Fictive Audience. The Second Person Singular in the Deliberatio of Bisbop Gerard of Csanad 1

Fictive Audience.
The Second Person Singular in the Deliberatio
of Bisbop Gerard of Csanad 1
Elod Nemerkenyi
The principal sources for the life of bishop Gerard of Csamid are his legends
from the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. He was a Benedictine monk in the
monastery ·of San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice who later went to Hungary and
became tutor of Prince Emeric, son of King Stephen of Hungary. After living as a
hermit in Bakonybel, he was appointed bishop of Csamid by King Stephen, where
he established a cathedral school. He was killed in the pagan revolt of 1 046 and
canonized in 1083.2 There is also information on his works: the De divino
patrimonio, a commentary on Saint Paul’s Letter to the Hebrews, another on the
First Letter of John, his sermons in honor ofthe Virgin Mary as weil as a fragment
of a homily collection.3 However, his only work extant in its entire Jength is the
Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum, an exegetical treatise on the book of
the prophet Daniel (3.57-65) – written in Hungary. lt survives in a single manuscript,
copied in the Jate eleventh century (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,
Clm. 62 1 1 ). So far, the text has been edited three times.4 Its orthography,
1 This paper is part of a research project on Latin Classics in Medieval Hungary: Eleventh
Century. See Elöd Nemerkenyi, „Latin Classics in Medieval Hungary: Problems and Perspectives,“
in Tradita et lnventa: Beiträge zur Rezeption der Antike, ed. Manuel Baumbach
(Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2000), pp. 37-58.
2 See lrnre Madzsar, ed., „Legenda sancti Gerhardi episcopi,“ in Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum
Iernpore ducum regumque stirpis Arpadianae gestarum, vol. 2 (Budapest: Kin\lyi Magyar
Egyetemi Nyomda, 1938), pp. 461-506. On the legends, see Gabor Klaniczay and Edit Madas,
„La Hongrie,“ in Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de Ia Iitterature hagiographique
/atine el vernaculaire en Occident des origines ci 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, vol. 2 (Turnhout:
Brepols, 1996), pp. 1 1 3 – 1 14, 138- 140. See also Remig Bekefi, A kciptalani iskolak törllinete
Magyarorszagon 1540-ig (A history of the chapter schools in Hungary until 1540) (Budapest:
Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia, 1 9 10), pp. 70-78; Gino Damerini, L ‚Lwla e il Cenobio di San
Giorgio Maggiare (Venice: Fondazione Giorgio Cini, 1 969), pp. 14-16; Luigi Canetti,
„Gerardo di Csanad,“ in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 53 (Rome: Istituto della
Enciclopedia Jtaliana, 1 999), pp. 359-36 1 .
3 See H. Barre, „L’oeuvre Mariale de Saint Perard de Csanad,“ Marianum 25.3-4 ( 1 963), pp.
262-296; Felix Heinzer, „Neues zu Gerhard von Csanad: Die Schlußschrift einer Homiliensammlung,“
Südost-Forschungen 4 1 ( 1 982), pp. 1-7.
4 lgnac Batthyany, ed., Sancti Gerardi episcopi Chanadiensis scripra et acta hactenus inedita
cum serie episcoporum Chanadiensium (Karlsburg: Typis Episcopalibus, 1790), pp. 1-297,
corrected by Pongracz Sörös, „Collatio codicis olim Frisingensis, nunc Monacensis cum edi40
ELÖD NEMEWNYI
vocabulary, grammar, syntax, and style are still to be studied. The language is
sometimes confused and does not always conform with the standards of eleventhcentury
Latin prose, even though the author’s education relied considerably on the
seven liberal arts – usually under the influence of the Etymologiae of Isidore of
Seville. Further problems include the impact of biblical, liturgical, and classical
Latin as weil as the author’s knowledge of Greek.5 Preparing the text for the
tione comitis episcopi Batthian,“ in A Pannonha/mi Szent-Benedek-Rend törtenete (A history
of the Benedictine order of Pannonhalma), ed. Laszl6 Erdelyi, vol. 1 . 1 (Budapest: Szent Istvän
Tärsulat, 1 902), pp. 579-586, reviewed by Geza Istvänyi, „Die mittellateinische Philologie in
Ungarn (Geschichte, Lage und Aufgaben),“ Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters
4.1 ( 1 940), p. 209; Gabriel Silagi, ed., „Gerardi Moresenae aecclesiae seu Csanadiensis
episcopi Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum,“ in Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio
mediaevalis, vol. 49 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978), henceforth: CCCM 49, reviewed by Tibor
Klaniczay, lrodalomtörteneti Közlemenyek 84.4 ( 1 980), pp. 544-546; Bela Karacsonyi and
Läszl6 Szegfü, eds., Deliberatio Gerardi Moresanae aecclesiae episcopi supra hymnum trium
puerorum (Szeged: Scripturn Kiad6, 1999), reviewed by Hedvig Sulyok, Nuova Corvina, 7
(2000), pp. 8-12 and Elöd Nemerkenyi, Budapesti Könyvszemle 12.4 (2000), pp. 402-405 .
5 See Tibor Hajdu, „Sz. Geliert «Deliberatio» cz. müvenek meltatasa“ (Analysis of the
<ti)eliberatio» of St. Gerard), in A Pannonha/mi Szent-Benede􀈝Rend törtenete (A history of the Benedictine order of Pannonhalma), ed. Laszl6 Erdelyi, vol. 1 . 1 (Budapest: Szent lstvän Tarsulat, 1 902), pp. 3 8 1 -397; Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters. vol. 2, Von der Mitte des zehnten Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausbruch des Kampfes zwischen Kirche und Staat (Munich: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung and Oskar Beck, 1 923), pp. 74-8 1 ; Ferenc lbranyi. „Szent Geliert teol6giäja“ (The theology of Saint Gerard), in Emlekkönyv Szent /stwin halalanak kilencszazadik evfordulojan (Jubilee studies dedicated to the nine-hundredth anniversary of the dcath of Saint Stephen), ed. Jusztiniän Seredi, vol. I (Budapest: Magyar Tudomänyos Akademia, 1938), pp. 493-556; Kalmän Guoth, „A magyarorszagi latinsäg helye az egyetemes latinsagban“ (The place of Hungarian Latinity in tmiversal Latinity), in Emlekkönyv Szentpetery lmre születese hatvanadik evfordulojanak ünnepere (Jubilee studies dedicated to the sixtieth birthday of 1mre Szentpetery), eds. Bemat L. Kumorovitz and Loränd Szilägyi (Budapest: Dunantu I Pecsi Egyetcmi Könyvkiad6 es Nyomda Rt., 1938), pp. 176-177; Andräs Bodor, „Szent Geliert Deliberatio-janak föforrasa“ (The principal source of the Deliberatio of Saint Gerard), Szazadok 77.4-6 (1943), pp. 1 73-227, Jänos Horvath, Arpcid-kori latinnyelvü irodalmunk stilusproblemai (Stylistic problems of the Latin Iiterature in Hungary in the Arpad period) (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1 954), pp. 1 10- 1 1 5; Endre lvänka, „Das ‚Corpus Areopagiticurn‘ bei Gerhard von Csanäd (tl046),“ Traditio 1 5 ( 1 959), pp. 205-222; Karoly Red!, „Probleme in der Deliberatio des Bischofs Gerhard,“ in Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte der alten Welt, vol. 2, Romisches Reich. ed. Elisabeth Charlotte Welskopf (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1965), pp. 349-366; Zoltän J. Kosztolnyik, „The Jmportance of Gerard of Csanäd as the First Author in Hungary,“ Traditio 25 ( 1 969), pp. 376- 386; Jean Leclercq, „Saint Gerard de Csanäd et Je monachisme,“ Studia Monastica 1 3 . 1 (1971), pp. 13-30; Läszl6 Szegfü, „La missione politica ed ideologica d i San Gerardo in Ungheria,“ in Venezia e Ungheria nel Rinascimento. ed. Vittore Branca (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1973), pp. 23-36; Laszl6 Mezey, Deaksag es Eur6pa: lrodalmi müveltsegünk a/apvetesenek vazlata (Literacy and Europe: thc begirmings of Hungarian literary culture) (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6. 1 979), pp. 1 1 7-122; Baläzs Deri, „Szent Gellert-szövegproblem:i k“ (Textual problems of Saint Gerard), in Egyhcizak a valtoz6 vilagban (Churches in the changing world), eds. lstvän Bardes and Margit Beke (Esztergom: Komarom-Esztergom FlCTIVE AUDIENCE 4 1 critical edition in the Corpus Christianorum, Gabriet Silagi suggested that the work featured die Fiktion des Dialoges. 6 Through a close examination of the roJe of the addressee and the persons named explicitly in the Deliberatio and, more importantly, the function of the second person singular verbs and pronouns, the following discussion offers a Latinist way of exploring how this fiction of a dialogue applies to the relation between orality and literacy in order to produce a fictive audience and how this literary convention fits into a wider linguistic and social context. Before tuming to the second person singular, one has to observe Gerard’s preface to his treatise. The title itself, probably not by the author, reads as follows: „The Deliberatio of Gerard, bishop of the church of Maros, on the song of the three boys to the scholar Isingrim“ – ad Jsingrimum liberalem.7 The addressee of the work, Isingrim, is otherwise unknown – previous research has connected him to Admont in Styria but scholars have set forth opposing views about Isingrim being a bishop or an abbot there.8 Anyhow, out of the titles of the eight books of the treatise, seven stress the person of the addressee: Jtem eiusdem (that is, of Gerard) ad eundem (that is, to Isingrim) 9 This indicates that on the one hand Gerard has a real audience in mind whom he usually addresses in the second person singular: tue familiaritati – „o your friendship“10 (elsewhere, he uses the term germanitas – „brotherhood“), 1 1 tui similes – „the ones similar to you,“12 tua . . . di/ectio – „your esteem.“13 In the preface, one also discovers the literary conventions of rnodesty: quod examinandum postulasti – „what you demanded me Megye Önkormänyzata, 1991), pp. 387-389; Franz Brunhölzl, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 2, Die Zwischenzeit vom Ausgang des karolingischen Zeitalters bis zur Mitte des eljien Jahrhunderts (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1 992), pp. 488-489; J6zsefTörök, „Gherardus de Venetis auctor et monachus? (Un eiere medieval et Ia Bible),“ in Spiritua/ita e fettere nella cultura ita/iana e ungherese del bassa medioevo, eds. Sante Graciotti and Cesare Vasoli (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1 995), pp. 203-209. 6 Gabriel Silagi, Untersuchungen zur ‚Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum ‚ des Gerhard von Csantid (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1967), p. 1 3 . 7 CCCM 49, l : Deliberatio Gerardi Moresenae aecclesiae episcopi supra hymnum tri um puerorum ad Isingrimum liberalem. 8 See Ignäc Batthyäny, ed., Sancti Gerardi episcopi Chanadiensis scripta et acta hactenus inedita cum serie episcoporum Chanadiensium (Karlsburg: Typis Episcopalibus, I 790), p. xxvii; Germain Morin, „Un destinataire bavarois du demier ouvrage de saint Gerard?“ Nouvelle Revue de Hongrie 8.3 ( 1 939}, pp. 272-273; Lajos J . Cs6ka, „I benedettini e l ‚inizio dei rapporti Jetterari italo-ungheresi,“ in Italia ed Ungheria: Dieci secoli di rapporti letterari, eds. Matyäs Horänyi and Tibor Klaniczay (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1 967), p. 14; Gabriel Silagi, Untersuchungen zur ‚Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum ‚ des Gerhard von Csanad (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1 967), pp. 5-8. 9 CCCM49, pp. I, 26, 39, 56, 79, 108, 1 3 5 . 1° CCCM 49, p. 43. 1 1 CCCM 49, p. 148: breviter Isingrimi mei dulcissime germanitati expediam 12 CCCM 49, p. 45. 13 CCCM 49, p. 148. 42 ELÖD NEMERKENYI to examine,“ difficillimum sumas – „consider it very difficult,“ tue postulationi satisfacere – „to satisfy your demand,“ tibi … ad libitum obviare – „to meet your pleasure.“ 14 The convention of combining modesty and satisfying the demand of a friend figures later in the work as weil: tibi … supra potentiam satisfaciam – „so that I satisfy you beyond my capacities,“15 instigatus a te ipso – „instigated by you.“16 Gerard also admits that Isingrim could have treated the subject a Iot better17 and that he thinks Isingrim is also interested in interpreting the Bible.18 On the other hand, however, he does not always address Isingrim in the second person singular. He also mentions him as a member of the divinum collegium – „divine order“ in the third person singular. 19 In a different context, he applies the term divinum collegium to the three boys in the book of Daniel.20 Besides Isingrim, Gerard names three more contemporaries. The first friend is a presbyter, called Dodo – Gerard sent some books to lsingrim by him.21 The second friend is a certain holy brother, Andrew, who keeps bothering Gerard to write another work but the author would rather fulfill the request of Isingrim than that of Andrew.22 He adds furthermore that he has already composed a booklet for Andrew: it was the De divino patrimonio.23 Finally, the third friend is the leamed Abbot Richard who is currently in possession of this work of Gerard.24 Of the three contemporaries named explicitly in the work, Dodo is completely unknown so far.25 It has recently been suggested that Andrew might be identical with thc martyr hermit, Saint Zoerard-Andrew whose legend was written by Bishop Maur of Pecs in 14 CCCM 49, p. I. See Tore Janson, Latin Prose Prefaces: Studies in Literary Conventions (Stockholm, Göteborg, and Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksell, 1 964), pp. 1 34- 1 4 1 . 15 CCCM 49, p . 28. 16 CCCM 49, p. 32. 17 CCCM 49, p. 38: accessi ad carmen misteriale. quoquo modo desiderans investigare, quod tu mirabilius solius cordi esset, quiveras perlibare … 18 CCCM 49, p. 43: te quoque avidum talium reseracione non dubito . . . 19 CCCM 49, p . 2 7 : nostro infratre divini collegii lsingrimo . . 2° CCCM 49, p. 2 9 : Divini quidem divini collegii viri . . . 21 CCCM 49, p. 32: sive te enim ex parte haec non ambigo quondam per presbiterwn Dodonem a 22 nobis accepisse. CCCM 49, pp. 140-141: Te autem avidissimum sciens de omnibus auditorem, immo et prestantissimum relatorem. potiuf ab aliis quam a luis gratunter subducar, quamlibet sanctus noster frater Andreas a nostro semper in hoc ipso co/lo dependat, cuius nimirum imperio non satisfacere delinquere non mediocriter est, et tandem quod iussisti, de omnibus nos interim cogit silere sibique solius inpensum inpendere. ne quidem tue inpensu caream g?’atie. 23 CCCM 49, p. 1 5 3 : Supra autem hoc in libello de divino patrimonio. quem nuperrime in 24 tabellis solius ad Andream divinumfratrem exemplicavi … CCCM 49, p. 178: In libello autem. quem ad Andream presbiterum divine germanitatis virum de divino patrimonio expressimus. qui nunc apud abbalern Richardum. incontaminatum Christi famulum diviniiLLf eruditum. est . .. It is not clear, however, whether qui refers to the 25 libellus or to Andreas. See Silagi, Untersuchungen, p. 9. FICTIVE AU::>IENCE 43
the mid-eleventh century.26 Richard, however, has securely been identified with
Ab bot Richard of Saint Vannes in Verdun who, according to the report of Ademar
of Chabannes and others, traveled to the Holy Land via Hungary where he may
have met not only King Stephen but also Gerard himself.27 Consequently,
Isingrim, Dodo, Andrew, and Richard can be considered Gerard’s real audience, to
whom he refers in his Deliberatio at random. The extraordinary number of
occurrences of the second person singular in the work, however, raises the
question whether they were the author’s only intended audience.
Without considering his numerous biblical and patristic quotations, Gerard’s
own words, mainly verbs, in the second person singular reveal much ofhis attitude
towards his audience. In a conversational fashion, he uses the present imperative
active vide – „Iook“ four times.28 Parallel to this, he also writes si vis aspicere ad
hec – „if you want to have a Iook at these.“29 Besides the image of looking,
however, the metaphor of intellectual attention is rather expressed with various
forms of the verb audio. Its perfect indicative active, audisti – „you have heard“
occurs twenty-six times in the work.30 Influenced by the Bible, this form appears
in many cases in the expression dieturn audisti, modeled on Jesus‘ Sermon on the
Mount in the Gospel according to Matthew.31 Just as Jesus was delivering a
sermon, so Gerard maintains the fiction of an oral discourse. He also features the
ablative absolute construction te audieme.32 The conversational style of the
literary piece is even more plausible in the following sentence: „Indeed, it is all
26
See Bela Karacsonyi and Laszlö Szegfü, eds., De/iberatio Gerardi Moresanae aecc/esiae
episcopi supra hymnum tri um puerorum (Szeged: Scripturn Kiadö, 1999), p. xi. See also lmre
Madzsar, ed., “Legenda SS. Zoerardi et Benedicti,“ in Scriprares rerum Hungaricarum
Iernpore ducum regumque srirpis Arpadianae gestarum. vol. 2 (Budapest: Kinilyi Magyar
Egyetemi Nyomda, 1 938), pp. 347-3 6 1 .
27 See Ademar of Chabannes, “Chronicon,“ in Corpus Chrisrianorum: Continuatio mediaevalis,
eds. P. Bourgain, R. Landes, and G. Pou, vol. 129 (Tumhout: Brepols, 1 999), p. 184. See also
Ernst Sackur, Richard. Abr von St. Vannes (Breslau: Druck der Breslaucr GenossenschaftsBuchdruckerei,
1 886), pp. 93-98; Richard Landes, Relics. Apocalypse. and rhe Deceits of
History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989-1034 (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University
Press, 1995), p. 157. For further sources on Abbot Richard’s sojoum in Hungary, see Albin
Ferencz Gombos, ed., Caralogusfontium historiae Hungaricae aevo ducum et regum ex stirpe
Arpad descendentium ab anno Christi DCCC ad annum MCCCI. vol. 1-3 (Budapest: Szent
lstvän Akademia, 1937-1 938), pp. 1 5 – 1 7 , 1200-1 202, 2613. See also Sandor Eckhardt, „!.
Endre francia zarändokai“ (The French pilgrims of Andrew 1), Magyar Nyelv 32. 1 -2 ( 1 936), p.
38, Geza Birkas, Francia urazok Magyarorszagon (French travelers in Hungary) (Szeged:
Univcrsitas Szegediensis, 1 948), p. 8.
28 CCCM 49, pp. 1 3 , 15, 1 41 , \ 66: Vide miraculum dialectice. hoc autem viso erubesce ad
philosophiam piscatoris. et disce me/ius scire a rusrico reciatore quam a periro Aristarco et
philosopho Ponsuphoclete.
29 CCCM 49, p. 1 40.
3° CCCM 49, pp. 7, 7, 8, 10, 16, 1 7 , 20, 2 1 , 2 1 , 2 1 , 24, 4 1 , 45, 6 1 , 65, 66, 69, 73, 75, 137, 1 4 1 ,
1 42, 1 44, 1 69, 1 7 1 . 175.
31 CCCM 49, pp. 7, 1 7 , 4 1 , 65. The models are Matthew 5 .2 1 , 5.27, 5.33, 5.38, 5.43.
32 CCCM 49, p. 20. For te audiente. see also Cicero, Brutus 44.2, in Verrem 2.3.132.
44 ELÖD NEMERKENYI
terrible what is said, believe me, my holiest brother. The ones who speak about the
world are certainly not from God, as your holiest ear has heard … „33 The rhetorical
question vis audire – „do you want to hear“ appears twenty-four times throughout
the work.34 Both the present indicative active audis – „you hear“35 and the present
imperative active audi – „listen“36 occur ten times in the Deliberatio. Resembling
a dialogue between master and disciple, five of these imperative forms appear in
the expression si queris … audi – „if you ask … , listen.“37 A parallel to this is the
expression si queris . . . disce – „if you ask … , leam,“ which occurs seven times i n
the text.38 Another variant, s i queris . .. recurre – „if you ask . . ., return“ i s also
used.39 One of the quasi-c-onversational sentences sounds like this: „Do you say:
which one? If you ask this, Iisten carefully, consider this attentively and write this
doctrine on the tablets of your heart … „4° Further subjunctives and imperatives
requiring the attention of the audience include advertas (along with ausculta),
adverte, and anirnadverte.41 Other aspects of orality can be discerned in the use of
the present subjunctive passive audiaris: „Listen … so that you will be listened to
… „42
Gerard’s audience, however, is not a passive one. The author hirnself
formulates some questions on behalf of his partner and the introduction of these
. sentences is six times inquis – „you say.“43 The fiction of a dialogue appears here
very clearly: „You ask me: why do you explain such words?“44 The indicative
form dicis45 and the subjunctive dicas46 figure three and four times, respectively.
Gerard also uses the terms invenis – „you find“47 and invenies – „you will find.“48
Whereas the present tense is read only once, the future occurs nine times. Another
33 CCCM 49, p. 16: Terribile autem totu m quod dicitur, mihi crede. beatissime frater. Ex Deo
nimirum non peribentur. qui de mundo loquuntur. ut tua beatissima auris audivit …
34 CCCM 49, pp. 18, 20, 48, 55, 57 (MS, fol. 53r: audire on the margin by a corrector’s hand),
89, 1 19, 1 2 1 , 122, 1 24, 124, 124, 126, 126, 126, 127, 127, 129, 130, 1 4 1 , 1 44, 1 6 1 , 162, 1 64.
For vis audire, see Cicero, Tttsculanae disputationes 1 .77, Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri
magni 7 . 1 .28, 9.3.6, Horace, Epistulae 1 . 1 .48, Martial, Epigrammata 14.198.1 , Ovid, Epistulae
ex Ponto 4.3. 1 1 , Plautus, Mercator 886.
35 CCCM 49, pp. 12, 26, 52. 53, 62, 62. 1 4 1 , !63, 163, 176.
36 CCCM 49, pp. 7, I I , 19, 20, 23, 88, 142, 145, !52, 173.
37 CCCM 49, pp. 7, 20, 88, 142, 145.
38 CCCM49, pp. 12, 17, 19, 24, 142, 152, 173.
39 CCCM 49, p. 15.
4° CCCM 49, p. 145: Quam. inquis? Si queris. audi solius. intente considera et hanc doctrinam
scribe in tabulis cordis tui …
41 CCCM 49, pp. 27, 62, 9 1 .
42 CCCM 49, p . 1 73 : Audi … ut audiaris …
43 CCCM 49, pp. 8, I I , 88, 145, 145, 1 62.
44 CCCM 49, p. 8: Quur talia in dictis prosequeris. inquis?
45 CCCM 49, pp. 1 6, 90, 166 (dicis hcre addresses John the apostle): Quid loqueris, Iohannes?
Tu i/los doces, dicis tarnen . .
46 CCCM49, pp. l2, 30, 69, 1 1 5.
47 CCCM 49, p. 63.
48 CCCM 49, pp. 3, 8, 9, 13, 1 5 , 1 8, 19, 20, 24: et tunc nos plenissime veraces invenies – its
biblical parallel is Ecclesiasticus 1 5 .8.
F!CTIVE AUDIENCE 45
frequently used expression of the author is nonlne/nec dubites – „do not doubt:“ it
appears sixteen times.49 The exceptional use of the same verb in the third person
singular, ut nemo dubitaret – „so that nobody doubt“ just proves the rule, namely
that Gerard generally uses the second person singular.50 Similarly, he applies three
times the subjunctive form non/neclnil estimes to tell his audience: „do not
thin.k.“5 1 Apart from these typical uses of the verbs in the second person singular,
although there are many more, one should as well refer to the instances of the
present form deliberas and the imperative delibera – „deliberate“ since the title of
the work itself is also Deliberatio.52 Finally, it is significant that Gerard, excerpting
the Institutiones of Cassiodorus, inserts an expression into the adapted
passage: ut doctus es – „as you know.“ Thus, he is definitely adjusting the text of
Cassiodorus to his own conversational style.l3
In addition to the verbs, there is an abundance of pronouns in the second
person singular. Various cases of the personal pronouns read twenty-three times,54
those of the possessive pronouns appear thirteen times. 55 Of the latter, the pronoun
tuus has an ironic overtone apparently directed agairrst the dialecticians, the representatives
of secular learning: tuusque Socrates – „and your Socrates“56 and tuus
Porphirius – „your Porphyry.“57 This attitude is also reflected in his sharp remarks:
„you would also agree with us in this, were you not embraced by the arms
of Cicero;“58 and „if Chrysippus would not be an obstacle for you.“59 Gerard states
explicitly, however, that he is addressing a learned audience: „For this book is not
being written to the one who is ignorant of these, however, we should comrnend
the divine words not as much to the ignorant but rather even to the best experts.“60
This formulation has a double implication: it shows that Gerard’s attitude towards
secular learning is at least ambivalent and, more importantly, that his audience
does not consist of Isingrim alone. The second person plural possessive pronouns,
„one of yours,“ also appear in his Deliberatio in the context of secular learning
49 CCCM49, pp. 12, 13, 14, 1 5 , 26, 29, 30,37, 44, 54, 8 1 , 89, 103, 1 42, 167, 167.
5° CCCM 49, p. 30.
51 CCCM 49, pp. 13, 5 1 . 89.
52 CCCM 49, pp. 2 1 , 146.
53 CCCM 49, p. 149: lstas sie quidem /itteras. ut doctus es. non ratio humana repperit … See
R.A.B. Mynors, ed., Cassiodori Senatoris Institutiones (Ox:ford: Clarendon Press, 1 937), p .
. 52: lstas siquidem lilieras non ratio humana repperit …
54 CCCM 49, pp. I , 3, 5, 8, 1 3, 20, 27, 28, 32, 32, 33, 38, 39, 43, 55, 62, 66, 68, 85, 85, 140, 154,
157.
55 CCCM 49, pp. I, 16, 32, 33, 40, 40, 43, 45, 70, 140, 1 4 1 , 145, 148.
56 CCCM 49, p. 40.
57 CCCM 49, p. 33.
58 CCCM 49, p. 5: In hoc quoque nobis aderis. nisi brachiis Ciceronis astringaris.
59 CCCM 49, p. 1 3 : nisi Crisippus obstaculum tibi fiat …
6° CCCM 49, pp. 34-35: Nec enim huic scribitur Liber. qui ta/ia ignoret, quamlibet non /anturn
ignorantibus. quam etiam optime scientibus dicta nos oporreat commendare divina.
46 ELÖD NEMERKENYI
when he indirectly quotes the pagan Roman authors Terence61 and Lucretius62 –
probably through the mediation of Isidore of Seville. In contrast, Gerard also uses
the ftrst person plural, „one of ours,“ perhaps referring to Saint Jerome.63 Apart
from exploiting the possibilities given by grammar, he also draws the attention of
his audience to the circumstances of real life in order to lighten the tone of his
abstract exegetical treatise: „we could say more but the Iack of scribes and
parchrnent does not allow this;“64 „for the pen already tires us and the time is here
to appease our hunger;“65 „before our time goes past“ – the latter expression
occurs seven times in the work.66
Without considering Gerard’s quotations, the frequency of occurrences of
the second person singular yields the following grammatical distribution (the
numerals refer to the page numbers of Silagi ’s edition) – present indicative active:
admittis 1 8, 1 08, audis 1 2 , 26, 52, 53, 62, 62, 1 4 1 , 163, 163, 1 76, cessas 3 3 ,
deliberas 146, dicis 1 6 , 90, 166, dirigis 3 9 , doces 40, geris 3 9 , habes 1 1 , 2 3 , 1 57,
inquis 8, 1 1 , 88, 145, 145, 1 62, invenis 63, legis 1 4 1 , op(b)tas 27, 146, potes 4 1 ,
61 Terence, Andria 68: obsequium amicos, veritas odium parit. W.M. Lindsay, ed., lsidori
Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum libri XX (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 9 1 1 ),
1.36.3, 2.9. 1 2 , 2. 1 1 . 1 , 2.21.14, CCCM 49, p. 1 5 8 : Unus autem ex vestris: Veritas, ait, odium
paril. The samc quotation from Terence occurs in Cicero, Laelius de amicitia 89, Quintilian,
lnstitutio oratoria 8.5.4. For its occurrences in medieval hymos and proverbs, see Guido Maria
Dreves, ed., Analeeta hymnica medii aevi. vol. 2 1 .2, Cantiones et muteti: Cantiones festivae,
mora/es, variae (Leipzig: O.R. Reis1and, 1895), pp. 124-125; Hans Walther, cd., Proverbia
senrentiaeque Latinitatis medii aevi. vol. 5 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1 967), p.
674. See also E.K. Rand, „Early Mediaeval Commentaries on Terencc,“ Classical Philofogy
4.4 ( 1 909), pp. 359-389; Einar Löfstedt, „Klassische Dichterreminiszenzen im Mittelalter,“
Classica et Mediaevalia 9.1 ( 1 948), pp. 138-139; Egon Mar6ti, „Terenz in Ungarn,“ Altertum
8.4 ( 1 962), p. 243; Yves-Franc,:ois Riou, „Les commentaires medi<!vaux de Terence,“ in
Medieval and Renaissance Scholarship, eds. Nicholas Mann and Birger Munk Olsen (Leiden,
New York, and Cologne: E.J. Brill, 1997), pp. 33-49.
62 Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.133: caelo qui dicitur aer. W.M. Lindsay, ed., Isidori
Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum libri XX (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 9 1 1 ),
13.4.3, CCCM 49, p. 23: Unus autem vestrum ait ce/um quod dicitur aer .. . The san1e
quotation from Lucretius occurs in Cicero, De natura deorum 2.91, Servius, In Vergilii
Aeneidos libros 1 .52, 1 .58, 5 . 1 8, 9.20, 1 0.899. See also J. Philippe, „Lucrece dans Ia theologie
chn!tienne du llle au Xllle siecle ct specialement dans les ecoles carolingiennes, 3.,“ Revue de
I’Histoire des Religions 33.2 ( 1 896), pp. 125-162.
63 CCCM 49, p. 80: unus ex nostris …
64 CCCM 49, p. 177: Multa dici possunt, sed penuria scriptorum atque membranarum non
patitur.
65 CCCM 49, p. 78: Quia vero iam nos stilus fatigat tempusque iminet reficiendi esuries . . . See
also CCCM 49, p. I 05: quamlibet tempus instel et nos iam stilus fatiget. CCCM 49, p. 134:
stilo nos fatigante, ca/ce vero hore terminum exposeenie …
66 CCCM 49, pp. 6, 9, 20, 33, 47, 134, 168: antequam nos hora praetereat .. . The expression in
classical Latin: Ovid, Ars amatoria 3.64: Nec quae praeteriit. hora redire polest. ln the Bible:
Matthew 1 4 . 1 5 : hora iam praeteriit. Mark 6.35: iam hora praeterivit. See also CCCM 49, p.
II (hora autem nos expectat), 44 (hora elabitur). 55 (quia vero nos hora praeterire festinat),
179 (quia vero iam hora nos cogit ad horas).
FlCTIVE AUDIENCE 47
67, 153, queris 7, 1 2, 1 5 , 1 7, 1 9, 20, 24, 88, 142, 1 42, 145, 1 52, 1 73 , recurris 1 5 3 ,
vis 18, 1 9 , 20, 4 8 , 55, 5 7 , 6 2 , 6 7 , 89, 1 1 9, 1 2 1 , 1 22, 124, 124, 124, 126, 1 26, 126,
1 27, 127, 1 29, 1 30, 1 40, 1 4 1 , 1 44, 154, 1 6 1 , 1 62, 164; perfect indicative active:
audisti 7, 7, 8, 10, 1 6, 1 7, 20, 2 1 , 2 1 , 2 ( 24, 4 1 , 45, 6 1 , 65, 66, 69, 73, 75, 1 3 7,
1 4 1 , 142, 144, 169, 1 7 1 , 1 75, iussisti 1 4 1 , postulasti 1 ; pluperfect indicative
active: quiveras 3 8 ; future indicative active: comprobabis 24, 85, invenies 3, 8, 9,
1 3 , 1 5 , 1 8, 1 9, 20, 24; perfect indicative passive: doctus es 68, 1 49, es hortatus
(deponent) 3 7 ; present subjunctive active: admittas 152, advertas 27, (a)estimes
1 3 , 5 1 , 89, cognoscas 34, dicas 1 2 , 30, 69, 1 1 5, dubites 1 2, 1 3 , 1 4 , 1 5 , 26, 29, 30,
37, 44, 54, 8 1 , 89, 1 03, 142, 167, 167, ignores 34, sapias 9, 167, scias 4 1 , sumas
1 ; perfect subjunctive active: aderis 5; imperfect subjunctive active: considerares
52, scires 52, 55; present subjunctive passive: astringaris 5, audiaris 1 73 ,
exprimaris 66, innitaris 66, sufloceris 66; present imperative active: adverte 62,
animadverte 9 1 , audi 7, 1 1 , 19, 20, 23, 88, 1 42, 145, 1 52, 1 73 , ausculta 27,
considera 145, crede 1 6, delibera 2 1 , disce 12, 1 6, 1 7 , 19, 24, 90, 142, 1 52, 166,
1 73 , erubesce 166, exerce 1 54, /er 39, intellege 52, lege 24, recurre 15, 24, scribe
1 4 5 , sume 2 1 , 66, tracta 68, vide 1 3 , 1 5, 1 4 1 , 166; personal pronoun: a te 32, te 3 ,
20, 32, 3 9 , 4 3 , 62, 6 8 , 8 5 , 8 5 , 1 4 0 , 1 54, tecum 8, tibi I, 5, 1 3 , 27, 28, 1 5 7 , tu 3 3 ,
3 8 , 55, 6 6 ; possessive pronoun: tua 16, 148, tuam 3 2 , tue 1 , 4 3 , 1 4 1 , tui 4 5 , 145,
tuis 140, tuo 70, tuos 40, tuus(que) 33, 40; vocative case: beatissime frater 1 6,
frater carissime 5 1 .
To summarize the function of the second person singular i n the Deliberatio
of Bishop Gerard of Csanad, one has to keep in mind that a great deal of the Latin
texts produced in the Middle Ages, that is, liturgical ones, were based on oral
performance. lnterpreting his work, which was not composed for the purpose of
l iturgical practice but very much influenced by it, involves interpretation of the
problern ofthe vox paginarum being read aloud.67 From this point ofview, the use
of the second person singular in the work is a literary convention in a linguistic
and a social context – both with a long tradition. The linguistic tradition is based
on the classical models of ancient Greek and Roman literature. In classical Latin,
the indefinite second person singular, referring to an indefinite subject, functions
as a means to create a didactic dialogue or to make a Statement personal. In postclassical
Latin, a gradual shift puts the stress on the reference to an unreal person
and an imaginary or fictive audience in order to involve the reader, present and
future. From the linguistic perspective, the syntax and style as reflected in the use
of the second person singular in Bishop Gerard’s work is an eleventh-century
product ofthis tradition.68 From the perspective of the social context, however, the
67 See Josef Balogh, „«Voces Paginarum:)) Beiträge zur Geschichte des lauten Lesens und
Schreibens, 1-2.,“ Philologus 82.1-2 ( 1 926), pp. 84-109, 202-240. See also Paul Saenger,
Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
68 Press, 1 997).
See J. B. Hofmann and Anton Szantyr, Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik (Munich: C. H .
Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1 965), p. 4 1 9 . See also Kristine Gilmartin, „A Rhetorical
48 ELÖD NE!’v!ERKENYI
Deliberatio was probably not written for reading aloud i n a monastic or cathedral
community. The fact that only one manuscript of it survives also excludes this
possibility. Anyhow, be it produced for silent reading or reading aloud in solitude,
its written references to orality are by no means manifestations of oral Iransmission
as an altemate tool of communication besides, or to challenge, the use of
the written language. On the contrary: the social context shows that the Deliberatio
is also a product of the tradition of a fictive orality (fiktive Mündlichkeit)
which goes back to the patristic authors.69 Creating a fictive audience, Gerard’s
use of the second person singular illustrates the significance of the fiction of
orality in a literary setting – a common feature of both classical and medieval
Latin.
Figure in Latin Historical Style: The lrnaginary Second Person Singular,“ Transactions ofthe
American Philological Association l 05 (1975), pp. 99- 1 2 1 .
69 See Hanna Vollrath, „Oral Modes o f Perception i n Eleventh-Century Chronicles,“ i n Vox
intexta: Orality and Textuality in the M1dd/e Ages. eds. A.N. Doane and Carol Braun
Pastemack (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 102-1 1 1 ; Kar! Suso
Frank, „Fiktive Mündlichkeil als Grundstruktur der monastischen Literatur,“ in Viva vox und
ratio scripta: Mündliche und schriftliche Kommunikationsformen im Mönchtum des
Mittelalters. eds. Clemens M. Kasper and Klaus Schreiner (Münster: Lit Verlag, 1 997), pp. 5 1 –
74, M . B . Parkes, „Reading, Copying and lnterpreting a Text i n the Early Middle Ages,“ i n A
History of Reading in the West, eds. Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier (Amherst, MA:
University of Massachusetts Press, 1999), pp. 90-l 02.
ORAL HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES
THE SPOKEN WORD IN CONTEXT
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
SONDERBAND XII
=
CEU MEDIEV ALIA
VOLU1vfE 3
Oral History of the Middle Ages
The Spoken W ord in Context
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
Krems and Budapest 200 1
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER ABTEILUNG
KULTUR UND WISSENSCHAFT DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICIDSCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
niederästerreich kultur
copy editor: Judith Rasson
Cover illustration: The wife of Potiphar covets Joseph: “ … erat autem Joseph pulchra facie et
decorus apectu: post multos itaque dies iecit domina oculos suis in Ioseph et ait donni mecum.“
(“ … And Joseph was (a] goodly fperson], and weil favoured. And it came to pass after these
things, that his master’s wife cast her eyes upon Joseph; and she said, Lie with me. „), Gen. 39:
6-7 (KJV). Concordantiae Caritatis, c. 1350. Cistercian abbey of Lilienfeld (Lower Austria), ms
151, fol. 244v (detail). Photo: Institut fiir Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit
(Krems an der Donau).
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
– ISBN 3-90 Hl94 15 6 (Krems)
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
form or by any means, without the permission of the Publishers.
Published by:
and
– ISBN 963 9241 64 4 (Budapest)
-ISSN 1587-6470 CEU MEDIEVALIA
Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-
3500 Krems. Austria,
Department ofMedieval Studies, Centrat European University,
Nador utca 9, H-1051 Budapest, Hungary.
Printed by Printself, Budapest.
Table of Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ……………………….. 7
Michael RICHTER, Beyond Goody and Grundmann ………. . . . . . . ………. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I
Tom PETTIIT, Textual to Oral: the Impact ofTransmission
on Narrative Word-Art …………………………………………………………………….. 1 9
Elöd NEMER!<.ENYI, Fictive Audience. The Second Person Singular in the Deliberatio ofBishop Gerard of Csanäd …………………………………………….. 3 9 Katalin SZENDE, Testaments and Testimonies. Orality and Literacy in Composing Last Wills in Late Medieval Hungary ……………………………. 49 Anna ADAMSKA, The Kingdom of Po land versus the Teutonic Knights: Oral Traditions and Literale Behaviour in the Later Middle Ages …………… 67 Giedre MICKÜNAITE, Ruler, Protector, and a Fairy Prince: the Everlasting Deeds of Grand Duke Vytautas as Related by the Lithuanian Tatars and Karaites ………………………………… 79 Yurij Zazuliak, Oral Tradition, Land Disputes, and the Noble Community in Galician Rus‘ from the 1440s to the 1 460s ……………………………………… 88 Nada ZECEVIC, Ai􀃭tc; yA.uKeia. The Importance ofthe Spoken Word in the Public Affairs ofCarlo Tocco (from the Anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 108 lohn A. NICHOLS, A Heated Conversation: Who was Isabel de Aubigny, Countess of Arundel? …………………………… 1 1 7 Tracey L. BILADO, Rhetorical Strategies and Legal Arguments: ‚Evil Customs‘ and Saint-Florent de Saumur, 979- 1 0 1 1 …………………….. 1 28 Detlev KRAACK, Traces of Orality in Written Contexts. Legal Proceedings and Consultations at the Royal Court as Reflected in Documentary Sources from l21h-century Germany ……… 1 42 6 Maria DOBOZY, From Oral Custom to Written Law: The German Sachsenspiegel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Martha KEIL, Rituals of Repentance and Testimonies at Rabbinical Courts in the 151h Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 64 Michael GOODICH, The Use of Direct Quotation from Canonization Hearing to Hagiographical Vita et Miracula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 77 Sylvia ScHEIN, Bemard of Clairvaux ’s Preaching of the Third Crusade and Orality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ….. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Michael BRAUER, Obstades to Oral Communication in tbe Mission offriar William ofRubruck among the Mongois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 Elena LEMENEVA, From Oral to Written and Back: A Sermon Case Study . . . . . . . . 203 Albrecht CLASSEN, Travel, Orality, and the Literary Discourse: Travels in the Past and Literary Travels at the Crossroad of the Oral and the Literary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 217 Ulrich MÜLLER and Margarete SPRJNGETH, “Do not Shut Your Eyes ifYou Will See Musical Notes:“ German Heroie Poetry („Nibelungenlied“), Music, and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 Jolanta SZPILEWSKA, Evoking Auditory Imagination: On the Poetics of Voice Production in The Story ofThe Glorious Resurrection ofOur Lord (c. 1580) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248 Jens T. WOLLESEN, SpokenWords and Images in Late Medieval Italian Painting . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 257 Gerhard JARTTZ, Images and the Power of the Spoken Word . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Preface Oral culture played an instrumental role in medieval society.1 Due to the Iack of any direct source evidence, however, research into the functions and importance of oral communication in the Middle Ages must confront a number of significant problems. Only indrect traces offer the opportunity to analyze phenomena that were based on or connected with the spoken word. The ‚oral history‘ of the Middle Ages requires the application of different approaches than dealing with the 201h or 2 151 century. For some decades Medieval Studies have been interested in questions of orality and literacy, their relationship and the substitution of the spoken by the written word2 Oral and literate culture were not exclusive and certainly not opposed to each other.3 The ‚art of writing‘ was part of the ‚ars rhetorica‘ and writing makes no sense without speech.4 Any existing written Statement should also be seen as a spoken one, although, clearly, not every oral Statement as a written one. Authors regularly wrote with oral delivery in mind. ‚Speaking‘ and ‚writing‘ are not antonyms. It is also obvious that „the use of oral conununication in medieval society should not be evaluated … as a function of culture populaire vis-a-vis culture savante but, rather, of thc communication habits and the tendency of medieval man 1 For the late Middle Ages and the early modern period, cf. Willern Frijhoff, „Communication et vie quotidienne i1 Ia fin du moyen äge et a l’epoque moderne: reflexions de theorie et de methode,“ in Kommunialion und Alltag in Spätmillefalter und fniher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p. 24: „La plupart de gens vivait encore pour l’essentiel dans une culture orale et !es procedes d’appropriation des idCes passaient de prefcrence par Ia parolc dite et ecoutee, quand bien memc on ctait capable d’une Ieelure visuelle plus ou moins rudimentaire.“ 2 See Marco Mostert, „New Approaches to Medieval Communication?“ in New Approaches to Medieval Communication. ed. Marco Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 15-37; Michael Richter, “Die Entdeckung der ‚Oralität‘ der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft durch die neuere Mediävistik,“ in Die Aktualität des Miue/alters, ed. Hans-Werner Goetz (Bochum: D. Winkler, 2000), pp. 273-287. 3 Peter Burke calls the constrnct of „oral versus literate“ useful but at the same time dangerous: idem, „Mündliche Kultur und >Druckkultur< im spätmittelalterlichen Italien,“ in Volkskultur des europäischen Spätmittelalters, eds. Peter Dinzelbacher and Hans-Dieter Mück (Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner Verlag, 1987), p. 60. 4 Michael Clanchy, „lntroduction,“ in New Approaches to Medieval Communication. ed. Marco Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), p. 6. 8 to share his intellectual experiences in the corporate framework.“5 Oral delivery was not „the sole prerogative of any socioeconomic class. „6 For all these reasons, it is important to analyze the extent of and context, in which ’speech acts,‘ auditive effects, and oral tradition occur in medieval sources .7 Research into the use of the spoken word or references to it in texts and images provides new insight into various, mainly social, rules and pattems of the communication system. 1t opens up additional approaches to the organization and complexity of different, but indispensably related, media in medieval society, and their comparative analysis.8 The spoken word is connected with the physical presence of its ’sender.‘ Speech may represent the authenticity of the given message in a more obvious way than written texts or images. Therefore, the use of ’speech acts‘ in written or visual evidence also has to be seen in context with the attempt to create, construct, or prove authenticity. Moreover, spoken messages contribute to and increase the lifelikeness of their contents, which may influence their perception by the receiver, their efficacy and success. Being aware of such a situation will have led to the explicit and intended use and application of the spoken word in written texts and images- to increase their authenticity and importance, too. lf one operates with a model of ‚closeness‘ and ‚distance‘ of communication with regard to the Ievel of relation of ’senders‘ and ‚receivers,‘ then the ’speech acts‘ or their representation have to be seen as contributors to a ‚closer‘ connection among the participants of the communication process.9 At the same time, however, Speech might be evaluated as less official. One regularly comes across ‚oral space‘ 5 Sophia Menache, The Vox Dei. Commwzication in the Middle Ages (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 19. 6 Ibidem, p. 21. Cf. also Jan-Dirk Müller, „Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schrifilicher Sicherung von Tradition. Zur Kommunikationsstruktur spätmittelalterlicher Fechtbücher,“ in Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p. 400: „Offensichtlich sind schriftliche und nichtschriftliche Tradierung von Wissen weiterhin relativ unabhängig voneinander, nachdem die Schrift längst dazu angesetzt hat, lnseln der Mündlichkeil oder praktisch-enaktiver Wissensvermittlung zu erobem. Die Gedächtnisstütze kann die Erfahrung nicht ersetzen, sendem allenfalls reaktivieren. Sie ist sogar nur verständlich, wo sie auf anderweitig vermittelte Vorkenntnisse stößt.“ 7 􀆿f. W.F.H. Nicolaisen, ed., Oral Tradition in the Middle Ages (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1995). 8 See, esp., Horst Wenzel, Hören und Sehen, Schrift und Bild. K ultur und Gedächtnis im Mittelalter (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1995), passim. 9 See also Siefan Sonderegger, „>Gesprochen oder nur geschrieben?< Mündlichkeil in mittelalterlichen
Texten als direkter Zugang zum Menschen,“ in Homo Medietas. Aufsätze zu Religiosität,
Literatur und Denkformen des Menschen vom Mittelalter bis in die Neuzeit. Festschrift
for Alois Maria Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. Claudia Brinker-von der Heyde and
Niklaus Largier (Bem e\ al.: Peter Lang, 1999), p. 665: „Jedenfalls darf man sich bewußt bleiben,
daß auch in den Texten des deutschen Mittelalters die Reflexe gesprochener Sprache eine
bedeutende Schicht ausmachen, die besonders dann immer wieder hervortritt, wenn es um
einen direkten Zugang zum Menschen geht, um einVerstehen aus unmittelbarer Partnerschaft
heraus … “
9
that has become institutionalized or more official by the application of ‚written
space.‘ 10 Simultanous employment of such different Ievels and qualities of
messages must often have had considerable influence on their efficacy.11
The papers in this volume are the outcome of an international workshop that
was held in February, 2001, at the Department ofMedieval Studies, Central European
University, Budapest. Participants concentrated on problems of the occurrence,
usage, and pattems of the spoken word in written and visual sources of the
Middle Ages. They dealt with the roJe and contents of direct and indirect speech in
textual evidence or in relation to it, such as chronicles, travel descriptions, court
and canonization protocols, sermons, testaments, law-books, literary sources,
drama, etc. They also tried to analyze the function of oral expression in connection
with late medieval images.
The audiovisuality of medieval communication processes12 has proved to be
evident and, thus, important for any kind of further comparative analysis of the
various Ievels of the ‚oral-visual-literate,‘ i.e. multimedia culture of the Middle
Ages. Particular emphasis has to be put on methodological problems, such as the
necessity of interdisciplinary approaches,13 or the question of the extent to which
we are, generally, able to comprehend and to decode the communication systems
of the past.14 Moreover, the medievalist does not come across any types of sources
in which oral communication represents the main concem.15 lnstead, she or he is
confronted, at first glance, with a great variety of ‚casual‘ and ‚marginal‘ evidence.
We would like to thank all the contributors to the workshop and to this
volume. Their cooperation made it possible to publish the results of the meeting in
the same year in which it took place. This can be seen as a rare exception, at least
in the world of the historical disciplines. The head, faculty, staff, and students of
the Department of Medieval Studies of CentTal European University offered
various help and support. Special thanks go to Judith Rasson, the copy editor of
10 This, e.g., could be weil shown in a case study on thc pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela:
Friederike Hassauer, „Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeil im Alltag des Pilgers am Beispiel der
Wallfahrt nach Santiago de Compostela,“ in Wallfahrt und Alltag in Mittelalter und früher
Neuzeit, eds. Gerhard Jaritz and Barbara Schuh (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften, 1992), pp. 277-316.
11 Cf. Bob Scribner, „Mündliche Kommunikation und Strategien der Macht in Deutschland im
16. Jahrhundert,“ in Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed.
Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1992), pp. 183-197.
12 Wenzel, Hören rmd Sehen, p. 292.
13 Cf. Ursula Schaefer, „Zum Problem der Mündlichkeit,“ in Modernes Miuelalter. Neue Bilder
einer populären Epoche, ed. Joachim Heinzle (Frankfurt am Main and Leipzig: Insel Verlag,
1994), pp. 374 f.
14 Frijhoff, „Communication et vie quotidienne,“ p. 25: „Sommes-nous encore en mesure de
communiquer avec Ja communication de jadis?“
1􀅄 Michael Richter, Sprache und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter. Untersuchungen zur mündlichen
Kommunikation in England von der Mit te des elften bis zu Beginn des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts
(Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1979), p. 22.
10
this volume, who took particluar care with the texts of the many non-native
speakers fighting with the pitfalls of the English language.
Budapest, Krems, and Constance
December 200 I
Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter