Research Possibilities into the History and Material Culture of Eating, Drinking and Hospitality during the Period of Hungarian Conquest

Research Possibilities

into the History and Material Colture

of Eating, Drinking, and Hospitality during the Period of the Hungarian Conquest

J6zsefLaszlovsz

Research into the Period of the Hungarian Conquest has a long tradition. Studying the material culture of this epoch has achieved signi cant results as weil. This review is far too short to su arize them even briefly.1 Therefore, an attempt was made to present the types of sources and methods available to help us better understand the topics mentioned in the title of this paper. Consequently, this article serves as an introduction for the following studies: Detailed information on individual methods and areas of research are presented in the respective specialists‘ reports. Meanwhile, it seemed necessary to tackle questions which are not possible to research on the basis of documented sources since written information is not available from the discussed period, but which belong to the subject outlined in the title.

The topic was therefore elucidated using the logic developed during my research into later medieval periods. This methodological approach is justified by the scarcity and indirect nature of documentary sources dealing with eating and drinking habits as weil as hospitality. On the other hand, during the later centuries of the Middle Ages, a rich source material is available from other areas of Europe.2 Surveying this information and su arizing its results is also instructive since it may help in the

1 The most important summary of the recent lit ature: The Ancient Hungarians 1996. See also: di Cave 1995.
2 Adamson 1995; Bitsch – Ehlert – Ertzdor 1990; Borst 1983, 323-335; Bosman 1976; Desportes 1987; Dyer 1993, 77-133; Hagen 1989, 1995; Henisch 1976; Laurioux 1989; Montanari 1988; Scully 1995. For the medieval Hungarian sources and secondary Iiterature see: Kubinyi 1991, 1992.

identification of both the potentials and limitations as weil as pitfalls inherent in such investigations.

This chain of thought can be illustrated with an analogy which is unquestionably relevant to the subject of hospitality. Investigations in gastronomic history may be looked upon a s preparing a complex and elaborate meal that consists of a multitude of elements and involves a number of techniques. In an ideal case, one has raw material of the highest quality, that is, detailed sources for this work. We also possess all the culinary equipment that is necessary for preparing this sophisticated meal. Moreover, we also have expert helpers, each experienced in different areas, always at hand when it is their tu to take part in the cooking process. Finally, we also have a chef who oversees the entire operation, and whose directions coordinate raw materials, equipment and specialists in the production of a most delicious meal. It is possible, however, that the situation falls far short of this ideal. We have a meager pool of raw materials, many ingredients required in the recipe are missing. Therefore we must be satis ed with the use of substitutes. Some of the raw materials may even out to be barely usable which may force us to abandon our original plan. In addition, some of the experts may actually be less helpful

than expected or their contributions are useless, o en defective. Under such harried circumstances the chef may consider quitting, saying that he cannot take responsibility for the end product. However, the guests are here and they are certainly hungry so something must be done. Nevertheless, a real chef can prepare something tasty even in such desperate circumstances unless all the raw materials are absolutely rotten, and his helpers are complete imbeciles. Naturally, any prepared meal made this way will be a far cry from what was originally planned, however, at least something can be served to the guests.

Facing an analogous proble , the situation of historians and archaeologists is very similar. They know what raw materials, sources they need, however, these are either not available or are „spoiled“. They know the areas in which exte al help would be indispensable, however, their helpers have either disappeared or are ill-prepared to carry out their tasks as planned. Although historical reconstructions can be carried out even under such di icult circumstances, one should clearly see what ought to be done given an ideal situation and what can actually be done in an optimal case. 1t is only in this manner that we can appraise how our meal differs from the ideal recipe that the master chef would have realized under the best circumstances.

45

This comparative review represents an attempt to carry out such a task. However, the standard will not be an ideal, imaginary situation, but the later Middle Ages which is much better understood than the Period of the Hungarian Conquest.

First, our „raw materials“, that is the sources, must be inventoried.

The traditions of historical research dictate that the written sources should first be accounted for. Such documents may be classified into various groups, but the type best suited for our current study is in the form of coeval cook books in which both the raw materials for foods and drinks, as weil as their modes of preparation are properly listed.3 Another excellent source may be an authentic eyewitness account of a feast, which in addition to describing the food and drink in the order in which they were served, may offer additional details on how people behaved, what customs were characteristic of that period.4 Similarly, a traveler’s diary may be a valuable source in which he/she describes the produce seen in the market, or the food offered during the visits paid to local homes, not to speak of comprehensive sources which provide info ation on what food certain social strata consumed, including data on the equencies and customs at meals, some­ times even through Ionger periods.

Although such texts are at least sporadically available from the Middle Ages, they do not conce the food habits of conquering Hungarians.5 Cookbooks are known only from the 13th century onwards, and even those are relevant to the westem regions of our continent.6 Descriptions of feasts are also numerous such as the famous account of Attila’s feast.7 No written sources are available, however, conceming the celebratory meals of the chie ains and social elite of conquering Hungarians. Although some travelers‘ accounts are available even om the pre-conquest habitation areas of the ancient Hungarians, they are of little help in reconstructing foods, drinks and the traditions ofhospitality.8 Eating regimens and regulations of particular social groups have also survived,

3 For the roJe of cookbooks : Montanari 1 996, 79. The interpretation of these texts is also probl atic, pa icularly the reconstruction ofthe raw materials and the measures.
4 Ethnographie studies are important in this context, but they only be used for a much later period: Valonen – Lehtonen 1975, Kisbän 1975.

5 Traveller’s accounts can be used for the later period in Hungary, but even these are not dealing with drinking and eating very o en.
6 See note 2.
7 B6na 1993, 63-73. See also Peter Tomka’s article in this volume.

8 Pauler – Szilägyi 1900; for the new sources and for the recent discussions of interpretations: Koväcs – Veszpremy 1996.

46

especially those of monks from the concemed periods. These are, however, largely irrelevant to eating customs habits during the period of the Hungarian Conquest.

1t must be stated therefore that practically no such direct documentary evidence is at hand for research on our topic. Sporadic written sources relevant to the proble are either poor in information content or are di cult to interpret. One of these is the undoubtedly authentic account of how marauding Hungarians behaved during an incursion to the monastery of Sankt Gallen.9 The only proble with this precious piece of writing is that, as will be detailed by Mikl6s Takacs in this volume, it is not possible to tell how much may be generalized om this description. Should we believe that the behavior of a group of drunk soldiers during a military campaign was characteristic of all strata of Hungarian society during the Conquest Period? Was it only the intoxicated warriors who amused themselves by throwing around the gnawed bones during the meal? Could the Iack of proper drinking cups mean that they were not used by Hungarians at the time, or was this characteristic only for the marauding hordes? It is obvious that although this source is authentic, one should not draw generalized conclusions from it.

The same can be said of another westem account of how Kursan, one of the Hungarian military Ieaders was killed during a feast held by the Bavarians. This source is not only ndamentally discredited by the fact that another source describes Kursan’s heroic death in the battle eld. From our point of view, it is more of a proble that even this laconic description of the meal is not relevant to Hungarian eating and drinking traditions. Although there is little doubt that high-ranking Hungarians organized similar feasts at the time, it is clear that in this documented case it was the Bavarians who prepared for the celebration of tbe peace talks which ultimately offered an opportunity for the assassination of Kursan.10

This modest Iist of written sources is traditionally further expanded to include another piece of documentary evidence. According to Anonymus, during the course of the conquest, the military commanders Ond (Ound), Ketel and Tarcal (Turzul) rode to the top of a hill following tbeir battles in the Bodrog river area (actually, the hill was named after the last of tbese warriors). At that spot, they held a great celebratory feast (magnum aldamas

9 Pau1er – Szi1ä i 1 900, 335-342.
10 Aventius and the Anna/es Alemannici. See Gombos 1937, 341 -387, Györ 1959, 127- 160.

47

other sources. Namely, it is unknown how fields were tilled, what plants were cultivated and what was the stock of free-ranging animals like.

Another important pool of direct documentary evidence comes om normative sources. Most of these are Iaws or resolutions brought by the synod which regulated society and various aspects of human conduct. More exactly, these are the data that were most equently recorded and are thus available for mode research. Naturally, rules and regulations that define social norms had existed long before this time, however, those customs were not codi ed in a written form. This situation is typical for the period of the Hungarian Conquest as weil. Everyday life at the time was certainly ruled

by strict customs, however, no documentary evidence has survived. W tten laws and resolutions by the clergy first appeared at the beginning ofthe I Ith century. 16 Paradoxically, however, their appearance was aimed at signi cantly changing customs that must have been most characteristic of the preceding period ofthe Hungarian Conquest. Not only were laws dra ed during the reign of the first Christian king St. Stephen, or Ladislaus I and Coloman at the end of the same century chronologically distant om the period under discussion here.17 They must be considered unusually indirect as weil, since they were set out to defining the norms of a new and different social structure. Their roJe in reconstructing the period of the Hungarian Conquest , therefore, must be considered extremely limited. Nevertheless, some elements of these sources can prove use l om the perspective of tbis topic, especially those which were aimed at prohibiting customs incompatible with the new social order and Christianity. The existence of such customs, which had to be banned by law due to their importance, can be used in indirectly characterizing earlier pe ods. From the viewpoint of this volume prohibitions of pagan rituals may to some extent be use l, since some of them must have been sacrifices related to food and drink as weiL18 Yet again, however, the sources themselves reveal only a few details so their evaluation must be carried out in conjunction with the use of other sources as weiL

Another traditional means of investigating medieval material culture and everyday life is the study of the pictorial evidence. Murals, paintings and miniatures have preserved many details, and beyond the mere depiction of objects they o en i ortalized actions and gestures as weiL A special characteristic of these sources of information is that they are based on sights

16 zavodszky 1904.
17 id.
18 For e religious back ound of ese sacri ces: Di6szegi 1 967.

49

coeval with their actual creation, even if they are intended to illustrate events that happened sometimes centuries earlier. Most typically, medieval biblical iconography is not relevant to reconstruction of attire or objects used at the time of Christ but to that of the typical environment in which the picture was painted. This makes tbe systematic use of pictorial sources especially important.

Unfortunately, iconographic data from the period of the Hungarian Conquest are even more scarce than written sources. It is not only eating and drinking that have not survived in at least approximately coeval pictures. More basic efforts in trying to recognize the conquering Hungarians themselves have consistently failed as weiL Some pictures used in tentative identifications do not originate om the period of the Hungarian Conquest while others cannot be linked with any certainty to Hungarians.19 Although such representations may be of significant help, they still remain on the Ievel of analogies and parallels which raises further methodological problems to be discussed later. 0

Traditionally, the Hungarian language has been considered one of the most important sources in the study of the period of the Hungarian Conquest and even for the preceding historical times.2 Linguistic studies already played a prominent role in the 191h century when „our relatives“, the Hungarian ancestral territory and the routes of their westward migration were being mapped. Since language undergoes continuous change, many phenomena affecting a group of people are re ected in the structure of the language as weil as in the evolution of its vocabulary. Thus, in the nomenclature of plants cultivated and domestic animals kept by the ancient Hungarians, several linguistic strata have been distinguished and this method is of great help in determining the characteristics of various historical periods. More recently, this research has been neatly complemented by the results obtained by natural sciences (botanics, zoology etc.) which help in identi ing the plants and animals once exploited by the ancient Hungarians, and whose names are preserved in the linguistic record.

Following this logic it is plausible that one should get similarly good results by studying food habits within the context of various linguistic strata. Unfortunately, the method appears much less promising om this

19 Later depictions of the Hungarian conquest are not relevant for these questions, see Kubinyi – Laszlovszky 1991, ont page illustration (Die Sieben der Ung . Holzschnitt aus J. Thur6czi, Chronica Hungaro . B 1486.) The most important summary of literature: Gyö 1986, 3 1 9-323.

2° Koväcs – Veszpremy 1997.

50

point of view. On the one hand, a typical form of linguistic change is that words lose their original meaning and o en change substantially. For example, the Hungarian equivalent of butter, „vaj“, belongs to the most ancient stratum of our language. One could therefore conclude that dairying was among the more important activities pursued by conquering Hungarians. Unfortunately, however, comparative linguistic, etymological and linguistic-historical studies have shown that today’s usage of this word cannot be considered as evidence of such activities, since it has ed out that „vaj “ was used in a 1signi cantly broader sense, meaning just about any kind of fatty substance?

other di icult element in linguistic-historical studies is that it is di icult to link their Observations to precise time periods. This is not only the case because the rst occurrence of certain words can be detected only following their en masse appearance in written documents. Many of our words are evidently older than their rst mention in documents. The other time-dependent source ofbias is that words have been constantly introduced into and continuously disappear from the language. The surfacing of a new word by no means proves that the object or concept referred to was previously unknown. Very o en, simply a new term enters the language and this phenomenon may have a nurober of explanations. lt is for this reason that expressions related to nutrition and gastronomy must be treated with appropriate caution as weil, especially when it is concluded that something rst appears in a given period on a purely linguistic basis. Undoubtedly, it is the combined use of archaeological, scienti c and linguistic evidence that may yield the newest conclusions in this area ofresearch.

The fourth group of sources at our disposal in food and drink reconstruction is that of the objects which can be linked to food habits, modes of preparation and consumption. In the case under discussion here, such materials consist almost completely of archaeological nds. Therefore, during the discussion of material evidence it i s worth reviewing archaeological sources as a whole.

A few years ago the only archaeological nds available for this type of study would have been almost exclusively ceramic vessels, especially those found in burials. However, due to the development of archaeology related to the period of the Hungarian Conquest, increasing numbers of Settlement remains have been at least partially excavated.22 It is

21 A ma ar nyelv törteneti etimilogiai szotara. (Historical-et ological dictionary of the Hungarian nguage). Ed. Benkö, L. Budapest 1967.
22 Revesz – Wolf 1996.

51

predominantly tbese Settlement excavations tbat yielded botanical and zoological remains whose scientific analysis provides su cient direct information on the period concemed. This is clearly illustrated when the process of cooking is looked at in detail as would be the case with the reconstruction of any other cra -activity.

During previous studies of various cra s, archaeologists have devised a methodological system which helps in reconst cting the entire process by combining various steps in it. First, the raw materials required by the end product (in our case food or beverage) must be reviewed. This is the area in which we have most of the new, reliable, coeval and directly applicable info ation at our disposal. The transfonnation and re nement of excavation techniques has made the retrieval of those plant and animal remains possible which served as raw materials in the preparation of foodstuffs. Similarly to ceramies or meta! artifacts, these materials are archaeological finds which o en survive only under particular soil conditions. Their recovery and analyses require target-oriented, special excavation techniques. Two papers in this volume discuss the methods, and results of this type of research.

In addition to the raw materials, the remains of by-products also provide information on the preparation processes involved in making food or drink. Such finds are relatively rarely encountered since by-products may also have been consumed, at least by animals. Some types ofle overs have, however, survived such as the residue om Roman period grape marc om the town of Aquincum. The discovery of such remains shows which by­ products were not processed any rther, in addition to offe ng direct evidence on the preparation process itself.

Archaeological nd assemblages which contain defective products om the manufacturing process should be considered similarly use l. Such useless specimens offer a snapshot of a particular stage in the preparation continuum. A good example of such phenomena is a kiln which collapsed during ring, and the half-made vessels in it were not worth retrieving for the cra speople of the time. In fortunate cases, such assemblages survived in their original state until the time of the archaeological excavation. However, during the course of food preparation this type of interrupted process is virtually unknown. Although a baking oven may have temporarily preserved food remains a er its collapse, it is easy to see that such fortunate nds providing infonnation on both the potential end-product as well as the process ofpreparation, would be extremely special.

52

Studying the end product is one of the most important stages in research on medieval cra activities. These objects and products have a nurober of traits which can be used in the characterization of their manufacturiug. Unfortunately, this traditional method of investigation is not applicable in the case of food and dri s siuce, although the end product would iudeed be characteristic of many stages in its production, as an object of consumption it survives only in exceptional cases. Chances emerge only with well preserved, lucky nds or foods prepared for special nctions. The rst group of such finds will be discussed within the context of macrobotanical remains. The second group is best represented by finds recovered as grave goods om cemeteries of the period of the Hungarian Conquest. Researchers have long noticed that in addition to arms, meta! mounts and vessels, animal bones were also euterred in the hurials of the conquering Hunga ans.23 Horses buried alongside warriors have raised the greatest interest. When the rst such graves were discovered during the last century, scholars presumed that warriors bad been bu ed on horseback, if they reflected some post-Colombian native American rite from the Wild West. Since then, following the excavation of numerous graves with horses, it became clear that a special form of Migration Period horse hurials may be observed in the cemeteries of the conquering Hungariaus. Instead of the entire horse, only some of its specially selected parts were placed in the

grave. These include the skull and, most typically, the bones of the feet. Additional nds (stir ps aud saddle), however, may indicate that the thus euterred parts represented the entire animal, since horse remaius are frequently encountered in a lly hamessed state. In such cases, the head and feet s bolized the complete horse.24 From the viewpoint of our topic, however, anything that was not put into the grave is of even more interest. One seems to be confronted with a form of the aforemeutioned pagan horse sacri ces. It is likely that the horses not only served their master in the other world, but also played a substantial roJe in the ritual mortuary feast. Food and beverages placed into the burial as part of the grave fu iture may be classi ed as special gastronomic finds which have never beeu consumed. Sometimes there is a possibility to observe certain food preparatiou processes in such remains. Anima! bones found in burials, for example, display signs of butchering and bu ing which show how the animal was dismembered and which parts of its body were offered for the long, post mortem jou ey of the euterred person. Naturally, our possibilities of

23 Tettamanti 1975.
24 B int 1 969, 1970, 1974., Vörös 1996.

53

Observation are very limited, since while bu t bones may at least indicate roasting, bones usually provide no information on spices or other forms of meat flavoring. Similarly, while some samples taken om vessels can be used in reconstructing the chemical composition of beverages, they cannot be used in establishing whether dairy remains, for example, originate om milk or kumiss.25 It must also be taken into consideration that foodstu s enterred as burial goods may have been specialties, since they were prepared for a ritual occasion. It is possible, therefore, that they do not reflect the everyday eating habits of conquering Hungarians. Therefore, although the phenomena observed in hurials indirectly characterize the diet and celebratory meals, they can be lly elucidated only with the help o f historical and ethnographic analogies.

In the reconstruction of food preparation, utensils used during the production process must also be taken into consideration. Thus, the remains of cereal grinding stones and cooking ovens, as well as vessels are indicative of the functional use ofvarious types of equipment.26 Therefore, even i f indirectly, they also provide additional data conce ing the foodstuffs themselves as well as the ways such meals were served.

Other types of archaeological artifacts may contribute additional indirect information. The re ains brought to light during the course of excavations cannot only be interpreted as part of their contexts. They also contain individual information in and of themselves. In relation to nutrition, the physical anthropological examination of skeletons found in inhumation graves is o f primary importance. Beyond the age and gender of the deceased, scientific analyses of the bones may reveal structural information or deformations. Most of these traits are closely related to the nutritional history of the person studied. 27 It is weil known, for example, that insufficient doses of some vitamins and trace elements in the diet can Iead to nutritional defi ciencies, which o en effect the bones as weil. Relative frequencies of, for example, defective nutrient absorption caused by chronic high fever in early childhood can also be detected in the skeletal material. Such methods can also be used in detecting anemia and malformations caused by poor diets. To date, studies of most human skeletons om the period of the Hungarian Conquest have shown that diets at that time

25 Duma 1971, 1980. 26 Me 1970.
27 J6zsa 1996.

54

contained balanced proportians of vegetable and animal nutrients and only few of the deformations observed could be attributed to malnutrition.28

Indirect data are also available for answering even more complex questions. It is well known that sweets, including honey, the number one sweetener during the discussed period, as well as certain forms of food preparation increase the incidence of tooth decay. In general terms it has been observed that, somewhat paradoxically, this condition is more frequent in tbe better nourished, richer segments of tbe population. Thus, tbe frequency of dental caries within a social group may be indicative of tbe average nutritional status of that group. Such investigations bave already been carried out on skeletons from cemeteries of the Hungarian Conquest, where antbropological materials from both high-ranking and co on grave assemblages can be compared from this point of view?9 Undoubtedly, tbe nurober of such methods will increase tbereby contributing additional

indirect data within the realm of food research.

Following this review of sources, tbe methods available for the purposes of gastronomic investigations should also be mentioned. Among others, these methods include the use of parallels, that is, historical analogies. These become particularly important in our research, since only a few reliable and direct examples are available in our own sources, was discussed previously. In such cases, on the basis of historical studies, one may conclude that two different historical periods or ethnic groups may display a number of similarities. While pastoral nomadic people of the Migration Period were equently di rent in terms of tbeir languages and customs, several elements in their war tactics, weaponry and economic life were identical or at least comparable. In connection with the use of analogies, however, it should be pointed out that the applicability of such parallels is limited. The scope of both similarities and di erences should be de ned as precisely as possible and delineate the boundaries of relevance. Some ethnographic parallels or historical sources distant botb in time and space (such as the example of 131h century Mongolia), can be of instrumental importance in reconstructions. However, one must carefully distinguish between using parallels for simply elucidating details tbat would be otherwise di cult to interpret and the full scale projection of complex phenomena onto the period of the Hungarian Conquest. Thus, for example, botb ethnographic analogies and historical parallels are important in identi ing and inte reting archaeological finds or excavation phenomena.

28 id.
29 Pap 1986 b.

55

Quite o en, when the function and original usage of a tool or instrument seems obscure, ethnographic observations are of great help in the interpretation.

Meanwhile, using analogies can also direct our attention to another important detail. Ethnographie investigations reveal, for example, why certain objects never occur among the archaeological nds or in the written sources, in spite of the important roJe they played in the material culture. This proble is clearly illustrated by the example of vessels used in making, storing and serving food and beverages. No written sources discussing the period of the Hungarian Conquest mention these artifacts, while numerous archaeological specimens of ceramic vessels have been brought to light by excavations. On the other band, investigations carried out among the pastoral or quasi-nomadic peoples of the 1 9th-20th centuries have undoubtedly shown that the overwhelming majority of vessels were made from wood, leather and other organic materials, rather than ceramics. The objects of the exhibit held in conjunction with our scienti c conference clearly illustrated how important wooden cups, drinking bowls as weil as the leather Ku iss container were. Such objects never survive Ieng enough to be recovered by archaeological excavations in Hungary. The bone spout from a Jeather container or the meta! mounts from a wooden vessel may

0
sometimes survive/ however, they are known in signi cantly lower

numbers than they must have been used, even if only grave goods are taken into consideration. Vessels made of leather, wood and other organic materials were certainly more useful for people with mobile Iifestyles than ceramics. In addition, quantities of their raw materials must have been readily available at any time.

Analogies thus, both help in the interpretation of apparently obscure phenomena in the archaeological record, and may also shed light on elements of material culture that did not survive to become archaeological nds. Using parallels, however, should be li ted by strict rules, which must be observed in the same way as the critical evaluation of historical sources. Ethnographie Observations, for example, may direct our attention to the fact that some segments of the material culture are little known to us since trace of it rarely survived. This does not mean, however, that such information gaps in the material culture of the period of the Hungarian Conquest can be automatically lled in by just about any ethnographic example. Fa liarity with food, beverages and eating habits observed among the peoples of Central Asia, culturally related to the Conquering

30 e Ancient Hungarians 7 8 .
56

Hungarians, may be of great help. However, they should not be directly integrated within the heritage of conquering Hungarians since, for example, many such peoples in Centrat Asia live under geographical and climatic conditions completely different from those experienced by the ancient Hungarians. Evidently, the natural environment directly in uences the pool of raw materials available for the purposes of human nutrition as weil as some food preparation techniques. Prudence is justi ed even when potentially parallel phenomena are observed in the local ethnographic scene. Just because similarities may be discovered with distant cultures, it cannot be presumed that the appearance of similar objects or customs can be exclusively explained by a population group preserving its tradition for centuries or even millennia.

All these thoughts should only serve as an introduction to the articles of this volume which will elucidate various aspects of this proble using concrete examples and analyses. Nevertheless, in m y opinion, research possibilities and methodology developed for the Iater centuries of the high Middle Ages, a period rich in a variety of sources, provide a good foundation for appraising the perspectives as weil as limitations of our research possibilities.

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Zävodszky, L. 19 . Szent lstvan, Szent Laszlo es Kaiman rabeli tö k es zsinati hatarozatok forrasai. (The sources of laws and synod decisions om the time of Saint Stephen, Saint Ladislaus and Coloman.) Budapest.

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Tender Meat under the Saddle

Customs of Eating, i ing d Hospitality among Conqu ing Hung ians d Nomadic P pl

MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM

HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ

SONDERBAND VII

=

STAMRA

(Studia archaeologica mediae recentisque aevorum Universitatis Scientiarum de Rolando Eötvös nominatae)

ED ITED BY JOZSEF LASZLOVSZKY

VOLUME II

Tender Meat under the Saddle

Customs of Eating, Dri ing and Hospitality among Conquering Hungarians and Nomadic Peoples

In Memo of G laUszl6 (1910- 1998)

Edited by J6zsef Laszlovsz

ems 1998

The articles have been part of a conference organized by the College of Commerce, Catering and Tourism, the Society of Old-Hungarian Culture, and the Department of Medieval and Postmedieval Archa logy, Eötvös

Lorand University, Budapest (October 1 0- l l , 1 996). Translated om Hungarian

by Alice M. Choyke and Läszl6 Ba osiewicz
Cover illustration: The seven chiefs of the Hungarians (detail),

J. Thur6czi, Chronica Hungarorum, Brünn 1486.

Alle Rechte vorbehalten – ISBN3-901094105

Herausgeber: Medium Ae m Quotidianum. Gesellscha zur Erforschung der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Kö ermarkt 13, A – 3500 Krems, Österreich. – Druck: KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8 – I0, A -1050 Wien.

Table ofContents

Preface …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 7

Istvän Fodor, The Culture ofConquering Hungarians ……………………………. 9

J6zsefLaszlovszky, Research Possibilities into the History

and Material Culture ofEating, Drinking and Hospitality

during the Period of Hungarian Conquest …………………………………. Gabor Vekony, Feasting and Hospitality

among Eastem Nomadic Peoples ……………………………………………… Peter Tomka, Customs of Eating and Hospitality

among Nomadic Peoples of the Migration Period …………………….. Mik16s Takacs, How Did Conquering Hungarians Prepare and Serve

their Food? …………………………………………………………………………….. Ferenc Gyulai, Archaeobotanical Sources in Investigating the Diet

44

6 1

75

98

ofConqueringHungarians . . . …….. ….. ………………………………………. 120 Laszl6 Bartosiewicz, Mobile Pastoralism and Meat Consumption:

an Archa zoological Perspective ………………….. ……………………… 1 57

5

Preface

1996 was the year of millecentennial celebrations of the Hungarian conquest. Many scholarly conferences and popular progr e s were organised for this occasion. The theme of this volume was the topic of a programme organised by the College of Commerce, Catering and Tourism, The Society for Old-Hungarian Culture and by the Department of Medieval and Postmedieval Archaeology, Eötvös Loränd University, Budapest. The rst part of the programme was the conference on the archaeological, historical and natural scientific researches on the customs of food consumption of the Hungarian conquest period. These papers are representing a new approach as weil an upswing in the study of eve day life and material culture. Thus, the study of archa logical food remains and the research on the culture of conquest period Hungarians were relevant contributions for the organisers to the 1996 millecentenary celebrations in Hunga . The conference was not only li ted to the 9 – 1 0 century conquering Hungarians, but also was concemed with the pastoral nomads om the Migration period and the Middle Ages.1

The scholarly progra e of the conference was followed by an exhibition on the archaeological food remains and nds, on the objects of nomadic peoples from early mode period and on mode art objects inspired by these ancient cultures.

The most exotic part of the programme was the dinner organis by the college. This was an attempt to help this institution to create standards for historical tourism and experimental pro ammes. The special feature of this dinner was the cooperation between scholars of historical studies and specialists of catering and tourism. Particular attention was paid to the authenticity of ingredients nown from historical sources and

1 The rst version of some of the papers presented at this conference w published in Hunga an. „Nyereg alatt puhi uk“. Vendeglat i es et zesi szo sok a honfog/a/6 ma aro al es a rokon kultUraju lovasnepeknel. Szerk. szlovszky, J. 6magyar Ku1tUra 10 (1997) különsz . = Tudomänyos Közlemenyek II. Keresk e , Vendeglät6ipari ldegenforgalmi Föiskola, Budapest 1997.

7

archaeological evidence), while the modes of preparation and se ing were obviously suited to mode equipment, conditions and contemporary tastes. We regarded this experiment an important step in the cooparation between scholars and specialists of historical tourism, since dilettant reconstructions of conquest period every day life were also present in the programmes of 1996.

The title of this volume refers to that strange ancient, but o en present day, understanding of the customs of „barbars“ or nomadic peoples which has also influenced scholarly studies for a long time. Ammianus Marcellinus om the 4 century wrote: „the Huns . . . eat meat om all so s of animals, which they place on their horse’s back under their thighs thereby making it tender and warm.“ A part of this observation is interesting for the ancient history of food consumption or animal husbandry, either reflecting the practice that horsemen took some sort of dried meat with them on long rides, or recording another practice to eure the horses‘ back with pieces of raw meat. The other part of this sentence is just an example for the topoi of „civilised people“ as they misinterpreted some customs of the „barbars“.

We dedicate this volume to the memory of Gyula Laszl6, professor of archaeology, who was the most important gure in Hungarian archaeology to introduce a new approach: to see the people and their life in the archaeological nds and objects. His pioneer work The Life of the Conquering Hungarian People is regarded by the authors of this volume as a Standard for those who want to reconstruct the past.

8

J6zsef Laszlovszky