“ … ultima germanorum & christianorumprouintia. . . “ Outlines of the Image of Livonia on Maps from the Thirteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century

“ … ultima germanorum & christianorumprouintia. . . “
Outlines of the Image of Livonia on Maps
from the Thirteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century
Juhan Kreem
lntroduction
The following paper deals with geographical ideas and the appearance of the first cartographic
images of Livonia. The Iiterature on this problern consists mostly of survey articles.‘ The
writings of L. Arbusow jr. from the middle of the I 930s2 are of great value even today, for his
treatment of source materials is so exhaustive, t hat later authors have rarely brought new
materials into circulation. „The Baltic Sea in Ancient Maps“, a book by A.Spekke,3 is the best
illustrated work about the evolution of the cartographic image of Livonia.
The first maps were made in Western or Southern Europe, far away from Livonian
shores, and information was received through the very complicated process of conununication.
In the geographic texts of the late Middle Ages rnainly antique authorities were quoted. The
mentioning of other sources is the exception rather than the rule. Thus, the identification of the
source of every separate feature is extremely difficult. It is almost impossible to reconstruct the
exact sources of canographers. Normally we may only guess the nature of those sources or of
the tradition from whence they emerged. The theme to be discussed regards the general ideas
and images of the European scholarly perceptions ofLivonia.
The following will attempt to extract outlines of the image of Livonia from selected
examples of canographic material. The main task of this paper is to present some possibilities
1
E Jäger. „Zur Enmicklung der Kanographie in der Hansezeit.“ In: Die Hanse und der deutsche Osten.
Lüneburg. 1990: K.lnno. „Ajaloolls-geograaliline ülevaade Baltikumist, eriti Eestist.“ [Historical-geograph.icai
overview of thc Baltics, especially Estonia.] In: Tulimuld. 1917. Nr. 3-4. 1978. Nr. 3-4.; O.Bong, „Das
Baltische Kanenbild.“ In: Balttsche Hefte. 1961. Jg. 7. H. 2, pp.83-91.: H.Winter, „The changing face of
Scandinavia and thc Baltic in canography up to 1532.“ In: Imago Mundi Xll. 1955; A.Spekkc, „A Brief
Canographic-Iconographic View of the Eastern Baltic Coast up to the 16th Century.“ In: Imago Mund/ V.
19􀂠8.: E. Varep, Joom Eesti kortograojia ajaloost. [Outlines of the history of Estonian Canography.] Tallinn.
1960.
2
L.Arbusow. „Vorläufige Übersicht über die Kanographie Altlivlands bis 1595.“ In: Stt:tmgsberichte der
Gesellschajlfur Geschtchre und Altertumskunde zu Rtgo. Riga, 1935. L.Arbusow, „Die Hauptrichtungen in der
Ent11icklung des Baltischen Kancnbildes bis gegen 1600.“ In: Strzungsberichre der Gesel/schojl.for Geschichte
und Altertumskunde zu Rtgo. Riga. 1936.
3 A.Spekke. The Bnlttc Sea tn Anclenl Mnps. Stockholm. 1961.
14
for reading given texts. The constructing of new text from preserved sources and translating
from old sign-systems into our own language is always to some extent speculative. Theoretical
justification for this aspiration is J .Lotman’s theory about the existence of the semiosphere,‘ an
entity where the texts are mediared and new meanings are created. Some methodological hints
and courage for the present paper was also found by the author in the works of L. de Anna5 on
image-research.
Medieval maps
Medieval cartographic heritage can be roughly divided into two main groups: Mappae mundi
and pono!ani6 The former were circle-shaped world maps with Jerusalem at their centre and
with the Garden of Eden at the top. The maps of the latter type were drawn for practical use in
Mediterranean shipping.
From the !arge amount of preserved mappae mundi7 only few contain more details than
a basic draft. lt is necessary to take into account that the medieval round map was drawn to
picture the world in its divine order. The moral and aesthetic values of representation were
pursued much more than the preciseness of detail. The Mediterranean, Red and Black Sea with
Dnepr divided the three continents known by Europeans, and formed a T-shaped water system.
Typically, little attention was paid to the peripheries of the maps. For example the British Isles
on Hereford mappae mundi8 are badly deformed to fit the round form of the map, compared
„􀄣th the relatively adequate contemporary image by Matthew of Paris 9
Two of the most famous examples of mappae mundi, the Ebsdorf and Hereford maps
from the thineenth century have given us a pretext to speak about the depiction of the Baltic
coast. On the former Duna and Riga are drawn. The latter shows three deep gulfs and Jutland.
A.Spekke has made an attempt to interpret the aforementioned gulfs as three gulfs of the Baltic
Sea. 10 However, the nature of mappae mrmdi inclines us to doubt that we can define the
images of peripheral zones so exactly. These gulfs are only presented occasionally.
As the result of the use of the compass and coastal descriptions the portolani
developed in the Mediterranean world from the thirteenth century onwards. These maps were
designed without any system of projection, and were covered with compass roses and lines for
finding the right course. Originally, the portolmri only concentrated on the coastline, but later
on information about the in land was also introduced. 11 Although the focus of their interest lay
4 J.M.Lotman. „0 Semiosfere.“[On Semiospherc[ ln: I:brannye starji. Tallinn. 1993. T. I. SI. 1 1 -H.
5
L. dc Anna. „Vicraidcn kansojen kirjallisesta kU\·asta.“ (On the litcraJ!· image of the foreign people] ln:
.\lecliemlin Fennicn. C.Krötzl (cd.). Historiallinen arkisto 96. Suomcn Historiallinen Seura. Hclsinki, 1\191. pp.
2 1 -33.: L. de Anna. „Thc Pcop1cs of Finland and Early Mcdie,·al Sources.“ In: Suomen mrhaishistorin.
J,y􀆠skvlä. 1992.
6
. .
R.V.Toolcy .. llnps nnd.l!np-mnkers. Ncw York. 1961. p. 12.
7
M.Dcstombcs. .H nppemmules (Monumcnta canographica ,·etustioris aeü 1200- 1500. Bd. l. ) Amsterdam.
1%􀎪. (Extensi,·e catalogue.) A.-D. , .. d.Brinckcn. „Mappa Mundi und Chronographia. Studien z.um rmago
mumli des abendländischen Mittelalters. “ In: Deutsches Archiv. 1968. 24. pp. 1 18 – 1 86.
8
K.Millcr. Diealtesten lf“eltknrten. H.IV. Stuttgan. 189&.
9 lbidcm. H. ITL p. 77. fig. 2 3 .
10 ASpckkc. The Bnltic Sea, p . 24.
11 H-C.Frcicslcbcn. Geschichte der .\“nvigntion. Wiesbaden. 1976. p. 10.
15
in the Mediterranean, the representation of the portolani extended to the north as weil. The
subsequent development of the cartographic presentation of the Baltic12 is closely connected
with these maps.
The oldest existingportolan with a picture ofthe Baltic world designed by the Genoese
Giovanni da Carignano (+ 1344), 13 is from ca. 1310. There, the Baltic Sea is depicted as a long
sack, stretching fr om west to east. By then the ltalian navigators may have reached the Baltic.
Later, the privileges of the Hanse made Flanders the usual station for trade with the north and,
consequently, the last Station for the Mediterranean ships.14 The main stops, connected with
trade and navigation (Oxilia, Gothlandia, Riga, Nogardia), 15 are marked on the map of
Carignano, but the entire sea is left out of the network of compass lines and the coastline
becomes more conj ectural east of Denmark The shape of the sea on Carignano’s map suggests
that if the Baltic was sailed by the ltalians, it did not happen fr equently. The most plausible
explanation is that knowledge of the north, as represented by the porto/ani, was received
randomly from the big transit ports ofFianders.
The highest quality of the portolani was achieved by the Catalan school. 16 The porto/an
of Angelino Dalorto (1325)17 did not make much progress in the depiction ofthe coast ofthe
eastern Baltic (see fi g. l ). Still, it mentions a few new locations like Vironja (Wirland), Rivalia
(RevaJ?), and Ungardia (Novgorod?).18 In general, the image of the portolani remained
conservative and impractical because of the Hanseatic monopoly in the north. In the Baltic,
sailing directions 19 were in use for practical navigation, instead of the maps, and their
information remained isolated. Later, however, the tradition of place-names, created by the
portolani, was more easily available fo r the cartographers drawing the new Ptolemaic maps
than information regarding Nordic sailing directions.
Concluding the developments of the cartographic image during the high Middle Ages
we must point out the marginality of representations of north-eastem Europe. The
Baltic/Scandinavian area was too far fr om the intellectually or strategically important regions
of medieval map-makers. The cartographic discovery of the North in fact begins only with the
appearance ofthe first new Ptolemaic map by Claudius Clavus.
12
A.-D. v. d.Brincken. „Die kartographische Darstellung Nordeuropas durch Italienische und Mallorquinischc
Portolanzcichncr im 14. und der ersten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts.“ In: Hansische Geschichtsblärrer, 92 Jg.,
1974. pp. 45-58.
13 fbidem. p. 50. fig. 2.
14 fbidem. p. 54.
15 L.Arbusow. „Vorläufige Übersicht,“ p. 42.
16
A.-D. v. d.Brincken. „Die kartographische Darstellung Nordeuropas.“ p. 52.
17
lbidem. Abb. 3 .. p. 53. The Baltic part reproduced also in: A.E.Nordcnskiöld, Facsitmle-Atlns to the Enrly
History ofCnrtogrophv. Stockhohn, 1889. (Reprint: New York, 1973.). fig. 26.
18 L.Arbusow, „Vorläufige Übersi cht.“ p. 42. For the name ungardin on the portolanos Björnbo and Petersen
(see below) have gi,·en possiblc interpretations such as Ivangorod or Novgorod. (p. 168.) Thc first of them is
however possible to drop. because thc castle was built only in 1492. As Novgorod was fi.,cd on the portolanos
in a fo nn of nognrdin. and portolnnos give oftcn the name of thc Iands (e.g. Roderim, J lronia). I suggcst that
ungardia mcant lngcrmanland, on the southern coast of the end of the Finnish Gulf.
19 Seebuch, ed. K.Koppmann, 1876. (publication of the earllest manuscripts) W.BchrmalUl, Cber die
niederdeutschen Seebacher des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, 1906.
16
Rrnaissance
The translation of the Geography of Ptolemy into Latin by Jacobus Angelus in 1406 and the
first supplement of 27 maps,20 mark the establishment of Ptolemy’s authority in map-making.
The influence of his principles of systematisation has profoundly affected Renaissance
culture21 Geographers of Western Europe Started to address the problems of map projection,
and this spurred the appearance of new maps22 Although all the theory of mapping was
available in scholastic philosophy,23 the making ofthe maps according to the rules of projection
did not start in Europe before the early fifteenth century24
On Ptolemy’s map collection, the eastern Baltic was depicted on the fourth and eighth
map of Europe, and on the secend map of Asia, as a coast of the Sarmatian Ocean (Sarmaticus
oceanus). Sarmatia was divided between Europe and Asia and populated with tribes whose
names by then were not in use (e.g. Carothae. Pagirithae). Great confusion was created
because of the following river-names used by Ptolemy: Chronon, Rubon, Thuruntes, Chesios.
Owing to the big westward flowing rivers on the east coast of the Baltic Sea we cannot
disregard them as entirely fantastical but, at the same time, it is impossible to find correct
equivalents for them. Already Renaissance cartographers had attempted to do so, and ever
since then, there have been a variety of possible interpretations. The same also happened to the
tribe names found in the Geography ofPtolemy.
As it derives from Ptolemy’s division of maps, Baltoscandia too was a region at the
very boundary of the known world. Ptolemy had no special map of the region. Fifteenth
century Europe, however, had more information than Ptolemy, and this created the demand for
irnproved rnaps. As the art of map-making was only connccted with Ptolemy, the new maps
were called Tabulae Moden1ae extra Pwlemaeum. The first of this kind was the map of
Northern countries, by the Dane Claudius Clavus25 The Clavus map has a special place among
the other Tabu/ae Modemae, because it was not merely adding information to the old scheme,
but by the extension of the Ptolemaic grid. Clavus drew a map of a new region and added it to
Ptolemy’s ten maps ofEurope as the eleventh.
The original of Claudius Clavus‘ map has not survived but we have a copy of it in the
codex of Ptolemy of Nancy,26 made for Guillaume Fillastre, canon of Reims. As this is
primarily a map of Scandinavia, the Baltic is marginalised. The sea was given more upper
direction than on the porto/ani but the gulfs are missing. So are the place names from the
eastern shore of the Baltic Sea. The extent of Clavus‘ knowledge is also displayed in the
211 L.Bngrow. RA.Skelton. ,\feister der Karlographte. Berlin. 1973. p. 92.
21 S.Y.Edgcrton jr .. „From Mental Matrix to A!appamundi to Christian Empire: Thc Hcritage of Ptolcmaic
Cnrtogrnph,· in the Renaissance.“ in: .irt and Car/Oj!raphy. Six histoncal essays. cd. Dadd Woodward.
Chicago I 9K7. pp. I 0-51.
22 M.Boas. The Scientific Renaissance. London. 1962. p. 33.
23 D.B.Durand. The l’ienna-K!osrerneuburg map corpus of the flfleenrh cenrury: .4 study in lransition from
medievnl ro modern sc1ence. Leiden, 1952. p. 99. She suggests that the first maps were made in Europc
indepcndently from the tradition of Ptolemy.
24 J.Keuning. „The historv ofgeographical map projections until 1600.“ In: Imago mundi. XII 1970. p. 2-3.
25 A.Björnbo und C.Petcrsen. Der Däne Clnudius Cloussan S>mrr ((‚/audius Clnvus). der älreste Kartograph
des .\’ordens. der er.,te l’tolemäus-Epigon der Renaissance. lnnsbruck. 1909.
26 A.E. Nordcnskiöld. Facsunile-.itlas lo the EarZv 1/isro􀇻v ofCartographv. Stockholm. 1889. (Reprint: New
York. 1 ‚>73.) Fig. 27.
17
Yienna MS27 which contains a Iist of co-ordinates. Clavus mentions Livonia, but the rivers (4),
and bays (7), are only numbered 28 AJI this suggests that Clavus has been critical of the
Ptolemaic concept of the Eastern Baltic, with the introduction of the idea about the gulfs and
the Omission of the names of the rivers. On the other hand the generat outline of the coast
follows the curve drawn by Ptolemy.
Editions of Claudius Clavus‘ map made by Henricus Martellus and Nicolaus Germanus
have initiated a whole series of variants. 29 The map edited by Nicolaus Germanus was finally
printed in the first trans-Alpine edition of Ptolemy, in Ulm in 1482.30 On this map we can find
place-names (liuonia, roderin ßautena. uironia, Riga) originating from the portolani. The use
of the medieval map is a remarkable phenomenon also on a more generat Ievel: it is always
easier to manipulate information ofthe same type. The maps tend to use maps, and the books
are inclined to deal with other books, scholars trust scholars etc.
In the Ulm edition of Ptolemy the scheme of Clavus‘ cartographic representation of the
Nonh has remained the same. Characteristic of this edition of Ptolemy is also the coexistence
of old and new information. Ptolemy’s eighth map of Europe, although re-edited in
canographic presentation in order to correspond to the map of Clavus, uses the Ptolemaic
place and tribe-names in Sarmatia. Clavus‘ map, supplemented by more modern place names
from porto/ani, provided by Nicolaus Germanus, is presented separately.
In the fifteenth century we can find many interesting examples of the syntheses of old
and new traditions of mathematical geography From the early fifteenth century onwards the
tradition of co-ordinate tables and maps can be observed, what is referred to by D. B.Durand,
the „Yienna-Klostemeuburg map corpus.“3 1 The roots of this schotarship dated back to
medieval mathematical astronomy,32 but later the work of Ptolemy was also used.33 Much of
the cartographic tradition, practised in the Yienna-Kiostemeuburg school, came from the
medieval porto/ani and mappae mundi.
On the co-ordinate tables and reconstructed maps of the Yienna-Klosterneuburg map
corpus, published by D.B Durand, we can find their characteristic selection of Livonian place
names: Riga, Dorpat, Reval and Narva .>• lt is difficult to establish the reason for this selection
or the person’s identity by whom the co-ordinates were measured or introduced. It probably
marks the main trading centres with the Russians.3′ In the legends of the largest map of the
Yienna-Kiosterneuburg collection, in Nova Cosmographia. most of the Livonian towns are
27 A.Bjömbo und C.Peterscn. Der Dllne Claudius Cloussan Swarr. pp. 130-152.
28 Ibidem. p. 138.
29 Ibidem. pp. 13-64.
30 Claudius Ptolcmaios. Geographia. Ulm, 1482. (Reprint: Amstcrdam, 1963.)
3 1
D.B.Durand, The J ‚ienna-Kiasterneuburg map corpus of the fifteenth century: A sllldy tn transllion from
med1eva/ to modern science. Leiden, 1952.
32 Ibidcm, p. I 02.
33 Ibidcm. pp. 12􀂊-125.
34 Ibidem. appendices· 7. p. 347: 12. p. 378: 13. p. 389: 14. pp 391-392. 445-447; 15. pp. 􀂋58-459: 16. p. 479.
35 ln this context Nar\’a seems to be out of the schcmc. becausc at that time its commcrcial functions were
restricted by the staple right of Reval, and it was never taken to the Hanseatic league.
18
claimed to be Russian J6 Observing the transit ports between the west and Novgorod fi-om the
south-German perspective, they could have been conceived of as located in northern Russia.
The attempts to synthesise all of the information available also brought about some
round maps in the fifteenth century. The map of Andreas Walsperger ( 1 448),37 closely related
to the traditions ofthe Vienna-Klosterneuburg school,38 depicted the Baltic Sea in the manner
of portolani. Gotland is placed at the centre of the sea. As the capital of Livonia (Yjlandia)
Riga (Rieg) is mentioned.
The second example ofthe round maps was made by Fra Mauro in 145939 with a very
detailed cartographic image ofthe Baltic (see fig 2). The shape ofScandinavia originales from
portolani but in the picturing ofthe Eastern Baltic coast some new information was used.
The placement of Reval and Riga on the shore of one bay not far from Novgorod is an
evidence that Fra Mauro knew the basic relations between centres of the area. The way Fra
Mauro draws the eastern coast of the Baltics is problematical. A.Spekke40 found an
explanation for the peninsula next to the island grano lante_41 It is, he contends, an early form
ofthe Courland peninsula. However, it seems that simple answer here contains flaw rather than
solution. Although the position of Riga, the island (grano lante) and peninsula resemble quite
closely the surroundings of the Gulf of Riga, the placement of Reval (revele) on the shore of
the same gulf suggests other possible explanations. Maybe we must confine ourselves to saying
that this gulf meant both the Riga and Finnish gulfs. This kind of syncretistic meaning is one of
the inherent characteristics of early cartographic images.
Walsperger and Fra Mauro made similar comments on north-European navigation on
their maps. A legend is placed on the North Sea of Walsperger’s map that says that the
magnetic needle is not used in navigation on thesc seas.“2 The same kind of statement, with
addition that local seamen used only Iead and line, is written on the Baltic Sea of Fra Mauro’s
map. W. Vogel has demonstrated, however, that the compass was used at that time on the
northern seas!‘ but rudimentary methods like caping had still been practised there for a
relatively long time, giving no impetus to chart production. Anyway it seems that southEuropean
map-makers received their information from maritime sources, for example
porto/ani, or some oral tradition, that have expressed the different methods ofnavigation in the
North.
36 lbidcm. appcndix 14. pp. 391-392. 445-447: 3 12.35 63.28 Torbot eyn stat m Willen Rassen, 3 12.0 54.0
Reffe/ eyn f!Ut star m Reussen da: gras habe von Nogarten ] … ]J 7.0 73 . Nargardia di gross Norgen dy haupstat
in .srm t.:vf!enlant ] … 13 15.20 ./6.20 1\’arbo ein gut stot m Blesgan.
37 E.Bratt. En kronika om kartnr over Sverige. ]The chronicle ofthe maps on Sweden] Stockholm. t 958, lig. 7.
38 D.B.Durand. The I lenna-Kiosterneuburg map corpus. pp. 209-2 1 1 .
39 A.Spckkc. The Balric Sea. p1ate IV.
40 A.Spckkc. The Boltic Sea. p. 30.
41 Plausibly Öse!, despite ofname that refercs to Gotland. Gotland is pictured on this map as Gorhia.
42 W.Schlüter. „Der Norden Europas in der mittelalterlichen Kanographie.“ In: Sirzungsberichte d. Gelehrten
esmischen Gesellschafl 1905. Dorpat. 1906. p. 18.
43 W. Vogel. „Die Einftihrung des Kompasses in die nordwesteuropäische Nautik.“ In: Hansische
Geschichtshläller. 1 9 1 1 . p. 29.
19
As the next step in the development of the Livonian cartographic image Nicolaus
Cusanus‘ map of central Europe44 should be considered. It was drawn in the middle of the
fifteenth century and no originals of this map have survived. Modifications of the map were
reproduced in the manuscripts of Ptolemy edited by Nicolaus Germanus, in the Chronicle of
Hartman Schedel, by Martin Waldseemüller etc.
On this map, as on the portolani, the Baltic Sea extends from east to west. In the north,
the shore of the Baltic is drawn together so that Lake Mälar (Me/ar aqua) and the Narva River
(Narba fl. ) are pictured side by side. Novgorod is placed near Livonia. It seems that Cusanus‘
knowledge ofthe Iands to the north ofthe parallel ofthe Gulf ofFinlandwas incidental.
Despite the peripheral position of Livonia on the map, there is much new information.
Cusanus mentioned Livonian bishoprics (Tarba ecclesia, Hapsel ibi es/ ecclesia Osiliensis)
and the port of Pemau (Pornow, Partus porvov).41 His source of information is unclear. The
mentioning of the bishoprics suggests that he received data from the clerical hierarchy.
K.Buczek accentuated Cusanus‘ sympathy for the Teutonic Order, whose Iands in Prussia he
visited in 1452:6 and that might have been one ofthe reasons for his competence.
As one of the possible sources for the map, K.Buczek has named the sketch map of
Peter von Wormditt,’7 the one he drew in 1413 for the Pope to demonstrate that the diocese of
Dorpat was not situated in Sweden 48 Although the question of whether the map was the
source is hypothetical, its existence gives us an idea about the Ievel of information the Papal
court had in the early fifteenth century about the North.
The edition of Cusanus‘ map by Hieronymos Münzer was published in Hartman
Schedel’s „Liber Chronicarum“ (Nuremberg, 1493).49 This book was appended with parts of
the book De Europa by Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini10 with a chapter over twenty-lines long: De
/iuonia mmc germanie prouincia.11 The land is said to be the last province of Christians. In the
neighbourhood is Russia and the land is often devastated by the Tartars. Livonia was forced to
Christianity by the Teutonic Knights and belongs to Germany. This passage of Aeneas Silvius
appears to be one ofthe most influential texts on Livonia by Humanists, and was repeated over
44 A.Spckkc. The Boltic Sen, platc VI.
45
Comparath·c table of the toponymy of the versions of Cusanus‘ map can be found in: L.Arbusow,
‚Vorläufige Übersicht.“‚ pp. 60-61 .
46 K.Buczck. The Htstory of Poilsh Cartography. Warszawa. 1966. p . 29.
47 P.Nieborowski. Peter von ll’ormdtll, Breslau, 1915. p. 1 14.
48 K.Buczek. The History of Polish Cartography. p. 26.
49 Hartman Schedcl. Liber Chromcarum. (also in Gcnnan: Das buch der Chroniken) Ntirnbcrg, 1493.
(Reprint: 1976, 1978, Antiqua-Verlag. 1988.) Literature on this enterprise: E.Rückcr. Dte Sehedeisehe
Weltchromk. Das großte Buchunternehmen der Durer-Zett. Prestcl-Verlag. München. 1973. H.Kunze,
Geschichte der Buchtflustrallon tn Deutschland. Das I 5. Jh. Textband. Leipzig, 1975, pp. 368-381.
50 Pius II (Acneas Silvius), Opera Geographica et Historica cum Praefatione de eiusdem vita et Libris turn
cditis turn manuscriptis. FrJncofurti, 1707. Cosmographia. De Europa, c. 28. f. 278. Ahhough we Iack the
modern edition of De Europa, thc parts conceming the Eastem Baltic arc reprinted in Scnptores Rerum
Prussicarum, IV f. 212-253. The publication of A.Spekke, „Quelques novcaux materiaux pour l’histoire dc Ia
canographic et de l’iconographie de l’Ancienne Livonic“ ln: Acta Umversuatts Latvienensts Phi!. Serie II, 2.
Riga, 1932. was not at my dtsposal.
51 Hanman Schedel. Das buch der Chroniken. Nümberg. 1493. fol. 278.
20
and over again in the general geographic treatments up to the Cosmography of Sebastian
Münster.
The last great epigon of Ptolemy was Martin Waldseemüller. His world map „Carta
marina navigatoria“ ( 1 5 1 6)12 contains many radical improvements conceming also the Baltic
region. The gulf of Riga (Rgi ensis poden) is mentioned for the first time, but its shape is
simplified, with a straight coast from Grobin to Reval. Thus it is more likely the late retlection
ofthe Ptolemaic Sinus venedicus.
The most striking change are, however, the numerous toponyms placed on the coast of
Courland. It is easy to identifY these names, and a line retlects the most important medieval
road from Memel to Riga.1‘ So it seems that Waldseemüller used some itineraries when
completing his map, but has not dared to change the Ptolemaic scheme. The central position of
Gotland seems to indicate the use of some maritime source, but on the other hand it is odd,
that Öse! is missing.
In the northern part of the map nameless gulfs are depicted that obviously originale
from the map of Nicolaus Cusanus. Although they retlect the idea of gulfs in the Northern
Baltic (what appears already in Claudus Clavus, and was explicated by Cusanus), it is not yet
possible to identifY them. The eastern one of them reminds us of the Me/ar aqua of Cusanus,
although it is situated nonh afFinland (Venthland) and can therefore be the gulf of Vyborg or
the basin of Saimaa, but from its proportion it can be deduced that it should be identified as the
gulf of Botnia.
The beginning of a new century
From the beginning of the sixteenth century we have further proof of the appearance of an
improved cartographic image of Livonia. In the letters of the Polish cartographer B.Wapowski
there are some not es about the map of Livonia ( 1529) by Alexander Sculteti (+ 1 570).14 He
was a canon of Ermland, but, at the same time, also canon of the Livonian dioceses of ÖselWiek,
Reval and Dorpat,15 which could be the reason for his knowledge. Although this map
has been lost, it is not the only evidence of cartographic material on Livonia circulating in
Poland and Prussia.16
On the map ofNordic countries by Jacob Ziegler (1532)57 the eastern part ofthe Baltic
Sea is still depicted in the tradition of Ptolemy. This map is, however, quite rich in toponyms.
The cities of the area are displaced so that Lübeck, Riga and Reval appear equidistant. The
reason for such errors and the straight line of the coast show most probably that the attention
ofZiegler was concentrated on Scandinavia.
52 A.Spckke. The Bnltic Sen, plate Vll.
53 F.Bruns. H. Weczerka. Hansische Hnndelstrassen. Weimat. 1967. Textband pp. 707-7 1 2 .
54 L.Arbusow. ··vorläufige Übersicht“. p. 69.
55 lbidem. p. 62. gives shon biography dating also sorne ,·isits to Li,·onia.
56 L.Arbuso“·· „Zur Würdigung der Kultur Altli\·lands im Mittelalter und 16. Jahrhundcn.“ ln: 1/istorische
Z<‚it;c/mfi Bd. 1 5 1 . 1935. pp. 37-39.
57 A.Spckke. The Bnltic Sen, plate VIII.
21
An interesting addition to the materials about Livonia is the sketch map of Aegidius
Tschudi. 58 This rnap is generally taken to be a copy of Ziegler’s, but in the case of Livonia new
materials are used. On the map the first attempt of Tschudi to follow the example of Ziegler is
clearly seen. Tschudi’s final picture shows more rivers and places on the eastern coast of the
Baltic Sea. The coast line is drawn so that we can even talk about the depiction of the
Courland peninsula. The missing of Reval from the map is odd but there are some maps of
Russia that also mention only Riga and Narva. 59 Another hint of the influence of Russian
sources is that there are some Russian place names in Finland (Kaiemka Semla). On the other
hand the diocese centres refer to Cusanus, whose map can be also taken to have been a
hypothetical source. But these sources alone cannot completely explain Tschudi’s depiction of
the eastern coast ofthe Baltics.
The first map with a radically reformed depiction of the coast-line of Livonia is the
C’arta Marina ( 1 539) by Olaus Magnus (see fig.3) 60 Besides this map, the commentaries to
the map „Opera breve .. . „61 and his major work „Historia de gentium septentrionalium“ ( 1555)
are also important.
Olaus !\1agnus (1490- 1 557) was exiled from Sweden in the days of the Reformation,
and was later the last catholic bishop ofUppsala. Some facts are known about his cartographic
interests. He had travelled in the far north of Scandinavia, and had drawn in Danzig one sketch
ofthe southern coast ofthe Baltic Sea62 On the other hand it is known that he had never been
to Livonia. J.Granlund contends63 that Olaus Magnus did not use the innovations of sixteenth
century geodesy and from his works it is possible to deduce that he used no other instruments
than chronometer and compass.
The generat disposition ofthe „Historia … “ does not treat Livonia as a Nordic country.
Although Olaus mentions Livonia several times64 his attention is concentrated on the events in
Sweden. Livonia, Russia and Lithuania are treated marginally. On the map Livonia is pictured
with the inscription: catholice ecc/esie propugnaculum. lt is difficult to say what Olaus had
meant because of the advance of the Reformation in Livonia at that time, but it seems more
plausible that he referred to the mission of the Teutonic Order against paganism and the
Russians. This view is supported by remarks in „Opera breve … “ about the Muscovites.65 The
Russian threat is an important theme in the history ofthe Nordic countries by Olaus Magnus as
weil.
The confrontation with Moscovy is also illustrated by the placing of several arrnoured
knights on the map of Livonia. According to L.Bagrow, they are there in the memory of the
58 W.Biumcr. „The map drawings of Aegidius Tschudi ( 1 505-1572).“ In: Imago Mundi X. 1953. C.Enckcll,
„Acgidius Tschudi’s hand-drawn map of Northern Europe “ In: Imago .\fundi X. 1953.
59 Namely the map of Sigismund Herberstein from 1 546. 60 Thc reproduction of the Livonian part of the map see in: O.Bong, „Das Baltische Kartenbild.“ In: Baltische
Hefte. 1961. Jg. 7. H. 2. fig.l.
6 1
Also in German transiation: „Am kvrze avslegvng“. Olaus Magnus Gothus. Besl:rivning till Carta .\farina.
[Dcscription to the Carta Marina] Stockholm. 1960.
62 L.Bagrow. A History afthe Cartography in Russia up to 1600. Ed. by H.W.Castner. Ontario. 1975. p. 76.
63 J.Granlund, „The Charta Marina ofülaus Magnus.“ In: Imago ,\fundi. Vlll. 1 9 5 1 . p. 35.
64 Olaus Magnus, Histaria de gentium septentrionalium, XI, C. I; XVIII, C.45-46; XX. C. 3
65 Olaus Magnus Gothus. Besl:rivning, p. 29.
22
battle on ice in 1 242,66 and, indeed, Olaus devotes much space to the riding and battles on ice.
In my view, closer to truth is A.Rybakov’s position67 that Olaus Magnus pictured the events of
the war between Russia and Sweden in 1495-97. This view is also supported by Olaus·
descripitions of this war in „Historia . .. „68 and the depiction of „The Bang of Vyborg“ on his
map. Most important here, though, is the expression of the idea of confrontation of Livonia
with the Muscovites.
The cartographic picture gives some 80 place names. One interesting feature is the
connecting of the rivers Pemau and Ernbach into one water-system. This water way was
apparently used in the earlier centuries and is marked very ofien on the later maps, although
the sixteenth century has been generally accepted as the time of the decline of the connection
between the two rivers.
In his „Opera breve“ Olaus Magnus made some remarks about seafaring that suggest
the maritime nature of his source. One of the passages refers to the tower erected by Dutch
seafarers on Ösel.69 With that, he probably means the lighthause ofDagerort on Dagö that was
built on the Iands of the diocese of ÖseL Although Dagö is pictured on the map as a separate
island, Olaus has not mentioned it by name. In the edition of Olaus Magnus‘ map by Sebastian
Münster the island is called Skiol/e, the name used for the strait Soela (Skiollesund) between
the two islands on the map of Olaus. The weak idea of the separate island is also seen where
Olaus mentions Courland, Ösel (Osi/ia) and Hango in the same connection. It is obvious that
Öse] of older maps can mean also the other island Dagö at the same time, because of the
narrow strait bet ween them and the important reefs on the shore of the latter.
In discussing the sources of the map of Olaus Magnus a hypothetical lost sea chart of
Northem Europe is ofien mentioned.70 Besides Olaus‘ general interest in seafaring,71 illustrated
by his descriptions of sea monsters and an entire book in „Historia … “ about sea battles, 72 the
drawing of oversized islands and the marking of Iighthauses are clear signs that he used some
material of maritime nature in his map. The hypothesis of the archetype of the nordic sea charts
is discussed below. L. AJbusow holds the view that one of the sources of Olaus Magnus could
have been also the map of A Sculteti 73 During the years in Danzig, Sculteti’s map could have
been at his disposal, but we have no concrete evidence to support this connection, although it
is likely that in his depiction of Livonia Olaus may have used some materials of Prussian or
Polish origin.
66 L.Bagrow. A lfistorv ofthe Cartographv in Russia. p. 76.
67 A.RybakO\‘. Russkie karty .\foskoovij .\1 ·-natshala .\11 veka. (Thc Russian Maps ofMuscovy in the Fiftccnth
and Early Sixteenth ccntury.] Moskva. 1974. st. 36.
68 Olaus Magnus. Histona de gentium septentrionalium. XI. C. 1-4.
69 L.Arbusow. „l ‚orläufige Cbersicht, “ p. 68. (Bey dem land haben die hollen hoechen spizigen !Urn).
70 Ibidem.
71 Thc ropic is treared by J.Granlund. „Sjöfart. skepp och binar hos Olaus Magnus“ [Sailing. ships and boars by
Olaus Magnus.] ln: Sjöhistorisk Arsbok. 1947, pp. 9–l l.
72 Olaus Magnus. Hi. 73 L.Arbusow. „Vorläufige Übersicht.“ p. 69.
23
The rise of Dutch cartography
Dutch cartography was very closely connected with seafaring Theretbre, researchers of this
topic have often tried to find the traces of early north-European sea charts. 74 It is quite obvious
that a Iot of inforrnation in the sixteenth century maps came !Tom practical navigation
experience. But the use of maps in navigation in the north in the early sixteenth century was
still quite rare. The use of the course descriptions of the traditional type as given in the
Seebuch15 was common even when the first maps appeared. In the following passage I will
make a survey of only some of the aspects of Dutch cartography having a Straightforward
connection with the cartographic image ofLivonia.76
One of the oldest printed sea charts was drawn by Comelis Anthonisz in 1543 77
Anthonisz used in the compilation of the map his wide experience as a navigator and also
sailing directions published in Antwerp in 1 5 4 1 . The image of Livonia on this chart contains
some differences to Olaus Magnus‘ map. Dagö is drawn very close to the continent, and Öse!
stands separately. The form of the Courland peninsula is more slender than Olaus‘ version.
Also, place-names differ so that the proof of a common source in this case is insufficient.
The chart of Anthonisz constituted an image of Livonia very common in sixteenth
century cartography. It was reprinted several times in Italy by J.Camocius. The influence of
Anthonisz is seen also on Mercator’s map of Europe ( 1 554). The maps by L.Algoet and
G.Gastaldi use the pattem of Anthonisz‘ coast line as weil. To Olaus Magnus‘ „Historia . .. “
published in Basel (1567) also the map edited by J.B.Fickler was added.78 It was greatly
simplified and the method of projection was altered. The image of Livonia, however, has been
changed by Fickler, resembling now Anthonisz’s version.
The influence of the sea charts can be seen also on the later maps of Livonia. The first
preserved map of Livonia by Johannes Portantius was printed in the supplementary volume of
the atlas of Abraham Ortelius in 1573 79 From the five legends written on the map, two gave
information about the difficult sailing on the Gulf of Riga and near Domesnest. At the end of
the sixteenth century Lucas Waghenaer published his paradigmatic pilot book and atlas
Spieghel der Zeevaerdt. Then, the position of islands and the shape of Moonsund on the west
coast of Livonia drawn by Waghenaer dominated in the seventeenth century Dutch maps.
To return to the question of the sources of the maps of the early sixteenth century,
L.Arbusow compared the place-names of the maps of Cornelis Anthonisz, Olaus Magnus and
Lucas Waghenaer and found their correspondence not sufficient to prove the common
source. 80 This is also supported by the discrepancy of the coast-lines on these maps. The maps
74
A. W.Lang. „Traccs of lost North European Sea Chans of the 15th Ccntul)‘. • In: Imago Afundt Xll.1955.
75
Courses are treated in detail by J.Goetze. ‚Hansische Schiffahrtswege in der Ostscc.“ ln: Hansische
Ge.<chtcht. 76 The most recent ovcrvicw: E.Okhuizen, „Dutch Maritime Cartography ofthc Baltic in the 16th Centuty.“ In:
Baluc A!fmrs. Relattons herween the Netherlands and Narrh-Eastern Europe 1500-/800. Essays. Ed.
J.Ph.S.Lemmnik. J.S.A.M. van Konigsbrugge. Nijmcgen, 1990, pp. 287-314.
71 A. W.Lang. Die „Caerte van aostlant• des Comelis Anthomsz /543. Hamburg!Bremenha\’en. 1986.
78
E. van Bingroot: E. van Em1cn. Suomen ja Skandinavtan vanho;a karror ;a. [Thc Old Maps of Finland and
Scandinavia) Hclsinki. 1 988. p. 21, fig. 8.
79 Abraham Onelius. Ein Zusatz bei dass Theatrum … Antwerpiae, 1573.
80 L.Arbusow. „Die Hauptrichtungen.,“ pp. 30-31.
24
ofthe sixteenth century contain many elements originating from shipping experience, and these
maritime sources play the decisive role in the break with the Ptolemaic tradition, but the
existence of some general lost sea chart of northern Europe is doubtful. This latent infiltration
of information from practical nautic experience is the crucial and most fascinating aspect in the
history ofthe maps ofthe North.
The outbreak of the Livonian War brought new material about Livonia into European
circulation. The events of war and the political rearrangement of the region led to the
disappearing of Livonia in the medieval sense and is not discussed in thc present paper.
Although the medieval stereotypes Iasted a very long time, the studying oftheir later influences
is a matter for further research.
25
26
„‚
…..
M
g 0
„‚
0
“
0
27
“
.:::
Fig.3: An excerp1 frorn the Carta .\farma of Olaus Magnus (1539)
28
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
SONDERBAND V
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
ASPECTS OF DAIL Y LIFE IN MEDIEV AL
ESTONIA
EDITEDBY
JÜRI KIVIMÄE
AND
JUHANKREEM
KREMS 1996
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER
KULTURABTEILUNG DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Cover lllustralion: Compilation from sketchcs in the margins of accoum books
of the Town Magistrate of Rcval (TLA. Ad. 26 and 32)
– ISBN 3 901 094 08 3
© 1996 by Medium Ae\1Jm Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kuhur des Millclallers,
Körnennarkt 13, A – 3500 Krems. Austria – Printcd by Kopitu Ges.m.b.H.,
Wiedncr Hauptstraße 8-10. A-1050 Wien
Inhaltsverzeichnis!fable of Contents/Sommaire
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . …. . . . . . . ….. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Jüri Kivimäe, Medieval Estonia. An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . … . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Juhan Kreem, „ultima germonorum & christianomm prouintia“. Outlines ofthe Image
ofLivonia on Maps from the Thirteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century … 14
Marek Tamm, Les miracles en Livonie et en Estonie a l’epoque de Ia christianisation
(fin XIIeme- debur Xllleme siecles) …………… ……… . . ………………………… 29
Erik Somelar. Va n des keisserlichen Liibischen Rechtes wegen. Circumstances of
Criminality in Medieval Reval. ……………………………………………………………………. 79
Tiina Kala, The Church Calendar and Yearly Cycle in the Life ofMedieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . 103
Mihkel Tammet, Some Aspects ofHerbal Medical Treatment on the Example
of Medieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Inna Pöltsam. Essen und Trinken in den livländischen Städten im Spätmittelalter . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Katrio Kukke, Les lois somptuaires de Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
5
Preface
The idea to publish a special Estonian or Baltic issue of Medium Aevum Quotidianum has been
discussed already for a couple of years with Gerhard Jaritz and Christian Krötzl. lnitially the
idea was based on the first experience of studying medieval everyday life and mentalities in a
small seminar-group at Tanu University. This optimistic curiosity of discovering a new history
or actually a history forgotten long ago, has been carried on. The research topics of Katrin
Kukke, lnna Poltsam and Erik Somelar originate from this seminar. However, all contributions
of Quolidianum r:.womcum were written especially for this issue.
Besides that, this collection of articles needs some comments. First, it must be admitted
that the selection of aspects of everyday life published here is casual and represents only
marginally the modern Situation of historical research and history-writing in Estonia. The older
Baltic German and Estonian national scholarship has occasionally referred to the aspects of
everyday life. Yet the ideology of ‚histoire nouvelle‘ has won popularity among the younger
generation of Estonian historians only in recent years. These ideas are uniting a srnall informal
circle of historians and archivists around Tallinn City Archives, represented not only by the
above mentioned authors but also by the contributions of Tiina Kala, Juhan Kreem, Marek
Tamm and Mihkel Tarnmet Secondly, we must confess the disputable aspects of the title
Quolldianum Eswmcum Medieval Europe knew Livonia but not Estonia and Latvia which
territories it covered over 350 years There may be even reproaches tOwards the actual
contents that it is too much centralised on Tallinn/Reval, but it can be explained with the rich
late medieval collections available at Tallinn City Archives.
We wish above all to thank Eva Toulouse, Monique von Wistinghauscn, Hugo de
Chassiron, Tarmo Kotilaine and Urmas Oolup for the editorial assistance. Our greatest debt of
gratitude is to Gerhard Jaritz, without whose encouragement and suppon this issue could not
have been completed.
Jüri Kivimäe, Juhan Kreem, editors
7