Obstades to Oral Communication in the Mission of Friar William of Ruhruck among the Mongols1

Obstades to Oral Communication in the Mission
of Friar William of Ruhruck among the Mongols1
Michael Brauer
It is difficult enough to preach about matters of faith to people of one’s own
culture and language. It becomes even more difficult if a travelling missionary in a
foreign country has to rely on an interpreter. This paper is a case study on intercultural
translation problems, starting with the translation of languages and then
concentrating on the cultural contexts that form the basis of all comrnunication, be
it verbal or non-verbal.
My main witness is the Franciscan William of Rubruck. He travelled to the
Mongois from 1253-1255. Friar William was attracted by the rumour that Sartaq, a
Mongoi prince, intended to become Christian, but although his mission was sponsored
by King Louis IX of France, William stated publically that he was not the
king’s special envoy. His report, the Itinerarium, is a vivid mixture of geographical
account, description of customs, and anecdotes, which are interwoven with the
story of the joumey, including his personal reactions to the situations he encountered.
Conceming source criticism, one has to keep in mind that William’s
mission, which led him all the way to Khan Batu and Great Khan Möngke, was
basically a failure. His report to Saint Louis is in part a justification of why the
Franciscan did not succeed in winning many Mongoi converts.2
1 This paper examines aspects of the ’spoken word‘ which were omittcd from my study
„Missionaries and the Written Word: The Missions of Boniface and of William of Ruhruck
among the Mongois in Comparison“ (MA thesis, Central European University, Budapest,
2000). References are restricted to the most important works.
2 William of Ruhruck, Itinerarium. in Sinica Franciscana, vol. I , llinera et relationes Fratrum
Minorum saeculi XIII et XIV. ed. Anastasius van den Wyngaert (Quarracchi: College of St.
Bonaventure, 1 929), pp. 1 64-332. The Iranslaiions in the text are taken from Peter Jackson and
David Morgan, The Mission of Friar Wi/Jiam of Rubruck: His Journey to the Court of the
Great Khan Möngke. l 253-1255 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1990). For schotarship on
William of Ruhruck see Peter Jackson, ‚·William of Rubruck: A Review Article,“ Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society (1 987), pp. 92-97; more related to my topic is the discussion of
William in Felicitas Schmieder, Europa und die Fremden: Die Mongolen im Urteil des
Abendlandes vom 13. bis in das 15. Jahrhundert (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorhecke, 1994); Marina
Münkier, Erfahrung des Fremden: Die Beschreibung Ostasiens in den Augenzeugenberichten
des 13. und l 4. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000); on the Mongois in generai see
Peter Jackson, „The State of Research: The Mongoi Empire, 1986-1 999,“ Journal of Medieval
HisTOry, 26 (2000), 189-210.
ÜBSTACLES TO ÜRAL COMMUNICATION 1 9 7
It is out of the question that anyone travelling into Inner Asia at that time
was in need of a good interpreter. 3 On his way he would pass through areas with –
among others – Persian, Cuman, and Mongoi languages. In his Pratica della
Mercatura from the first half of the fourteenth century, Pegolotti therefore advises
the tradesman: „Do not try to save money on the interpreters by taking a bad one
instead of a good one. The additional money you spend on the good one will be
Jess than what you save by having him.“4 William engaged an interpreter (turgemanus)
called Homo Dei, who was apparently a bad one.
On the first encounter with a Mongoi official, the Iimits of the interpreter are
reached when William tries to expound to him the creed of the Faith as best he
could through the interpreter „who was neither intelligent nor articulate.“5 The
interpreter Homo sometimes even interrupts William in the course of preaching –
or the attemt to preach – because he is tired (jatigatus) and not able to find the
right words.
A greater problern is another habit of Homo Dei that William mentions.
„Later, when I acquired some little knowledge of the language, I noticed that when
I said one thing he would say something totally different, depending on what came
into his head. After that I realized the danger of speaking through him, and chose
rather to say nothing.“7
An almost tragicomical stage of the narrative is reached on occasion of the
first audition at Great Khan Möngke’s court. Following the usual Mongoi custom,
the visitors are offered drinks when entering. William hirnself sipped for a short
time to show the khan respect, but „[ u]nfortunately for us, our interpreter was
3 See Berthold Altaner, „Sprachkenntnisse und Dolmetscherwesen im missionarischen und
diplomatischen Verkehr zwischen Abendland (Päpstliche Kurie) und Orient im 1 3 . und 1 4 .
Jahrhundert,“ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 55 ( 1 936), pp. 83-126; Denis Sinor, „Interpreters
in Medieval Inner Asia,“ Asian and African Studies, 1 6 ( 1 982), pp. 293-320; Felicitas
Schmieder, „Tartarus valde sapiens et eruditus in philosophia: La Iangue des missionaires en
Asie,“ in L ‚etranger au Moyen Age: XXX’e Congres de la SHME.S. (Paris: Publications de Ia
Sorbonne, 2000), pp. 27 1 -28 1 ; for further references see Marc-Aeilko Aris, „Übersetzung,
allgemeine Voraussetzungen und theoretische Grundlagen,“ in Lexikon des Millefalters
(Studienausgabe, Stuttgart and Weimar: Metzler, 1999), VIII ( 1 999), cols. 1 1 63 – 1 166.
4 Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, ed. Allan Evans (Cambridge, Mass.:
The Medieval Academy of America, 1 936), p. 2 1 ; the translation is following Sinor, „Interpreters,“
p. 320.
5 qui nullius erat ingenii nec alicuius eloquentie (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, X, 5, p. 1 9 1 ;
Jackson, The Mission, p . I 0 I ) .
6 On the way t o Prince Sartaq: Super omnia autem gravabat me quod, quando volebam eis dicere
aliquod verbum edificationis. interpres meus dicebat: .Nonfaciatis me predicare. quia nescio
talia verba dicere‘ (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XIII, 6, p. 196). In the course of a
disputation with Buddhist monks: Tune cum vellem plura ratiocinari cum illis, interpres meus
fatigatus, non valens verba exprimere,focit me tacere (XXV, 8, p. 232).
7 Ego enim percipi postea, quando incepi aliquanrulum inteltigere idioma, quod quando dicebam
unum, ipse totum aliud dicebat secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tune videns pericu/um loquendi
per ipsum, elegi magis tacere (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XIII, 6, p. 196; Jackson, The
Mission, p. I 08).
198 MICHAEL BRAUER
standing next to the stewards, who gave him a good deal to drink, and in no time
he grew tipsy.“8 In the course of the communication William has to acknowledge:
„Up to this point I understood my interpreter, but beyond this I was unable to grasp
any single complete sentence, which brought it home to me that he was drunk. And
Mangu (i.e. Möngke] Chan too struck me as tipsy.“9
When William complains about the general inadequacy, the arbitrary
translations, and the drinking habits of his interpreter, he might have
overemphasised the shortcomings of Homo Dei, since a bad interpreter is an ideal
scapegoat for the failure of a mission. On the other hand, William’s account does
reflect general problems of missionaries in foreign countries. To a greater extent
than a merchant, and even a political envoy, a missionary who wanted to spread
the Word of God depended on an exact translation ofhis speech. Whether in a text
such as the Creed, where each single word had been subject of a long debate, or in
a sermon: each term would need a careful treatment. 10 Ricold of Monteerace was
aware of that when he gave the following admonition araund 1300 in his Libel/us .
. . ad nationes orientales: „The first rule is to know that it is no use preaching or
disputing the faith with foreigners through an interpreter, however much and
sufficient the ordinary interpreters know languages for trading (selling and buying)
and for the daily life, nevertheless they are unable to express the faith and its content
in proper and convenient words.“1 1
Actions i n place of words
The Fraueiseans tried to overcome translation problems by means of nonverbal
communication when they first encountered the Mongoi prince Sartaq in
8 Ec ad infortunium nostrum. imerpres noster stabat iuxta pincernas qui dederunt ei multum
bibere, et statim fuit ebrius (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXVIII, 15, p. 249; Jackson,
The Mission, p. 179).
9 Usque huc intellexi interpretem meum, sed ulterius nullam integram sentenciam potui
comprehendere. unde percepi bene quod ebrius erat. Er etiam ipse Manguchan videbatur
michi temulentus (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXVIll, 18, p. 25 1 ; Jackson, The
Mission, p. 180).
10 Already John of Pian di Carpini found his interpreter unable to translate a papal Ietter: Sed
quia noster interpres. quem de Kiovia dato pretio duxeramus. non erat sujjiciens ut per eum
liuere possent interpretari. nec ad hoc aliquis alius idoneus habebatur, iccirco [sie!] non I
polllerunt interpretari. flistoria Mongalorum, !X, I I = Giovanni di Pian di Carpine: Storia dei
Mongoli. ed. Enrico Menesto, transl. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti (Spoleto: Centro ltaliano di
Studi sull‘ Alto Medioevo, 1989), pp. 225-333 (pp. 308-309).
11 Libellus fratris Rico/di ad naciones orientales, cd. A. Dondaine, in id., „Ricoldiana: Notes sur
les reuvres de Ricoldo da Montecroce,“ Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 37 ( 1 967}, pp.
1 19-1 79 (pp. 168-169). Prima regula est quia scire oportet quod nullo modo expedit predicare
vel disputare cum extraneis de jide per interpretem. nam interpretes communes quantumcumque
bene sciant linguas et sujjicienter quantum ad vendendum et emendum et ad communiter
convivendum, nesciunt camen jidem I et ea que sunt inrima jidei exprimere per verba
propria et convenientia. Also they are not able to translate scholastic terms such as natura.
ypostasis. persona.forma. materia etc.
0BSTACLES TO ORAL COMMUNICATION 199
South Russia, who was believed to be Christian. Before the audition, the friars are
asked to put on their vestments and chant a blessing for Sartaq. They use the
opportunity for a presentation which, I argue, is meant to appeal to the senses of
the.audience – to the sense of sight, hearing, smell, and touch – and attract peoples‘
attention to the Christian faith. Namely, William and his confrater put on
omamented vestments, and display mass requisites; 12 they enter Sartaq’s dwelling
chanting Salve regina. At first it seems to work, the prince takes the requisites in
his hands, scrutinises the Psalter together with his wife, and asks if the Bible in his
hand contained the Gospel. But then Sartaq tums to normal business, and on the
following day, travelling to Sartaq’s father Batu, the friars have to leave the
vestments and requisites behind and can only rescue part of them on their way
home.
What went wrong? Practices and objects, that appeal to the senses are polysemic.
Their exact meaning has yet to be defined, be it by an explanation or preexisting
cultural knowledge. In this particular scene, different implicit contexts
intermingled. From the Franciscans‘ point of view, the presentation before the
prince can be seen in the European context of diphany, where the sensual perception
of the lay churchgoer was supposed to be transformed into a „spiritual
vision of the Divine,“ with very complex meanings being ascribed to the sensual
elements. 13 For the transformation on this occasion, however, the interpretation by
means ofthe spoken word was missing.
To discover the Mongoi perspective, later observations made by William
also have to be considered. First, Christians were not unknown to the Mongols;
Nestorian Christians, who often acted as court officials, surrounded them. 14 Therefore,
one can assume that the Franciscan presentation was understood in relation to
the rites practised by the Nestorians. This Ieads to the second point, namely the
function of religious groups at the Mongoi court. Möngke gathered around him
representatives of various religious groups; this poly-religious circle was comprised
of Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, and Shamans, the members of which
pronounced certain days holy, prayed for the ruler, blessed his cup and were
12 Such as the Bible and a richly illuminated Psalter, presents of Saint Louis and the Queen,
respectively, the missal, and thc cross, while the clerk is carrying the thurible (William of
Rubruck, Itinerarium. XV, 6-7).
1 3 The smell of incense, for example, was often interpreted as the presence of the Divine. Horst
Wenzel, Hören und Sehen. Schrift und Bild: Kultur und Gedächtnis im Mirrela/ter (München:
Beck, 1995), eh. 3, ‚Einschulung des Adels im Kirchenraum: Partizipation und Repräsentation,‘
pp. 95-127 (pp. 1 1 5), „Überführung der sinnlichen Wahrnehmung in eine spirituelle
Schau des Göttlichen.“
14 On William of Rubruck and the Nestorian Christians see Jean Dauvillier, „Guillaume de
Rubrouck et les communauu::s chaldeennes d‘ Asie centrate au Moyeo-Age,“ L ‚Orient Syrien.
2 (1957), pp. 223-242: Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, „Eine christliche Weltchronik von
Qara Qorurn: Wilhelm von Rubruck 0. F. M. und der Nestorianismus,“ Archiv for Kulturgeschichte,
53 ( 1971 ), pp. 1 – 1 9.
200 MICHAEL BRAUER
rewarded with gifts, one group after the other.15 Now one can see more clearly that
the request made to the friars to put on the vestments and chant a blessing was
intended as an additional spiritual aid for prince Sartaq, to be performed by a
visiting religious group. Not less, but by no means more, there was no intention to
become Christian, i.e. to rely on the help of only one of the religions at hand.16
A better interpreter
When Möngke assembled the Buddhists, Muslims, and Christians at his
court in Karakorum for a theological dispute about the true religion, the conditions
for the Franciscan were better. This time, his interpreter was the adopted son of a
Parisian goldsmith at court, for whom both Mongoi and French were native
languages. He might also have had some knowledge of religious terms.17
I will summarise only the main points of the debate:18 according to the
Itinerarium, William allies with the Nestorians and convinces them to Iet him be
their speaker. His opponent is a Chinese wise man speaking on behalf of Lamaistic
Buddhists. The Franciscan can next persuade the Mongoi arbiters to begin with
talking about God. Here the friar with his university training19 is on safe grounds
and he can easily produce a contradiction in the Buddhist’s argument. He makes
IS A particularly concise description is given by William, when he elaborates on which days
Möngke holds court: [M]os eius esr quod ralibus diebus, quibus divini sui dicunt eifestos vel
sacerdotes nestorini aliquando sacros, quod ipse runc tener curiam. Et talibus diebus primo
veniunt sacerdotes christiani cum suo apparatu el orantpro eo et benedicunt cifum suum; istis
recedentibus, veniunl sacerdotes sarraceni et faciunt simili/er; post hos veniunt sacerdotes
ydolalre [i.e., the Buddhists] idem facientes (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXIX, 15, p.
256).
16 A similar story is found in the Itinerarium of Odoricus of Portu Naonis. In the last chapter, thc
Franciscan friars are waiting for the Mogol great khan on his way to Khanbaliq, present-day
Beijing. The friars display a cross on a board, sing, and light incense, whereupon the great
khan Iifts his hat i n reverence of the cross. In return he is blessed. Odoricus of Portu Naonis,
Itinerarium de mirabilibus orientalium Tarlarorum, in Sinica Franciscana, 1, pp. 3 8 1 -495, eh.
XXXVIII. This episode was added later by Marchesimus de Bassano, a Franciscan from
Padua.
17 William states about the father, the goldsmith: Novit enim parum de litteris, et gessil se ut
clericus (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXX, 13, p. 281).
18 The debate has been treated in R. W. Southem, Western Views of Islam in the Midd/e Ages
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1 96 1 ; 2″d ed. 1978), pp. 47-5 I ; Johannes Fried,
„Auf der Suche nach der Wirklichkeit: Die Mongolen und die europäische Erfahrungswissenschaft
im 1 3 . Jahrhundert,“ Historische Zeitschrift, 243 ( 1 986), pp. 287-332 (pp. 308-12);
Samuel N. C. Lieu, „Some Themes in Later Roman Anti-Manichaean Polemics: I!,“ Bulletin
ofthe John Rylands Library, 69 ( 1 986-87), pp. 235-275 (pp. 248-250).
19 See Schrnieder, „Tartarus,“ p. 275, on the question of whether William studied in Paris under
Alexander of Haies. in any case, William had with him on the journey the Sentences of Peter
Lombard, the basic textbook of university training (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XVI, 3).
On the use of the Sentences see Marcia L. Colish, Peter Lombard, 2 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1994), I, pp. 77-90.
ÜBST ACLES TO ÜRAL COMMUNICA I ION 2 0 1
the Buddhist confess that no God is all-powerful, and can conclude: „Therefore
none of your Gods can rescue you in all danger, for there can be found a case in
which he does not have the power.“20 In a European context at university, William
would be the clear winner of the dispute, but here, the Nestorians take over as if
nothing had happened, enumerating stories from the Bible, convincing nobody.
William describes the end of the debate as follows: „When it was all over, the
Nestorians and Saracens alike sang in loud voices, while the tuins [i.e., the
Buddhists]21 remained silent; and after that everyone drank heavily.“22
Of course one should not follow the account to the Ietter; the exact line of
William’s argument is probably a later composition, following a scholastic ideal
type. But the dispute as such in all probability took place in 1254, perfectly fitting
into a series of official debates among Buddhists and Taoists in 1255 and 1256
after William’s departure.23 Also, certain Buddhist characteristics are too specific
to be fictitious – after all, William was the first European to give a detailed
description of Buddhism in his report?4
Again the question: What went wrong? The background of the debate is a
clash of two incommensurab1e ways of treating the Divine. William of Rubruck
conducts hirnself in a scholastic manner: matters of faith are accessible to ’natural‘
reason, they can be treated with dialectic methods of argumentation. It is supposed
that non-Christians can be convinced of the truth of Christianity by means of
rational arguments. For the Buddhists at court, on the other hand, it seems unusual
to debate in that manner. According to William, they „began to murrnur against
Mangu Chan, since no Chan had ever attempted to probe their secrets.“25 These
Lamaistic Buddhists can only reveal the secrets of their religion in a narrative, not
in a dialectic way. They recite genealogies of gods and myths. I hesitate to call this
way of argument ‚traditional,‘ but it is much more built on transmitted wisdom
than on abstract reasoning. This is not the time to enter a detailed discussion of
Buddhism, but one simply has to acknowledge that in this particular cultural
setting Jogic in its European shape was not seen as relevant and did not have the
power to convince. William’s argumentative victory was in fact a defeat, for he did
not appreciate the intellectual horizon ofhis audience.
20 Ergo nullus Deorum tuorurn polest te salvare in ornni periculo, quia pofest inveniri casus in
quo non habet potestatern (William of Rubruck, ltinerariurn, XXXHI, 20, pp. 296-97;
trans1ation mine).
2
1 Following the expression toyin for Uighur monks.
22 Hiis peractis nestorini pariter et sarraceni cantaverum alte, tuinis tacentibus, et postea
biberuni omnes copiose (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXXIll, 23, p. 297; Jackson, The
Mission, p. 235).
23 Larry William Moses, The Political Role of Mongoi Buddhisrn (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1 977), pp. 59-63.
24 Jackson, The Mission, p. 49.
25 … inceperunt murrnurare contra Manguchan, quia nunquarn aliquis Chan hoc attemptaverat
uc scrucaretur de secretis eorurn (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium, XXXlll, 13, p . 294;
Jackson, The Misssion, p. 232).
202 MICHAEL BRAUER
The further events in the Itinerarium support this claim: William and his
Buddhist opponent were summoned to Möngke on the following day. The great
khan, who had been informed about the course of the debate by his arbiters, gave
his verdict in form of an image: „But just as God has given the hand several
fingers, so he has given mankind several paths. To you God has given the
Scriptures and you Christians do not observe them … ; whereas to us he has given
soothsayers, and we do as they teil us and live in peace.“26 After that William is
told that his stay at court was over and he had to return home.
One should not overlook the political dimension of this episode. According
to Buddhism scholar Moses, Möngke held the series of debates from 1 254-1256 to
find a suitable religion that could provide unity for the diverse peoples of the
empire. Moses argues that Christianity with its „assumption of superiority over all
other doctrines and Gods“ could not provide that and was therefore rejected as
state religion by Möngke. The great khan later opted for Buddhism.27
An important consequence of the numerous translation problems had already
been perceived in the Middle Ages: namely that it was not enough to hope for
better interpreters, but one had to leam foreign Ianguages.28 However, my intention
was to make clear that there was not only a problern of translation, but of
perception. A mere translation of words is not sufficient if the various contexts,
which secure the meaning of words, are not taken into account.
26 „Sed sicut Deus dedit manui diversos digitos. ita dedit hominibus diversas vias. Vobis dedit
Deus Scripturas. et vos christiuni non custoditis eas . . . ; nobis autem dedit divinatores, et nos
facimus quod ipsi dieuni nobis. et vivimus in pace“ (William of Rubruck, Itinerarium,
XXXIV, 2, p. 298; Jackson, The Mission, pp. 236-237).
27 Moses, The Politica/ Role, p. 59.
28 I only remind of John of Montecorvino, Archbishop of Khanbaliq, present-day Beijing, who
apparently knew Mongoi and also taught indigenous boys to read and write Latin texts (see the
second Ietter of John of Monte Corvino, in Sinica Franciscana, l, pp. 345-351 ), not to mention
the reforming ideas of Rarnon Lull (See Eusebio Colomer, „Raimund Lulls Stellung zu den
Andersgläubigen: Zwischen Zwie- und Streitgespräch,“ in Religionsgespräche im Miuela/ter,
ed. Bernard Lewis and Friedrich Niewöhner (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1992), pp. 2 1 7-
236), and the institution of language schools (see Jean Richard, „L’enseignement des langues
orientales en occident au moyen äge,“ Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 44 ( 1 976), pp. 1 49-64).
ORAL HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES
THE SPOKEN WORD IN CONTEXT
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
SONDERBAND XII
=
CEU MEDIEV ALIA
VOLU1vfE 3
Oral History of the Middle Ages
The Spoken W ord in Context
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
Krems and Budapest 200 1
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER ABTEILUNG
KULTUR UND WISSENSCHAFT DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICIDSCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
niederästerreich kultur
copy editor: Judith Rasson
Cover illustration: The wife of Potiphar covets Joseph: “ … erat autem Joseph pulchra facie et
decorus apectu: post multos itaque dies iecit domina oculos suis in Ioseph et ait donni mecum.“
(“ … And Joseph was (a] goodly fperson], and weil favoured. And it came to pass after these
things, that his master’s wife cast her eyes upon Joseph; and she said, Lie with me. „), Gen. 39:
6-7 (KJV). Concordantiae Caritatis, c. 1350. Cistercian abbey of Lilienfeld (Lower Austria), ms
151, fol. 244v (detail). Photo: Institut fiir Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit
(Krems an der Donau).
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Printed by Printself, Budapest.
Table of Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ……………………….. 7
Michael RICHTER, Beyond Goody and Grundmann ………. . . . . . . ………. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I
Tom PETTIIT, Textual to Oral: the Impact ofTransmission
on Narrative Word-Art …………………………………………………………………….. 1 9
Elöd NEMER!<.ENYI, Fictive Audience. The Second Person Singular in the Deliberatio ofBishop Gerard of Csanäd ..................................................... 3 9 Katalin SZENDE, Testaments and Testimonies. Orality and Literacy in Composing Last Wills in Late Medieval Hungary .................................. 49 Anna ADAMSKA, The Kingdom of Po land versus the Teutonic Knights: Oral Traditions and Literale Behaviour in the Later Middle Ages ............... 67 Giedre MICKÜNAITE, Ruler, Protector, and a Fairy Prince: the Everlasting Deeds of Grand Duke Vytautas as Related by the Lithuanian Tatars and Karaites ....................................... 79 Yurij Zazuliak, Oral Tradition, Land Disputes, and the Noble Community in Galician Rus' from the 1440s to the 1 460s ............................................. 88 Nada ZECEVIC, Ai􀃭tc; yA.uKeia. The Importance ofthe Spoken Word in the Public Affairs ofCarlo Tocco (from the Anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 108 lohn A. NICHOLS, A Heated Conversation: Who was Isabel de Aubigny, Countess of Arundel? ................................. 1 1 7 Tracey L. BILADO, Rhetorical Strategies and Legal Arguments: 'Evil Customs' and Saint-Florent de Saumur, 979- 1 0 1 1 .......................... 1 28 Detlev KRAACK, Traces of Orality in Written Contexts. Legal Proceedings and Consultations at the Royal Court as Reflected in Documentary Sources from l21h-century Germany ......... 1 42 6 Maria DOBOZY, From Oral Custom to Written Law: The German Sachsenspiegel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Martha KEIL, Rituals of Repentance and Testimonies at Rabbinical Courts in the 151h Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 64 Michael GOODICH, The Use of Direct Quotation from Canonization Hearing to Hagiographical Vita et Miracula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 77 Sylvia ScHEIN, Bemard of Clairvaux 's Preaching of the Third Crusade and Orality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Michael BRAUER, Obstades to Oral Communication in tbe Mission offriar William ofRubruck among the Mongois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 Elena LEMENEVA, From Oral to Written and Back: A Sermon Case Study . . . . . . . . 203 Albrecht CLASSEN, Travel, Orality, and the Literary Discourse: Travels in the Past and Literary Travels at the Crossroad of the Oral and the Literary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 217 Ulrich MÜLLER and Margarete SPRJNGETH, ''Do not Shut Your Eyes ifYou Will See Musical Notes:" German Heroie Poetry ("Nibelungenlied''), Music, and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 Jolanta SZPILEWSKA, Evoking Auditory Imagination: On the Poetics of Voice Production in The Story ofThe Glorious Resurrection ofOur Lord (c. 1580) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248 Jens T. WOLLESEN, SpokenWords and Images in Late Medieval Italian Painting . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 257 Gerhard JARTTZ, Images and the Power of the Spoken Word . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Preface Oral culture played an instrumental role in medieval society.1 Due to the Iack of any direct source evidence, however, research into the functions and importance of oral communication in the Middle Ages must confront a number of significant problems. Only indrect traces offer the opportunity to analyze phenomena that were based on or connected with the spoken word. The 'oral history' of the Middle Ages requires the application of different approaches than dealing with the 201h or 2 151 century. For some decades Medieval Studies have been interested in questions of orality and literacy, their relationship and the substitution of the spoken by the written word2 Oral and literate culture were not exclusive and certainly not opposed to each other.3 The 'art of writing' was part of the 'ars rhetorica' and writing makes no sense without speech.4 Any existing written Statement should also be seen as a spoken one, although, clearly, not every oral Statement as a written one. Authors regularly wrote with oral delivery in mind. 'Speaking' and 'writing' are not antonyms. It is also obvious that "the use of oral conununication in medieval society should not be evaluated ... as a function of culture populaire vis-a-vis culture savante but, rather, of thc communication habits and the tendency of medieval man 1 For the late Middle Ages and the early modern period, cf. Willern Frijhoff, "Communication et vie quotidienne i1 Ia fin du moyen äge et a l'epoque moderne: reflexions de theorie et de methode," in Kommunialion und Alltag in Spätmillefalter und fniher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p. 24: "La plupart de gens vivait encore pour l'essentiel dans une culture orale et !es procedes d'appropriation des idCes passaient de prefcrence par Ia parolc dite et ecoutee, quand bien memc on ctait capable d'une Ieelure visuelle plus ou moins rudimentaire." 2 See Marco Mostert, "New Approaches to Medieval Communication?" in New Approaches to Medieval Communication. ed. Marco Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 15-37; Michael Richter, ''Die Entdeckung der 'Oralität' der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft durch die neuere Mediävistik," in Die Aktualität des Miue/alters, ed. Hans-Werner Goetz (Bochum: D. Winkler, 2000), pp. 273-287. 3 Peter Burke calls the constrnct of "oral versus literate" useful but at the same time dangerous: idem, "Mündliche Kultur und >Druckkultur< im spätmittelalterlichen Italien," in Volkskultur des europäischen Spätmittelalters, eds. Peter Dinzelbacher and Hans-Dieter Mück (Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner Verlag, 1987), p. 60. 4 Michael Clanchy, "lntroduction," in New Approaches to Medieval Communication. ed. Marco Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), p. 6. 8 to share his intellectual experiences in the corporate framework."5 Oral delivery was not "the sole prerogative of any socioeconomic class. "6 For all these reasons, it is important to analyze the extent of and context, in which 'speech acts,' auditive effects, and oral tradition occur in medieval sources .7 Research into the use of the spoken word or references to it in texts and images provides new insight into various, mainly social, rules and pattems of the communication system. 1t opens up additional approaches to the organization and complexity of different, but indispensably related, media in medieval society, and their comparative analysis.8 The spoken word is connected with the physical presence of its 'sender.' Speech may represent the authenticity of the given message in a more obvious way than written texts or images. Therefore, the use of 'speech acts' in written or visual evidence also has to be seen in context with the attempt to create, construct, or prove authenticity. Moreover, spoken messages contribute to and increase the lifelikeness of their contents, which may influence their perception by the receiver, their efficacy and success. Being aware of such a situation will have led to the explicit and intended use and application of the spoken word in written texts and images- to increase their authenticity and importance, too. lf one operates with a model of 'closeness' and 'distance' of communication with regard to the Ievel of relation of 'senders' and 'receivers,' then the 'speech acts' or their representation have to be seen as contributors to a 'closer' connection among the participants of the communication process.9 At the same time, however, Speech might be evaluated as less official. One regularly comes across 'oral space' 5 Sophia Menache, The Vox Dei. Commwzication in the Middle Ages (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 19. 6 Ibidem, p. 21. Cf. also Jan-Dirk Müller, "Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schrifilicher Sicherung von Tradition. Zur Kommunikationsstruktur spätmittelalterlicher Fechtbücher," in Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p. 400: "Offensichtlich sind schriftliche und nichtschriftliche Tradierung von Wissen weiterhin relativ unabhängig voneinander, nachdem die Schrift längst dazu angesetzt hat, lnseln der Mündlichkeil oder praktisch-enaktiver Wissensvermittlung zu erobem. Die Gedächtnisstütze kann die Erfahrung nicht ersetzen, sendem allenfalls reaktivieren. Sie ist sogar nur verständlich, wo sie auf anderweitig vermittelte Vorkenntnisse stößt." 7 􀆿f. W.F.H. Nicolaisen, ed., Oral Tradition in the Middle Ages (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1995). 8 See, esp., Horst Wenzel, Hören und Sehen, Schrift und Bild. K ultur und Gedächtnis im Mittelalter (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1995), passim. 9 See also Siefan Sonderegger, ">Gesprochen oder nur geschrieben?< Mündlichkeil in mittelalterlichen Texten als direkter Zugang zum Menschen," in Homo Medietas. Aufsätze zu Religiosität, Literatur und Denkformen des Menschen vom Mittelalter bis in die Neuzeit. Festschrift for Alois Maria Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. Claudia Brinker-von der Heyde and Niklaus Largier (Bem e\ al.: Peter Lang, 1999), p. 665: "Jedenfalls darf man sich bewußt bleiben, daß auch in den Texten des deutschen Mittelalters die Reflexe gesprochener Sprache eine bedeutende Schicht ausmachen, die besonders dann immer wieder hervortritt, wenn es um einen direkten Zugang zum Menschen geht, um einVerstehen aus unmittelbarer Partnerschaft heraus ... " 9 that has become institutionalized or more official by the application of 'written space.' 10 Simultanous employment of such different Ievels and qualities of messages must often have had considerable influence on their efficacy.11 The papers in this volume are the outcome of an international workshop that was held in February, 2001, at the Department ofMedieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest. Participants concentrated on problems of the occurrence, usage, and pattems of the spoken word in written and visual sources of the Middle Ages. They dealt with the roJe and contents of direct and indirect speech in textual evidence or in relation to it, such as chronicles, travel descriptions, court and canonization protocols, sermons, testaments, law-books, literary sources, drama, etc. They also tried to analyze the function of oral expression in connection with late medieval images. The audiovisuality of medieval communication processes12 has proved to be evident and, thus, important for any kind of further comparative analysis of the various Ievels of the 'oral-visual-literate,' i.e. multimedia culture of the Middle Ages. Particular emphasis has to be put on methodological problems, such as the necessity of interdisciplinary approaches,13 or the question of the extent to which we are, generally, able to comprehend and to decode the communication systems of the past.14 Moreover, the medievalist does not come across any types of sources in which oral communication represents the main concem.15 lnstead, she or he is confronted, at first glance, with a great variety of 'casual' and 'marginal' evidence. We would like to thank all the contributors to the workshop and to this volume. Their cooperation made it possible to publish the results of the meeting in the same year in which it took place. This can be seen as a rare exception, at least in the world of the historical disciplines. The head, faculty, staff, and students of the Department of Medieval Studies of CentTal European University offered various help and support. Special thanks go to Judith Rasson, the copy editor of 10 This, e.g., could be weil shown in a case study on thc pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: Friederike Hassauer, "Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeil im Alltag des Pilgers am Beispiel der Wallfahrt nach Santiago de Compostela," in Wallfahrt und Alltag in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, eds. Gerhard Jaritz and Barbara Schuh (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), pp. 277-316. 11 Cf. Bob Scribner, "Mündliche Kommunikation und Strategien der Macht in Deutschland im 16. Jahrhundert," in Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), pp. 183-197. 12 Wenzel, Hören rmd Sehen, p. 292. 13 Cf. Ursula Schaefer, "Zum Problem der Mündlichkeit," in Modernes Miuelalter. Neue Bilder einer populären Epoche, ed. Joachim Heinzle (Frankfurt am Main and Leipzig: Insel Verlag, 1994), pp. 374 f. 14 Frijhoff, "Communication et vie quotidienne," p. 25: "Sommes-nous encore en mesure de communiquer avec Ja communication de jadis?" 1􀅄 Michael Richter, Sprache und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter. Untersuchungen zur mündlichen Kommunikation in England von der Mit te des elften bis zu Beginn des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1979), p. 22. 10 this volume, who took particluar care with the texts of the many non-native speakers fighting with the pitfalls of the English language. Budapest, Krems, and Constance December 200 I Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter