrogata de mense, respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata de die,
respondit: «In die resurrectionis domini». / Interrogata, si alie erant presentes quam socia
sua, quando dicta Margaretha hoc dixit sibi, respondit: «Sic soror Sapientia, que mortua
est». / Interrogata de nomine dicte socie sue, respondit: «Elvit». / Interrogata, que fuerunt
ille, que traxerunt illam de puteo, respondit: «Agata servitialis». / Interrogata de aliis,
respondit: «Non recordor». / Interrogata, ubi est ille puteus, in quem cecidit, respondit:
«In claustro de foris ante coquinam». / Interrogata, si aliquid erat tunc in circuitu dicti
putei, respondit: «Non, et erat discoopertus». / Interrogata, si aliquid aliud vult dicere,
respondit: «Dic quod scio, et alie domine dixerunt que sciunt».
108 MGH SS 9, 703 (Continuatio Vindobonensis): 1270. … Rex vero Bochemie per nimia yemis
sevicia ad hec nichil valens facere, distulit bellum usque ad proximum pasca. In eadem
vero yeme quedam societas nobilium, quorum capitaneus erat Sifridus Waehingarius
consanguineus Orphanorum, volens per rapinam Ungariam intrare, et frigus erat
maximum, et cum lacum quendam transire vellent coagulatum vero equorum totque
virorum armatorum confracta submersi sunt ibidem qui erant noti nobilium 40, aliorum
vero fortium numerato 300.
36
source, namely the Continuatio praedicatorum Vindobonensium referred to the
frozen lake, the one that the Waehingarus army crossed in November 1270, as a
fossa congelata located close to the (Moravian) border.109 The same and some
other sources, such as the Historia Annorum remark that the army of the Czech
king, Otakar, also commenced a military campaign in Austria, but he had to
postpone it due to the bad winter conditions.110
Early 1271 – disease, an impassable river and food shortage: Czech troops in
Hungary
According to the description of a Czech military campaign (with Polish
and partly Austrian troops) to northwestern Hungary, presumably after the hard
winter of 1270-1271, hunger and disease arose in Austria and Hungary. As the
Historia Annorum and later the Anonymi Chronicon Leobiensis remarked, the
disease was unusually bad and both animals and humans were affected
(“Eiusdem tempore anno tam inaudita facta est pestilentia in Austria et
Ungaria, ut ex tam vehementi pestilentie plaga in fossatis maximis simul et
semel mortui homines tamquam peccora infoderentur”).111
Moreover, according to the description, at this time not the invaders but
defenders made an unsuccessful attempt to cross the river, and several soldiers
(Hungarians) became submerged in the waters of the Rábca river.112 Similar to
109 MGH SS 9, 728-29 (Continuatio praedicatorum Vindobonensium): 1270. Bela rex Ungarie
et regina Maria moriuntur, quibus successit Stephanus filius eorum. … Tunc Comani et
Ungari multos captivos de Austria abduxerunt mense Novembri. Eodem tempore Sifridus
Wehinger cum aliis trecentis qui Ungariam nocte secesserunt, dum transirent quandam
fossam congellatam, confractis glaciebus prope Marchiam sunt submersi. ….. 1271.
Stephanus rex Ungarie tyrannus congregatis Comanis et Ungaris terras regis Boemie, ut
hactenus sepius pater fecerat, nititur perturbare. Cui rex Bohemie cupiens resistere, tota
autem hyeme fatigatus ab Ungaris et Comanis. This information was also applied by the
Anonymi Chronicon Austriacarum as well as the Anonymus Zwetlense. See SRA 2, 256
(Anonymi Chronicon Austriacarum); SRA 1, 983-84 (Anonymus Zwetlensis).
110 MGH SS 9, 651 (Historia annorum): 1270. …. Iuraverat namque regi Boemie se cum ipso
pacem firmissimam habiturum, set clam hyberno tempore misso exercitu invadit Austriam
fradulenter, multosque interficiens, set multo plures innodatos vinculis secum captivos
abduxit. Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 107, dated the event for around 1
November (1270), and connected it to the military campaign of Přemysl Otakar II in
Austria.
111 MGH SS 9, 651-52 (Historia Annorum). See also: SRA vol. 1, 838 (Anonymi Chronicon
Leobiensis).
112 MGH SS 9, 703-04 (Continuatio Vindobonensis): 1271. Rex Bochemie multis principibus
in unum collectis, inter quos erat marchio de Pronswich et duces Polonie et alii quam
plures, et cum maxima multitudine armatorum, bene ad nonaginte milia, intravit
Ungariam ponte pulcherrimo per Danubium preparato; et in primo ipsius regis Bochemie
ingressu Posonium, quod vulgariter dicitur Prespurch, potenter expugnavit, quod factum
est infra hora prima et tercia. Rex vero Bochemie cives Wiennensis cum mille et quingentis
equis predicti castri fecit esse custodes. Postea vero aliud castrum dictum aput
Sanctum Georium, et castrum dictum Poesinge, et Piberspurch, et civitatem dictam Tirna,
37
the domestic 14th-century chronicle composition, the Chronicon Monacense has
a slightly different recollection about what happenned at the Rábca river, and
does not mention hunger or disease afterwards.113 As successful the campaign
seemed to be based on the description of the Continuatio Vindobonensis, the
combined (Czech-Polish-Austrian) army could not proceed to the areas over the
Rábca river, and left Hungary. The main reason for this prompt return was,
according to the same source, a shortage of food supplies that occurred (in the
area) by harvest time and thus the army could not stay there any longer.114
Two campaigns of Otakar to Hungary in 1273 – returning in ‘winterly weather’
According to the Continuatio Claustroneuburgensis, the Czech king
together with Austrians led another campaign to Hungary, when the two armies
attacked Transdanubia, the Czechs proceeded to Győr (Raab) and occupied the
town of Sopron. All that Otakar gained in Hungary, however, was taken back by
the Hungarians soon afterwards.115 But Otakar had not given up for this year. He
started another, much larger campaign in August when he occupied areas and
towns of key importance such as Pozsony (Bratislava), Nagyszombat (Trnava in
Slovakia), Győr and Sopron, on both sides of the Danube.116 However, he had to
hec omnia in illo loco existentia viriliter expugnavit. Postmodum vero per pontem, quem
per Danubium fieri iussit, cum omnibus suis transiens, ad aliam partem Ungarie se
recepit, quedam, castrum dictum Cherfullenburch, et Wart, et Altenburch, potenter expugnavit,
et civitatem Misenburch cum castro totaliter devastavit. Rex vero Bochemie
valida manu nullo sibi resistente per duos menses in eisdem partibus Ungarie potenter
manebat. Interea rex Stephanus Ungarie, maxima multitudine Comanorum tam Ungarorum
collecta in oppositum regi Bochemie venit, in aquam dictam Rebintz se locavit. Sed
contra regem Bochemie nichil facere potuerint, tam ex ipsis scilicet Ungaris qui
predictam occulte transierunt, plurimi submergebantur, et ab adversariis sunt occisi. Item
vero rex Bochemie videns quod pre nimia fame que tantum invaluit, et usque ad messem
plenarie perduravit, diucius cum tanta multitudine stare non posset, scessit inde, et in
Wiennam suam civitatem se recepit, et alii vero omnes ad propria sunt reversi. See also
MGH SS 9, 744 (Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis VI).
113 SRH 1, 470 (Chronici Hungarici Compositio Saeculi XIV.; Chronicon Budense): Qui
Othacarum regem Bohemorum in Hungariam cum Bohemis, Australibus, Brandennburgensibus
ac ceteris mixtis gentibus cum potentia venientem ante fluvium Rapcha devicit
viriliter et fugavit. See also: SRH vol. 2, 83 (Chronicon Monacense): 63. Stephanus coronatur.
Post Belam filius eius, Stephanus regnavit super totam Hungariam. Qui Othocarum
regem Bohemorum in Hungariam cum Bohemis, Australibus, Brandenburgensibus ac ceteris
mixtis gentibus cum potencia venientem ante fluvium Rapcha devicit viriliter et
fugavit.
114 According to the analysis of Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 106-07, in this year
the weather was unfavourable for the crops, and bad harvests occurred not only in
Bohemia but also in German areas and the Low Countries.
115 Kristó, Az Árpád-kor háborúi, 141-42.
116 MGH SS 9, 704 (Continuatio Vindobonensis); SRA vol. 2, 258-59 (Anonymi Chronicon
Austriacarum).
38
return ‘in October, due to cold winter weather conditions.’117
15th-century chronicle reports on great coldness and snowfall in the Carpathian
Mountains: early October of 1276
According to the 15th-century Polish chronicler, Długosz, immense coldness
appeared in the Cracow area at the end of September, and on 6 (GC: 13)
October great snowfall occurred in the ‘Sarmatian Alps’ dividing Poland from
Hungary (Carpathian Mountains) which is called Tatra at Kezmark (H-Késmárk;
Kežmarok today in Slovakia: see fig. 1). Wintry weather conditions were
described for mid-autumn.118 The report should be treated with great care due to
the fact that only a 15th-century compillation preserved its memory.
Evidence from the 1280s
Battle with great rainfall at Lake Hód: autumn 1280 or 1282?
In the area of what is today called Hódmezővásárhely, in the 13th century
an extensive lake was situated which was up to the late 19th century directly connected
to the large rivers of the east-central Great Hungarian Plain. Hód was the
name of this lake (located at the medieval village of Hód) where either in 1280
or 1282 László IV had his important battle against ‘his own’ Cumans, which
was clearly a turning point in the relationship of the state and the very
problematic (semi-)nomadic ‘guest-population’ (which King László’s mother
also belonged to). According to the 14th-century chronicle composition, the
sudden intense rainfall greatly influenced the direction and the final outcome of
the battle: it resulted in a phenomenon described by chronicles as Cumans
looking like the ‘mud of the earth’.119 Similar to the German 14th-century
chronicle of Henrik Mügeln,120 the Chronicon Posoniense also mentioned this
117 MGH SS 9, 744: (Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis VI): 1273. …. Hinc usque Rab perveniens,
postruam requieverat exercitus, remeando castra Ordeinstorf et alia plura
funditus destruxit, Odenburch capiens suis munivit, et frigore yemali coactus ad propria
remeavit.
118 Długosz 7, 807 (Historia Poloniae): (1276.) Frigor immenso & sine exemplo Cracouiensem
Prouinciam in fine Septembris premente, sexta deninde Octobris die tanta niuium
congeries descendit, Alpibus Sarmaticis, qui Poloniam & Hungariam diuidunt, & aliis
quos Tatri appellamus de Kezmark sitis insolitum coeli rigorem augentibus, vt omnem
regionem spissitudine grossa vestiret, & pro autumno gelidam hyemem induceret.
119 SRH 1, 472 (Chronici Hungarici Compositio Saeculi XIV.; Chronicon Budense): ….
propter ymbrium densitatem iuxta propheticum ‘facto sunt ut stercus terre’ …..
120 SRH 2, 219 (Chronicon Henrici de Mügeln): Do waz der Comanen herczog Oldumar (sic)
genant, und samment ein grosz her und kam zu dem see Hood genant und wolt ddaz vngerische
land betwingen. Do czoh er kunig Lasla gen den Haiden und strait mit in. Do kom
39
event and stated that from God’s mercy great rain fell into the face of the
‘pagans’ (Cumans), who only trusted their bows and arrows, and (after
mentioning the ‘mud of the earth’ allegory) then declared that King László had
gained a victory.121
In conclusion, heavy rainfall was clearly unfortunate for the fighting
strategy of the Cumans: in the heavy rain (downpour?) Cumans could not use
their arrows.122 No further information is available concerning the exact date of
the battle. Presumably taking details from the 14th-century chronicle composition,
123 15th-century narratives such as Vtino (although briefly connected to the
later second Mongol invasion) and Długosz also dated the battle of Hód Lake to
1282.124 According to Szabó,125 and later to Kristó, taking all known contemporary
domestic documentary evidence (both narratives and charter evidence,
providing the itinerary of the king) into account, the battle probably occurred in
mid-or late autumn (late October–early November) 1280, while 1282 is a less
likely date.126 Following the argumentation of some previous studies, recent
ein grosser regen under verderbt den Haiden ir geschosz, alt gotes genade wolt, und den
streit verlurn.
121 SRH 2, 44 (Chronicon Posoniense): (1282) … Postea cum prelium committeretur inter
partes, subito ex divina clementia pluvia grandis exoritur contra facie paganorum, et qui
in arcubus sperabant et sagittas (sic), propter ymbrium densitatem iuxta propheticum
‘facti sunt ut stercus terre.’ Et sic Ladizlaus victoriam obtinuit divino fretus auxilio.
122 For the fighting strategy (rather similar to other steppe peoples) of the Cumans and for the
importance of the arrows, see, e.g., István Gyárfás, A Jász-kunok története (History of the
Jaso-Cumans), vol. 3 (Szolnok: privately printed, 1883), 136-44.
123 SRH 1, 471-72 (Chronici Hungarici Compositio Saeculi XIV; Chronicon Budense): Postea
cum anno Domini M-o CC. LXXX II-o Oldamir dux Cumanie congregato exercitu
Cumanorum circa lacum Hood vocatum volens subiugaret, contra eum rex Ladizlaus, ‘ut
foris Iosue’ pro gente sua et regno pugnaturus accessit. In cuius exercitu Lorandus filius
Thoma, iles strennuus contra Cumanos lanceavit cum impetu virtutis sue et laudabiliter
percussit plurimos et prostravit. Postea cum prelium committeretur inter partes
fortissimum, subito et inopinate ex divina clementia pluvia grandis exoritur contra faciem
paganorum, et qui in arcubus sperabant et sagitta, propter ymbrium densitatem iuxta
propheticum ‚facto sunt ut stercus terre’. Et sic rex Ladizlaus victoriam obtinuit divino
fretus auxilio.
124 AMH 1, 82-83 (Brevis narratio): Postea anno domini 1282 Cuni voluerunt sibi regnum
subiugare, quos Rex prostravit, et Cuni fugientes ad Tartaros, et cum eis secunda vice
usque ad Peschtt universa combusserunt. Długosz 7, 827-28 (Historia Poloniae): Oldamir
Cumanorum Dux, in superbam iactantiam eleuatus, & credens se vniuersum Hungariae
Regnum, propter Wladislai Regis prauos & leues mores, subacturum, Hungariam inuadit.
Cui Wladislaus Hungariae Rex circa lacum Hood occurrens, secum confligit. Et praelio
acri inter vtrosque durante, tempestas ingenst coorta, ora & vultus Comanorum verberans
& obcoecans, magno adiumento Hungaris fuit, vt vincerent. Victus tanem est ab Hungaris
Oldamir, & omnis suus exercitus, paucis, qui fugiendo ad Tartaros euaserant, exceptis,
deletus.
125 Károly Szabó, Kun László (Ladislaus the Cuman) (Budapest: Magyar Történeti Társulat,
1886), 99-104.
126 Kristó, Az Árpád-kor háborúi, 147-48.
40
investigations again suggest that 1282 might have been the year of the battle.
According to this opinion, the king indeed led a military campaign to ‘regulate’
the Cumans in 1280: this fight resulted in the (unsuccessful) emigration efforts
of the Cumans towards Cumania (territory of the Golden Horde). Nevertheless,
the final battle that settled the later history (and slow integration) of Cumans in
Hungary, namely the battle of Hód took place in 1282. Even if the year of the
battle is still debated, the battle clearly took place near the village of Hód
(and/or along the shoreline of the Hód lake):127 the former Hód Lake ceased to
exist due to 19th-century water regulation works (today it is part of Hódmezővásárhely
near Mártély – for the location see fig. 1). However, if the dating is
the autumn of 1280, this would be in good agreement with parallel Czech
evidence suggesting an unusually warm autumn for 1280.128
Winter of 1281 in Slavonia: deep snow and severe frosts
After the examination on 14 March Nicolaus, the Duke of Slavonia and
his brother, Count Henrik were excommunicated by the bishop of Zagreb,
because in the (preceding) winter they attacked and robbed the village of Waska
in Verőce county (today Vaška in N-Croatia), located near the Drava river.
Moreover, out of the villagers expelled, five women froze to death in the bitter
cold. And since there was great snow (propter inpedimenta nivium) it was not
possible to drive the sheep and goats with them, so they simply skinned the
animals for their fur.129 As a clear parallel, the winter of 1281 was severe, snowy
and long-lasting in the Czech areas, and similar weather was reconstructed for
the German territories as well.130
Great famine in Cracow – mass migration to Hungary
127 For a recent sythensis, a detailed overview and analysis of scientific literature as well as
sources see Gyöngyi Nagy, “Kun László király és a Hód-tavi csata” (King László the
Cuman and the battle of Lake Hód), in A hódmezovásárhelyi Szeremlei társaság évkönyve
2012 (Hódmezővásárhely: Városi Leveltár, 2012), 69-89.
128 Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 108.
129 ÁUO vol. 12, 336-38: Noverit vestra paternitas, quod quinta feria proxima ante
dominicam Oculi Mei, post nostrum recessum de curia venerabilis patris domini Philippi,
Dei gracia Episcopi Firmani, et Apostolice Sedis Legati, ad quandam possessionem
Episcopatus nostri, Wasca vocatam, venissemus, propter depredaciones Nicoali Bani
tocius Sclauonie, et Comitis Henrici, filiorum Henrici Bani, ac eorum complicum et
sequacium violentos descensus, destrucciones et depredaciones manifestas, sic invenimus
eandem desolatam et destructam, quod non solum res vel bona illic residencium fuerunt
ablata, verum eciam vix pauci homines propter destrucciones huiusmodi remanserunt in
eadem; ubi eciam quinque mulieres expulse de suis domibus per eosdem, algore frigoris
spiritum exalarunt. Pecudes eciam, scilicet oves et capras, quas pellere propter inpedimenta
nivium non potuerunt, scorticaverunt et scorticari fecerunt propter pelles. See also:
Szabó, Kun László, 106.
130 Brázdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 108; Glaser, Klimageschichte, 75.
41
According to the Annales Polonorum, in 1282 there was a great famine in
the Cracow area. This famine resulted in a mass emigration from these areas; the
targetted lands were the Russian areas and Hungary.131 This fact might also
suggest that the situation was not so severe in Hungary compared to that in
South Poland.
Bad luck with weather? Torrential rains and the second Mongol invasion in
1285
In 1285 Tatars/Mongols returned to Hungary: according to the Continuatio
Vindobonensis, a huge number of Cumans and Mongols entered
Transylvania; they caused untold damage and killed many people. Nevertheless,
treated as a miracle from God, clouds appeared and a lot of snow and rain fell.
This snow and cloudburst caused flooding in which almost everyone
drowned.132 The Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis (VI)133 and the Annales
Polonorum (I)134 referred to this event in 1284, while it was dated to 1285 by the
Annales Sancti Rudberti135 and the Annales S. Stephani Frisingenses as well.136
Although dated to 1276, probably the same 1285 event appears in the Anonymus
131 MGH SS 19 (Annales Polonorum III-IV), 647: Eodem anno fuit maxima fames in terra
Cracoviensi, per quam famem infinita millia hominum iverunt alii in Russiam, alii in
Ungariam.
132 MGH SS 9, 713 (Continuatio Vindobonensis): Anno Domini 1285 Comani et Tartari cum
innumerabili multitudine intraverunt Ungariam, et vastaverunt eam, et occiderunt et
deduxerunt ex ea innumerabiles viros et mulieres et parvulos eorum; tandem vero ab
incolis terre circa Septem castra turpiter sunt de terra fugati, occissis ex eis innumerabili
multitudine. Reliqui evaserunt, quamvis pauci, fugientes inter montes et valles nemorosas,
divino iudicio ibidem fere omnes perierunt. Nam Dominus qui ubique est protector in se
sperancium, misit super eos nives et pluvias ingentes, confractisque nubibus super eos
tanta inundatio aquarum irrupit, quod fere omnibus submersis pauci ex eis evaserunt.
133 MGH SS 9, 746 (Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis VI): 1284. (1285!) … Item Tartari
devastaverunt Ungariam, sed in ea sunt occisi, et frigore perierunt multi.
134 MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, vol. 11 (Hannover: Hahn,
1866) (hereafter MGH SS rer. Germ. 11), 69-70 (Annales Polonorum I): 1284. … Eodem
anno Tarthari terram Ungarie, que dicitur de Septemcastris, intraverunt et multos
christianos captivaverunt et occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam
famem in eos et pestilenciam inmisit; quod audientes Septemcastrenses Deo victoriam
commiserunt, dicentes: Melius est gladio perire quam fame in castris et in civitatibus
propter Tartharos interire. Vota complent opere. …
135 MGH SS 9, 809 (Annales Sancti Rudberti Salisburgenses): 1285. … Gens barbara,
videlicet Tartari, Ungariam intrant hostiliter iam altera vice cum tanta multitudine, quod
castra meciuntur ad longitudinem 10 rastarum et in latitudine 6; quorum pavor irruit. …
Tartari maxima eorum multitudine interfecta retrocedunt.
136 MGH SS 17, 57 (Annales S. Stephani Frisingenses): 1285. Hoc anno innumerabilis multitudo
Tartarorum erupit per Meotida paludem, et Ungariam cede, incendiis et rapinis
incredibiliter vastarunt, ad ultimum a septem castellensibus conclusi, superati, interfecti
sunt, vix tante cladis nuncii paucissimi vix ad propria remearunt.
42
Leobensis.137
According to the 14th-century chronicle composition and other domestic
chronicles, the second invasion caused lots of damage, and Mongols destroyed
and burnt areas ‘up’ to Pest.138 It is also known that around Easter (25 March in
1285) the ferry between Pest and Buda was very busy and full of refugees,
whose situation was greatly exploited by some of the ferrymen and other people
– but Mongols apparently did not cross the river at this time.139
Some time in early or mid spring, the Mongols descended towards
southern Transylvania where they planned to leave the country. While the
Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis (VI) mentioned that many Mongols had died
in the great frost, others emphasised that great rainfall and a flood (torrential
rain?) occurred, in which Mongols became submerged.140 The Hermanni
Altahensis Annales and its copies also mention that natural conditions were
unfavourable for the Mongols: ice, snow and rain fell in great quantity.141 The
Österreichische Reimchronik described a snow-rain storm, followed by frosty
137 SRA 1, 861 (Anonymus Leobiensis).
138 SRH 1, 472 (Chronici Hungarici Compositio Saeculi XIV; Chronicon Budense): 182.
Tandem postea pauci de ipsis Cumanis, qui evaserant, ad Tartaros fugientes, quorum
instinctu Tartari anno Domini M-o CC-o LXXX-o V-o secunda vice in Hungariam advenerunt
et usque Pesth universa miserabiliter combusserunt. See also (following the text
of the 14th-century chronicle composition): SRH 1, 213 (Chronicon Zagrabiense), SRH 2,
44 (Chronicon Posoniense) and SRH 2, 83 (Chronicon Monacense). For a detailed
overview of the different scientific opinions, see György Székely, “Egy elfeledett rettegés:
a második tatárjárás a magyar történeti hagyományokban és az egyetemes összefüggésekben”
(A forgotten fear: the second Mongol invasion in the Hungarian historical tradition
and in general context), Századok 122 (1988): 52-88.
139 Johannes Simor and Nándor Knauz, Monumenta ecclesiae Strigoniensis, vol. 2 (Esztergom:
Horák, 1882) (hereafter MES 2), 196-198: letter of the queen written on 14 June
1285. See also Fejér CD 5/3, 285. For more detailed information, see Székely, “Egy
elfeledett rettegés,” 52-88.
140 SRA 1, 720-721 (Paltramus seu Vatzo): MCCLXXXV. Post Nativitatem Domini Chumani
& Thartari cum innumerabili multitudine intraverunt Ungariam, & vastaverant eam, &
occiderunt & abduxerunt ex ea innumerabiles viros, mulieres & parvulos eorum. Tandem
vero ab incolis terrae circa septem castra turpiter sunt de terra fugati, occisis ex eis multitudine
innumerabili; reliqui vero qui evaserant, quamvis pauci, fugientes latitantes inter
montes & valles memorosas Divino judicio ibidem fere omnes perierunt. Nam Dominu,
qui ubique protector omnium sperantium in se, misit super eos nubes & pluvias ingentes:
confractisque nubibus super eos, tanta inundatio aquarum irrupit, quod fere omnibus submersis,
pauci ex eis evaserunt.
141 MGH SS 17, 414 (Herimanni Altahensis Annales): 1285. … Preterito anno hoc est anno
1280, tempore Ladizlai regis Ungarie, filii regis Stephani, Tartari in tanta multitudine
intraverunt Ungariam, quod dicebantur cum exercitu suo undecim miliaria occupare. Qui
tandem non humano auxilio, set divino iudicio perierunt. Supervenit enim grando, nix et
pluvia in tanta quantitate, quod se de loco movere non poterant; et sic a christianis in
circuitu positis sunt occisi, et iusti tulerunt spolia impiorum. See also: MGH SS Vol. 17, p.
595 (Eberhardi Archidiaconi Ratisponensis Annales); MGH SS 9, 810 (Weichardus de
Polhaim).
43
weather that caused great devastation among the Mongols.142 Dated to 1284 but
clearly referring to the second Mongol invasion, the Annales Polonorum IV,
mentioned that Christ sent famine and disease on Mongols,143 whereas the 15thcentury
chronicle of Długosz discussed the timing and spatial distribution of the
event (which occurred between Epiphany and Easter; up to Buda and Pest),
along with the great devastation.144
Without dating, a very important charter provides some information concerning
the location of the battle. The resulting Hungarian-Secler victory over
the Mongols, the battle took place in Transylvania, in the vicinity of the castle of
Turuskou (H-Torockó; today Rimetea in Romania), where thousands of captives
were freed.145 In conclusion, the Mongols (and others like the Cumans) entered
the country through Transylvania around or some time after Christmas, and left
the country by the end of May when the king had already issued charters with
regards to the past invasion, even if according to other evidence some Mongols
may have stayed a little longer, and were still around in June.146
142 J. Seemüller, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores. Deutsche Chroniken, vol 5/1
(Hannover: Hahn, 1890), 313 (Ottokars Österreichische Reimchronik): CCLIII. nû wurden
si gedanchaft, / wie si gewunnen die kraft, / dâmit si sich gefristen. / swâ si werlich liute
wisten, / die besanden si sâ / beidiu verre unde nâ. / di Tâteraer si riten sân / an dm
vordern orte an. / dishalp des Snêberg si lâgen. / die welde wâren in verslagen, / sô daz si
mit gedrenge / muosten durch die enge / in daz lant ze Ungern rîten. / den hindern wart
der voren strîten / wol zwên tac verswigen: / sô lanc sach man si ligen. / si ahten in ir
sinne, / dô si des wurden inne, / daz in was verhamit / der selben strâzen wit, / sô daz ir
grôzez her / moht niht komen ze wer / an die Unger mit schocken, / die als die snêflocken /
wâren unzellich, / do vereinten si sich kurzlich / ûf ein widerreise / und liezen in der freise,
/ mit den man hezlichen vaht. / ein ganzen tac und eiin naht / mit strîte wâren si gequelt. /
si belîbent ungezelt, / die dâ tôt beliben. / die aber hinder sich triben, / dô die komen wârn
/ an den Snêbere mit scharn, / dô erzeigte got der guote, / der in sîner huote / het die
kristenheit, / swer an im niht verzeit / und sich sîner helfe trôst, / daz er den schiere hât
erlôst / ûz aller nôt bitter. / ez kom ein solich ungewitter / von schûre und von snê, / daz
die Tâtraer niht mê / geluste her wider. / si sluoc der schûr dar nider, / darzuo der frost ir
verderbte / sô vil und ersterbte, / daz man daz wol aht, / die si heten ûz brâht, / der kom
hin wider mit unheil / kûm der hundertist teil. / die Unger dancten sêre / got, der in die êre
/ und di gnâde het getân.
143 MGH SS 19, 648 (Annales Polonorum IV): 1284. Eodem anno Thartari terram Ungarie,
que dicitur de Septemcastris, intraverunt et multos christianos captivaverunt et
occiderunt. Christus autem tutor christianorum, magnam famem in eos et pestilenciam
inmisit; quod audientes Septemcastrenses Deo victoriam commiserunt, dicentes: ‘Melius
est gladio perire quam fame in castris et in civitatibus propter Thartaros interire.’ Vota
complent opere.
144 Długosz 7, 840-41 (Historia Poloniae).
145 Károly Szabó, Székely oklevéltár, vol. 1 (Székely/Sekler chartulary) (Kolozsvár [Cluj
Napoca]: K. Papp Miklós Nyomdája, 1872), 21-22: Donation charter issued on 18
September, 1289.
146 ‘in praesenti persecucione Tartarorum’ – mentioned in the charter issued on 14 June in
1285 (published in: MES 2, 197). See Jackson, The Mongols, 205.
44
Evidence from the 1290s
Great snow in January: uncertain year in the 1290s
Due to the deep snow, a perambulation had to be postponed in the village
of Bosol in Somogy county (Basal, S-Transdanubia). Unfortunately, the last
number of the year cannot be reconstructed (that part of the parchment is
missing), and thus, the only information available is that the perambulation
would have taken place on 26 January, in an uncertain year of the 1290s.147 Still,
it is clear that one winter in the 1290s was rich in snow in the southern
Transdanubia. There was such a great abundance of snow that perambulators
could not recognise the boundaries (and landmarks), so the perambulations were
not even initiated.
Lightning struck the son of the hated lord in the year 1297
According to the Continuatio Vindobonensis as well as to Paltramus, in
summer of 1297 several lightning bolts struck and killed several people. One
such lightning bolt struck and killed the son of Iwani, the count of Kőszeg, who
was one of the most powerful magnates of Hungary at that time. Due to his great
notoriety in Austria, this event gained special interest among annalists.148
Overview
Similar to the conditions of the 11th-12th centuries,149 only a few weather
related sources can be detected concerning 13th-century Hungary: due to
147 ÁUO 10, 432-33: Nos Capitulum Quinqueecclesiense memorie comendamus, quod cum
iuxta formam litterarum Judicis Curie domini Regis octauo die ante festum Purificacionis
Beate Virginis terram Bosol uocatam, super qua inter Magistrum Corlardum et Abbatem
Monasterij Sancti Jacobi de Zelyz ab una parte, et inter Paulum et Gurgh filios Iwahun de
Wynzlov ab altera contenditur …., propter habundanciamque niuium cursus metarum
eiusdem terre continencium in prefato priuilegio minime reperientes perambulare
nequiuissent, prout hoc noster cum hominibus ambarum parcium ad nos reuersus (homo)
nobis dixit. …. Datum in crastino Beati Blasij.
148 MGH SS 9, 719 (Continuatio Vindobonensis): 1297. … Eodem anno in estate multo plures
homines in diversis locis fulmine perierunt, quam prius antea in multis annis auditum sit,
ita quod in messe in uno campo octo fulminati interierunt. … Nam filius cuiusdam Ungari
comitis Ywani, homo malus, predo pessimus, sicut multis annis exstitit pater eius, divina
ultione ictu fulminis mortuus est. Sic Austria liberata est ab eo. SRA 1, 723 (Paltramus seu
Vatzo): MCCXCVII. Multi homines fulmine perierunt, quod prius inauditus erat: quia in
uno campo octo fulminati interierunt, insuper filius comitis Virbani (Ibani=Yvani) Ungari
fulmine mortuus est.
149 For the evidence available concerning the 11th-12th centuries see Andrea Kiss, “Weather
and Weather-Related Environmental Phenomena Including Natural Hazards in Medieval
Hungary I: Documentary Evidence on the 11th and 12th Centuries,” Medium Aevum
Quotidianum 66 (2013): 5-37.
45
specific historical events, the evidence is centered to the early 1240s, the late
1260s and the mid-1280s. Another similarity is that foreign and domestic
narratives still play a most important role in our search for weather-related
information. Furthermore, the growing importance of charters, and the particular
significance of two less-frequent source types, namely official and private letters
and canonisation protocols – preserving the testimonies of contemporary eyewitnesses
– should be mentioned. The available direct and indirect information
can be grouped as follows:
1) Temperature related weather information:
a) The cold winter of 1241-1242 in Hungary
b) The (massive) freezing over of the Danube and other waterflows in (late)
January
c) A thawing from early(-mid) February 1242: Székesfehérvár area (Central
Hungary)
d) Cold, frosty weather in (early) March 1242 in the Split area (Dalmatia)
e) A hot day reported in early June, 1246: West-Hungary
f) Great heat from late June along the Morava river: 1260
g) Probably some time in the winter of 1267, cold weather conditions in the
Buda area
h) Ice jam floods suggesting a hard winter with mild spell(s): the winter of
1268(Buda)
i) In late autumn-early winter in 1270, a freezing spell in Northwest-
Hungary,
j) Cold winter conditions in 1281 in North-Slavonia,
(k) Probably mid-autumn in 1276, a bitter cold spell in the Tatra Mts.).
2) Evidence on precipitation events:
a) A sudden great rainfall in the „Hungarian Mountains“ (NE-Carpathians) in
1229
b) Incessant rain for 3 days in Austria and Hungary; a great Danube flood in
1235
c) The winter of 1241-1242 was rich in snow
d) A rainy autumn day in Veszprém (Central-Transdanubia) in 1249
e) Heavy rainfall (mixed with snow?) in the mountains in Transylvania in
spring 1285
f) A large amount of snow in a winter in the 1290s in S-Transdanubia
g) Undated (between 1266-1269?) data on deep snow and a rainy day in the
Buda area
h) Great snow in (late?) winter along the Drava river in N-Slavonia
i) A great downpour(?) at the Hód Lake, SE Great Plain in the autumn of
1280(?).
(j) Probable mid-autumn 1276 great snowfall in the Tatra Mts.
3) Other weather phenomena:
a) A (wind)storm in the Buda area in 1268?
b) Lightning struck and caused loss of life in West-Hungary in 1297
46
4) Envirommental phenomena indirectly related to weather:
a) Esztergom and (Ó)Buda burnt down in 1223
b) The great famine years of 1241-1243 in Hungary (caused by the Mongol
invasion)
c) Wolf packs, foxes and eagles attacking humans in Hungary in 1241-1243
d) A locust invasion in Hungary in 1242-1243
(e) Probable famines in 1217 and 1263; probable hunger/food shortage in
early 1271).
Acknowledgements: The author is grateful for the useful suggestions of László Koszta
(Department of Medieval and Early Modern Hungarian History, University of Szeged,
Hungary), György Szabados (Hungarian Medieval Studies Research Group, Hungarian
Academy of Sciences, Szeged, Hungary) and Silvia Enzi (Kleio Studio, Italy). The paper was
completed within the framework of the “Flood Change” ERC project (Vienna University of
Technology, Austria). The author also wishes to thank David P. Curley for proof-reading this
article.