The Bread-Knife

THE BREAD-KNIFE
Gerhard J aritz
The length of a knife’s blade can play a rather important roJe in the daily life of
a society. This is, for instance, true for the present United States. There, in addition to
counties, cities, and townships, each of the 50 states has a knife law. There are books
and websites „for the law-abiding traveller“1 or for „knife enthusiasts and those who
carry knives on a regular (or not-so-regular) basis.“2 Blade length restrictions from three
inches to six inches and more play an important roJe; switchblades and gravity knives
are regularly prohibited.
In late medieval and eacly modern society, particular emphasis and differentiat1on
applied to the classification of the knife, on the one hand, as a weapon or, on the
orher hand, as an instrumem with a small blade to be used for eating, especially for
cutting brcad. In secular society, the right to carry a knife with a blade Ionger than a
bread-knife, that is, a weapon, was seen as connected with the freedom of the person
and, thus, also judged as a sign of male honour.3
Sometimes one finds court decisions prohibiting carrying a knife with the
exception of a small (bread-)knife. Let me give three examples: In the 1460s the ;\ugsburg
master builder Ulrich Tendrich stole from the township. He was caught in 1462
and punished in the following way:4
E.g., David Wong, Knift Llws of tht Fißy Statu. A G11idt jor tht LJw-Abiding Travekr (Bloomington:
AuthorHouse, 2006).
http:/ /www.knifelawsonline.com/knifehomc Qast accesscd December 7, 2010).
Katharina Simon Muscheid, „Der Umga11g mit Alkohol: Männliche Soziabilität und weibliche Tugend,“
in Kontrasir im Alltag des Miltdaltm, ed. Gc:rhard Jaritz, Forschungen des Instituts für Realienkunde des
Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit. Diskussionen und Materialien 5 (Vienna: Verlag der Österrcicluschen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000), 58; Hans Fehr, „Das Waffenrecht der Bauern im Mittelalter,“
Zeitschrift dtr Savgi 􀂀y-Stijl11ngflir &cblfgeschci hle, Germanistischt Abteilun!. 35 (1914), 1 27-8.
„Chronik des Burkhard Zink,“ in Dei Chmniken dtr schwiibischtn Stiidte: A11gsbmg 2, Die Chroniken der
deutschen Städte vom 14. bis 16. Jahrhundert 5 (Leipzig, 1866; repr. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1965), 283-4. Concerning urban laws in Germany determining the allowed length of knives see
Georg Liebe, “Das Recl1t des Waffenrragens in Deutschland,“ Zeitschrift for Historiseht Waffinlwnde 2
(1900/02), 341:
56
•
•
•
G ERI-IARD J ARITZ
He lost his job as a master builder;
He was no Ionger allowed to wear clothing incorporating marten, silk, or velvet
and also forbidden to use any gold or silver appliques.
He was no Ionger allowed to carry a knife with him except for a small breadknife.
In the sixteenth cenrury, and particularly in the German Reformation environment, one
regularly fi.nds a ban on frequenting taverns (Wirtfhausverbol) as a punishment, often
tightened with a prohibition of carrying a knife. Only a dull or broken bread-knife was
allowed.5 In 1 525, during the Peasant Wars, the peasants of Hain near Schweinfurt in
Lower Franconia, Germany, had to deliver all their weapons and were forbidden to
carry them for the rest of their Jives, cxcept for bread-kn.ives.6 As early as the General
Peace for Bavaria of 1 244 peasants were only allowed to carry short kn.ives on weckdays.
7
The bread-knife played a partiewar role in sixteenth-century discourse concerning
Anabaptists, who espoused non-violen.ce. The Reformation chronicler, Johannes
Kessler from St. Gall, who always showed his critical position towards the Swiss
Anabaptists, described them in his Sabbata (1523-L i39) as carrying only short breadknives
and no arms, neither swords nor epees, the latter two being for them the clothes
of wolves which should not be worn by sheep.8 In Jus polenlies against the Anabaptists,
Heinrich Bullinger emphasized in 1 560 that Christ did not prohibit carryi.ng arms, as
one could kill with one’s belt or bread-knife equally way as with one’s sword 9 In contrast,
the Hurterite Peter Rideman stressed, in his Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehr tmd
Glauben, von den Brüdern, so man die Hutterischen nennt (1565), that Christians should not
produce swords, spears, or rifles, etc. However, bread-knives, axes, and hoes should be
made as they were necessal“y for daily use. One certainly nlight ham1 other people with
these objects, but they were not pwduced to do harm. If someone still used them in a
harmful way, then it was not the Anabaptists‘ fault but the individual’s responsibility.10
See Sirnon Muscheid, „Der Umgang mit Alkohol,“ 58.
Stephan Ankenbrand and Kar! Stolz, Hetinalbuch Obenurm (Schweinfurt, 1 959; repr. Dwelbach: J. H. Röll
Verlag, 2006), 31-2. Conceming peasants and their right to carry arms see Fehr, „Das Waffenrecht,“ Zeitschrift
der Savigny.Stiflungfor Rechtsgeschichte, Germanislüche Abteilung 35 (1914), 1 1 1-211, and 38 (1917), 1 – 1 1 4.
Fehr, „Das Waffenrecht,“ Zeil.rchrift der Savig‘!)‘-Stiftungfor Ruhtsgerchichle, Germanisli<clx Abteilung 38 (19 17), 31.
Clarence Bawnan, Grtvalt/osigkeit im Taiifertum. Eine Untersuchung zur theologischm Ethik des oberdmt.f<„hen
Tälljerlums der Reformatinns<fil, Studies in the History of Christian Thought 111 (Leiden: Brill, 1968), 45.
Ibidem, 55, based on Heinrich ßullinger, Der Widerlouffiren ur.rprung . . . (Zurich, 1 560).
111 lbidem, 71, note 2: „Weil nun die Christen solche Rach nit brauchen und üben sollen, so müssen s1e auch
den Zeug, damit solche Rach und Verderbung durch andere mag gebrauchet warden, nir machen, auf daß
sie nit fremder Sünden teilhaftig werden. Darumb wir weder Schwert, Spieß, Büchsen noch dergleichen
Wehre oder Waffen machen. Was aber zu Nutz und täglichem Brauch der Menschen gemachet w.rd, als
Brotmesser, Äxte, Hauen und dergleichen mögen wir wohl machen und tuen es auch. Wenn man den
THE BREAD-KNII’E 57
Clerics also owned bread-knives, wh.ich were not seen as weapons but as
necessary objects of daily use. In connection with cases of violence one mainly comes
across knives when clerics used them to defend themselves. In this context, one also
fll1ds the bread-knife in the registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary as part of a kind of
pattern of excuse in the context of using it like a weapon, mostly for any necessary
defence of oneself or the protection of others. On the one hand, one followed thereby
the explicit proh.ibition of weapons for clerics as is stated, for instance, in ehe Decreta/ia
of Pope Gregory IX (c. 1 1 60-1241): Clerici arma portan/es et Jmtrarii excommunicentur.11
Mentioning the bread-knife or a knife used at the table, or just a small knife, in a petition
to the papal curia was meant to serve as proof that the cleric did not carry and use a
weapon, but just had an object with h.im that he needed, like everyone eise, as an indispensable
instrumenr for eating and wh.ich was not classified as a weapon. On the other
hand, self-defence was permitred in an exceptional situation: vim vi repel/endo et se defendendo.
12 Th.is was connected with not wanting to hurt anyone seriously or kill someone.
Only a little number of bread-knife cases or, more generally, small knife cases,
in wh.ich clerical supplicanrs to the papal curia were involved are mcntioned in the registers
of the penitentiary. For my analysis I chose source material from the Germanspeaking
areas published to date in the seven volumes of the Repertorium Poenitentiariae
Germa11icum, wh.ich contain the register entries from 1431 to 1492. n Most of the cases
can be found in the De declaratoriis group, with a few in the De diversis formis group.14 I
II
ll
ll
“
gle1ch sagen sollt, es möge damit auch wohl einer den andern beschädigen und erwürge-n, so wird es aber
doch nit umb des Würgens und Beschäd1gens willen gcmachet, d:uumb es uns zu machen n1cht hindert.
Will es aber je einer zu beschädigen brauchen, das ist ohn unsert Schuld, darumb trage er sein Urteil.“
Demtalium CregOiiipap<lt IX compzlaliomi.r liber 111, titulu.r I, capitulum II. See Emil Friedberg, ed., Corpur Juri.r
Canonici II, Dure/alium Collulione.r (Leipzig, 1881, repr. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt,
1959), col. 445. See also Andrzej Kakareko, La riforma dello zila dtl dem nello diiXeri di Vi/na dopo il Comilio di
Trenlo (1 56-1-1 796) (Rome: Ed1trice Pontificia Universita Grcgoriana, 1996), 15.
E. g. . Clemenlinae liber V, ltiulus IV, capitulum I: De homitidio mlunlario z􀃨l CtJJuali; Sijl1rio.ru.r, au/ i‘!fonr reu
dormien.r hominem mulifel ul occz(/ol: nullam ex ho.-.: zinguloritallm incurril. EI idem de il!tJ ctn.rtmus, qui, morltm aliler
ttilare non t’Ofen.r, suum D<<idil ttl mulikl inm.rorem (f’riedberg, ed., Corpu.< lun:r Canonid I I, Duretalium Golltt·Jrrme.r,
col. 1 184). See also Kusi Salonen, „lmroduction,“ in Aut’lonlale Pupae. The Ghun·h Proz•im< oj’Upp.ralo und the
/Jpo.rtolic Penilenliary 1+10-1526, ed. Clacs Gejrot (Stockholm: National Archives of Swedcn, 2008), 46;
Kakareko, La riforma dello vtla, 15.
Ludwig Schmugge ct al. (ed.), &pertorium Poemlenlai riae Germanrium. Ve’\!ichnir der in den Supplileenreg,irltm
dtl‘ Pönilenlian’e Mrkommenden Personen, Kirchen und Orte des Deutsdun Reirhes I (1431-1447; Eugene IV), II
(1447-1455; Nicholas V), III (1455-1 458; Calixtus lli), IV (1458-1464; Pius II), V (1 464-1471; Paul 11), VI
(1471-1484; Sixtus IV), VII (1484-1492; lnnocent VIII) (fübingen: Max Niemcyer Verlag, 1996-2008)
(hcnceforth: RPG)
Concerning the Oe dtcloraloriir- and the De divmis formis-cases see, generally, RPG IV, xxv-xxviii; Salonen,
„lntroduction,“ 42-51 and 18-41, cspccially 45-6; eadem and Ludwig Schmugge, A Sip from lhe ‚1fl’ell of
Grate. “ Medietw! Texlsfi-om lhe Apostolir Penilenliary (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of Amenca
Press, 2009), 28-56.
58 GERHARD JARITZ
traced and analysed 67 cases. This rather low nwnber still follows an interesting trend.
From 1431 to 1464, more than 30 years, such small knives only appear nine times in
the context of clerical violence, but there were thirty cases in the twenty years between
1464 and 1484, and 28 cases in the eight years between 1484 and 1492. Four entries
were made du.ring the papacy of Eugene IV,1s one case under Nicholas V,16 two cases
under Calixtus III,17 and two under Pius I I I8 During the papacy of Paul II (1464-1471;
eleven cases19) and und er Sixtus IV (14 7 1 – 1 484; 1 9 cases20) and Innocent VIII (1484-
1 492; 28 cases21) they account for more than 5% of all the De declaratoriis entries.
This cannot be seen as clear proof that clerics had become more violent or, at
least, were forced to defend themselves rnore often. It seerns that in the later period the
excuse of defending oneself with a weapon-li.ke object that was not classified as a
weapon had developed, perhaps rnore frequently seen as a good excuse for clerics in
cases of having killed or seriously injured an opponent.
The petitions came frorn many different areas. The supplicants of the 67 cases
noted above originated from thirty different dioceses in the German-speaking regioos.
Thirteen tirnes there is just a single supplicant from a particular diocese, in nine cases it
is two clerics from a diocese, and in three cases there are three petitions. There are four
supplications each from Mainz and Salzburg, and six from Liege. Only one area was an
exception: the diocese of Utrecht, frorn where thirteen petitions originated. This is an
important difference for which, at least at the moment, no conclusive reason can be
given. Indeed, it can be shown that the diocese of Utrecht, together with the dioceses of
Liege, Mainz, Constance, and Cologne, generally represented the highest numbers of
supplicants frorn the Gerrnan-speaking areas to the Apostolic Penitentiary in the period
between 1 431 and 1492. However, the cases of „iolence in involving short (bread-)
knives show another distribution and emphasis There are only two cases each frorn
Constance and Cologne, four frorn Mainz, six supplications dealing with violence and
the use of a short knife from Liege, but thirteen from Utrecht. Could the Utrecht pat-
16
17
IS
·􀈰
20
21
RPG I, n. 212 ( 1439), n. 635 (1441), n. 648 (1441), n. 688 (1441).
RPG II, n. 877 (1451).
RPG 111, n. 77 (1455), n. 213 (1456).
RPG IV, n. 1267 {1460), n. 1804 (1461).
RPC: V, n. 2035 (1467), n. 2050 (1467), n. 2075 (1468), n. 2082 (1468), n. 2084 (1 468), n. 2108 (1469), n.
2118 (1469), n. 2125 (1469), n. 2177 (1471), n. 2183 (1471), n. 2192 (1471).
RPG VI, n. 3436 (1471), n. H. 42 (1471), n. 3451 (1472), n. 3458 (1472), n. 3514 {1474), n. 3525 (1474), n.
3530 (1475), n. 3535 (1471), n. 3577 (1475), n. 3609 (1477), n. 3625 {1477), n. 3631 ( 1 477), n. 3670
(1479), n. 3702 (1480), n. 3723 (1481), n. 3727 (1481), n. 377􀅕 {1482), n. 3804 (1484), n. 3810 {1484).
RPG Vll, n 1 495 (1484), n. 1630 (1485), n. 1685 (1486), n. 1706 {1486), n. 1708 (1486), n. 1 7 1 3 (1486), n.
1895 {1487), n. 2173 (1490), n. 2253 {1490), n. 2452 {1484), n. 2459 (1485), n. 2472 (1485), n. 2474
(1485), n. 2500 (1486), n. 2503 (1486), n. 2508 (1486), n. 2565 (1488), n. 2575 (1488), n. 2581 (1489), n.
2583 (1489), n. 2592 (1489), n. 2607 (1490), n. 2619 (1 490), n. 2631 (1491), n. 2636 (1491), n. 2641
(1491), n. 2646 (1492), n. 2657 (1 492).
THE BREAD-KNIFE 5 9
tern have had regional reasons in the context of the probable successes of such supplications?
How is the object with which the clerics defended themselves called in the Registers?
It had to be emphasised in the supplications that the knife was not a weapon.
Therefore, it could be
22
23
,.
27
28
29
JO
“
“
“
)(,
l1
38
39
• parvus cu/te//us suus, cum quo panes scindere ums fuit,22
• quzdom parvus culte//w, cum quo panem scindere so/ebat,2.1
• parvus cu/tel/us, quem sibi ad panem scindendum adaptaverat,2􀃥
• gladius (cultellus), quem ipse ad scindendum panem secum deferebat,25
• quidam parvus cu/te//us, quem pro usu panis dejerebat;26
• parv11s cultellus, quem sibi ad panem scindendum adaptaverat/7
• quidom parvus culte//us, quem ad scindendum panispro suo usu gestabat,28
• quidam parvus cu/tellus ad scindendum panem, cuius acies aliqua/iter rupta fuit,29
• quidam parvus culte//us cum quo comedere solebat,30
• quidam parvus culte/lus, quo in prandio uti solebat,“
• quidom cu/tellus, quo in mmsa zaus Juerat,32
• l’ulte/lus parvus, quem in manu tenebat dum collacionem faceret,33
• parvus cu!tellus, quo adhuc in mensa setlens comedendo usus erat,.l􀃦
• cttlte//us quidam patvus . . . aptus ad mensam et scinder.dum panem;.l5
• parvus culte//us, quem cottidie ad usum suum panem scmdendi et alia in mensa portabat,.l!•
• quzdam cu/te//us parvus quo in dicta refectione ad scindendum pansi et non ad alium finem
zttebatur,37
• quidam parvus cu/tefftlf, quem pro usu incisionis panis recum portabat,38
• suus cu/tellus parvus;39
RPG I, n. 212 (1439).
Jbidem, n. 688 (1441); RPC V, n. 2082 (1468); RPG Vll, n. 2503 (1486).
RPG V, n. 2075 (1468).
Jb,dtm, n. 2084 (1468).; RPC VI, n. 3727 (1481).
lb1dem, n. 3625 (1477).
RPG V, n. 2075 (1468).
RPG VI, n. 3774 (1482).
RPC V, n. 2118 (1469); RPG VI, n. 3670 (1479): only mentioning ud mndmdumpanem.
RPG V, n. 2035 (1467).
lbidcm, n. 2050 (1467).
Ib,dem., n. 2192 (1471).
RPG VI, n. 3535 (1471).
lbidem, n. 3810 (1484).
RPG VII, n. 2253 (1490).
RPC VI, n. 3458 (1472).
RPGVII, n. 1685(1486).
lb1dtm, n. 2565 (1488).
E. g., RPC I, n. 635 (1441), and morc often.
60 G ERHAIU) J ARll’l.
• quedam parva daga sive cufte/lus;40
• cufteflus vulgariter weydmesser quem penes se habebat,􀂢 1
• cuftellus parvus tillitz vulgariter nuncupatus;􀂢2
• quidam cuftelfus trusi/e nuncupatus, quem prout presbiteri in illis panibus gerere consueverunt,
H
• quoddam parvum instmmentum ferreum e/ pamiJ ml!ellus, quibus in cerlis rebus dicti chori
utilibus elaborandis diebus cottidianis et a/ternatis utebalur et que secum habebat.H
Only rarely does one find a kni fe obviously of this category without any of these attributes
hke quidam cultellus quem apud se habebat.􀂣5
1\ cleric from the diocese of Schwerin had lent some liturgical objects to anorher
village church for their religious service. After this service the objects were deposited
with a certain peasant (villanus ville), who then did not want to retum them. The
cleric tried to get them back, which led to a quarrel and fight, and the supplicant, ad
evitandum mottis pen’cu/um sibi imminentem, pulled out his bread-knife non tamen animo ipsum
laicum inteiftciendi vel iniurandi sed se defendendi, and stabbed his opponent unintentionally in
the shoulder. As a result of this stab wound, the peasant died eleven days later.􀁻6 The
supplication of the cleric was accepted and he received absolution.
A number of times guarreis arose out of drinking bouts or the drunkenness of
the cleric’s opponent.47 i\ priest from the diocese of Camin was invited to drink by
another priest (invitattiS ad bibendum), in the course of which a verbal quarre! started and
then a fight in which the supplicant pulled out his small knife causa se defendendi et ut
morlem evaderet.􀂤8 In rhe register of 1 468, a clcric reported that he had to defend hirnself
with a knife used for eating against a drunken scholar (sco/aris ebrius et potu superatus).􀂤9
Even more regularly, the guarreis arose at gatherings and meals: a prandium,5° a co//atio,51
.. ,
41
45
47
48
51
RPC VI, n. 1436 (1471) .
RPG VTI, n. 2500 (1486).
Ib,dem, n. 2575 (1488).
lbidem, n. 2646 (1 492).
lbidem VII, 11. 2474 (1485); see appendix, 11. 5.
RPG II, n. 877 (1451); also RPG 111, 11. 875 (1459); VI, n. 3723 (1481).
RPG I, n. 212 (1439): see append1x, n. 1.
E. g., RPG VI, n. 3436 (1471): . . . cmi.rai bibmml . . . ; RPG VII, n. 2500 (1486): . . . ad bibendum .oemrwm . . . ,
ibidcm, n. 2592 ( 1 489): . . . jumre qufldam nmituraliunde quam ebrielult•·pmz􀃌nirnlt . . .
RPC I, n. 635 (1441): see appendix, n. 2.
RPG V, n. 2075 (1468): see appendix, n. 3. Another oppor.ent, a pnest hirnself … potu replttur u!Jra ralfilnem
inctpit blasphtman in sotietalt: RPC I, n. 648 (1441). For the role of alcohol see also ,b,dem, n. 688 (1441): …
expo111 … ; RPG VI, 11. 3436 (1471; see note 51); ibidem, n 3530 (1 475): … zinojorsan captur … ; ibidem, n.
3577 (1475): … .rt<·ut ebniiS … ; ibidem, n. 3625 (1477): … ebriiiJ … ; etc.
E. g., RPG IV, n. 1267 (1460); RPG V, n. 2084 (1468); ibidcm, n. 2108 (1469, see note 51); ibidem, 11.
2 1 1 8 (1469); ibidem, n. 2192 (1471); RPG VII, n. 1495 (1484): 1bidcm, n. 1630 (1485).
E. g., RPG IV, n. 1804 ( I 461): . . . cum ipse [= Sifridu.r Gaubonid pmbitüj in domo rua cum quodam pmhitero tl
aliis hicis Ctlu.ra soladi .-ongregalus in .-o!lalione .redi.r.rrt, . . . ; RPG V, n. 2082 (1468); 1b1dem, n. 2108 (1469): . . . ad
THE BREAD-KNIFE 61
or a cena.52 In particular, verba iniuriosia of the opponent led to the quarrel.53 Subdeacon
Arnoldus de Eldix from the diocese of Liege was called bastardus et filius meretricis ignoranr.W
suum partum by another subdeacon, which led to a fight in which Arnoldus, se
defendenr.W, stabbed his opponent with a small knife (paroa diga).S4
* * *
One may summarize: To pull out one’s knife on the occasion of a quarre!,
name-calling or other verbal abuse, somecimes at a social gathering or facing drut’lkenness
seems to have been a regular pattern in late medieval society. If a cleric got involved
in such a situation it was important that he was able to prove:
• that he could not be blamed of having provoked the quarre!,
• that he acted in self-defence,
• that he did not want to injure or kill his opponent,
• and, certainly, that he neither possessed nor used a weapon.
A possible loophole was that the cleric had defended hirnself against violent and dangerously
aggressive opponents by using a Iegitimare object of daily life that everyone
was always allowed to carry on his person: a small bread-knife. Accidents with breadknives
that led to the injury or death of an adversal)‘ were situations for which the Apostolic
Penitentiary might then absolve a cleric from guilt.
52
SJ
mllationem m1 ad prandium invilasset .. . ; RPG VI, n. 3436 (I 471): . . . quendam Henn’cum Ghiselberlt: lairum . . . in
quadam taben:a tm•isiam bilun el collolionem jaare im􀂌nenmt, qui ipsos Jeculn de huiurmodi anisiam bibere et
co/lalionemfaare intitavil; . . .; ibidem, n. 3535 (1471); ibtdem, n 3577 (1475); ibidem, n. 3670 (1479); RPG
VII, 2631 (1491).
E. g., RPG V, n. 2177 (1471); RPG VI, n. 3436 (1471); ibidem, n. 3804 (1484); RPG VII, n. 1895 (1487);
ibidem, n. 2474 (1485): see appendix, n. 5; ibidem, n. 2607 (1490; .. . ,·ene quanmdam nuptiarum, que dkta die
cekbralejueranl, ni lem.rel; …) ; ibidem, n. 2641 (1491).
As examples on t>tt’ba iniuriosia in rhe comcxr of the usc of bread-knives by clerics see, e. g., RPG !V, n.
1267 (1460); RPG V, n. 2035 (1467); ibidem, n. 2050 (1467); ibidem, n. 2108 (1469): urba iniuriosia e/
scanda/osa; RPG VI, n. 3525 (1474): 1>erba ronl11meliosa; ibidcm, n. 3530 (1475); ibidem, n. 3442 (1471);
ibidem, n. 3631 (1477); RPG VII, n. 2503 (1486).
RPG VI, n. 3804 (1484): see appendix, n. 4.
Erratum:
p. 6 1 , line 3 :
read „patrem“ instead o f „partum“
62 GERHARD JARITZ
Appendix: Clerics approaching the Apostolic Penitentiary after having used a small
(bread-) knife to defend themselves
1. 1439 Ocrober 20: Supplication of Johannes Kemppen, cleric from the diocese of
Schwerin (RPG I, 26, n. 212)
Jobannes Kemppen c/er. sacnsta sive ctlftos eccL S. Georgii Criwitze Zwerin. dioc. exponit, quod quoddam
prestifit omatum, librum videlieet et ealieem pro eelebratione mim newsarios in eecL Vi/k Settin,
que d eeeL S. Georgii Jilia est, apportatus p. quendam dom. Henricum Vryeman tune eeel. prediete s.
Georgii cap.; qui dom. H. post missam eelebr. buiusmodi omatum /ibrum et ealieem eoram quodam
Borgardo Gellebereh prifate vi/Je villano deposuit ad eonservandum; deinde vero d. exponem pro rebabendo
libro et ealiee missus transiens ab ipso B., apud qwem, ut premittitur, huiusmodi m deposite
erant, librum et ealicem postulavit, cui tune idem B. male, turpiter et diaboliee respondit; ipse tamen
exponens buiusmodi turpia verba minime attendens reiterate ad dandum bee m et ne ipsum impediret,
nam plura alia in sua eccL Jacere haberet, bumiliter ipse B. supplic., qui tune magis ipsum inc/amando
alta bonibili voce proclamavit eundem exponentem e. suo fr., qui nequam esset et latro naturaliter,
fusi se et esse spurious; idem exponens tune ipsi B. respondendo dixit buui smodi verba potius persone sue
convenire, nam talis esset quem ipsum nominaverat; tune idem B. una c. eius ux. ianuam domus sibi
prec/usit et ad manus quondam cuspidem recepit, in ipsum exponentem crudeliter et furiose irruens eum
znteifieere totu viribus eonabatur; tune idem exponens bine inde fugiens, videns omn. vias sibi preclusas
nee a d Iaie. manibus posse !iberari, ad evitandum moriis periculum sibi imminentem quondam
parvwn cultellum suum, c. quo panes scindere usus fuit, n. tamen animo ipmm Iaie.
inteificiendi vel iniurandi sed se defendendz; evaginavit e: ipsi Iaie. obviando eamaliter in spatulas
trans.figit, ex quo ut timetur vulnere u11decimo die juerat tita junctus; c. autem d. exponens cupiat ad
omn. ord prom. et in biis Altissimo ffamulari}: supplie., quatenus ipsum a reatu huiusmodi bomicidii
si quem incunit absol., secumque super img. et inbabiL c. ipso msi ericorditer disp. mandare dignemini
de gralia speciali (f. u. i. Ni., sgi nanda p. fiat, si es/ ita SI mortem aliter evadere n. poterat) [FI}, 20.
oct. {39} SP 2 1 46″‚.
2. 1441 .\ugust 5: Supplication of Johannes Crakobo, priest from the diocese of Camin
(RPG I, 67, n. 635)
Jobannes Crakobo presb. Camin. dioc. exponit, quod olim invitatus ad bibendum c. quodam presb., cui
deinde caritative dixit JJrogo ut mibi velitis subsidium pres!are in istiJ jestivitatibus arando eampum«;
qui presb. alia de eausa juriosus respondit J>Campum matr:S tue circa posteriora arare vo/0((, cui dixit
))non deroges bonori mortue nec sanctorum((; statim incepit blaspbemari, ad que omn. exponens respondit
Jjiat consensus dom. meorum((; et sie sumxit idem presb. et cultello pectus exponentis laceravit,
ampta lancea eum post boc morti tradere vellet; cui obviavi: exponens causa se defendendi et ul mortem
evaderet suo cultello parvo, et etiam alii eos sequestrari desiderantes annis eorum, in quo tumultu
THE BREAD-KNlFE 63
idem presb. modicum in manu vulneratus erat; exponens autem timens maiores discordias discessit; idem
presb. videns famulam quandam suam cuius mamillam eodem cultello, quo pectus exponentis /aceravit,
furiose inseruit, ita quod ex [im)bellicitate cedidit cadens in exstasim; ipsa autem ancilla eo iacente
arrepta lancea primo peiforavit eius genu et deinde genitalia pluries vulneravit, ut post octo dies vita
dejunctus est; c. autem, pater sancta, nonu//i d. exponentis emu/i smi pliciter iur. ignari asserunt ipsum
exponentem reatum homicidii incurrisse: supplic., quatenus ad obstruendum ora emulorum suomm
[dec/. md/um homicidium comm. nec irreg. aut inhabil. maculam contraxisse] (f.u.i. Ni., signetur
pfd.s. ad caute/am) [F1 ], 5. aug. 4 1 SP 2bi• 254′.
3. 1468 June 6: Supplication of Henricus Nienhusen, priest from the diocese of Ratzeburg
(RPG V, 276, n. 2075)
Henricus Nienhusen presb. Razeburg. dioc. [exponit], quod cum ipse quodam ocmrrente temp. causa
cimiterium gloriosissime b. Marie Virginis op. Rostokken. acemisset et post aliquantu/um moru!am
domum suam accedere ve/let, quidam scol. se in itinere adiunxit et domum suam una cum eo infravit; et
tune dictus exp. sepedeictum scol. ut ad domum Stlam iret amicabtliter instanter rogavit; qui qidem scol
ebrius et potu superatus verba admonitoria dicti exp. minime ad1;ertens neque curans in dictum exp.
nescitur quo spiritu ductus irmit et eum in terram proiecit et quendam cu/tel/um extraxit; alteram vero
manuum gutturi exp. in supino iacens acriter tenuit; videns se sie suppressum el modum de dicti scol
manibus evadendi nesciens penitus et ignorans parvum cultellum, quem sibi ad panem
scindendum adaptaverat, vaginando cum eo vibravit non animo ipsum ledendo vel vel o.lfendendo,
sed vim vi repellendo casu infortuitu dictum scol in pectore vulmravit, de quo vulnere vitam finivit, de
qua morle doluit nec aliter quam ut premittitur in tpsius morte culpabi/is Juen
.
t; ab aliquibus vero
simplicibus asseritur ipsum premissorum occasione homicidii reatum incunisse et irreg. maculam
contraxisse nec in su is ord. ministrare posse, ad ora igitur ta/ium obstruenda; supplicatur de decl. ipsum
premissorum occasione nullum homictdii reatum incurrisse nullamque in-eg. maculam sive inhabifitatis
notam contraxisse, sed in suis ord. libere ministran·posse ut in Jorma (f.u.i. ]o. s. Bemardi; videat eam
dom. A. de Grassis, Jo .; comm .. ordin., et si vocatsi vocandis sibi constitenl quod exp. vim vi repellendo
et se difendeno aliter jugere seu mortem evitare non valens percuj:rerit ut prife11ur et de aliti expositis,
declaret ut petitur) Rome apud s. Marcum 6. iun. 68 PA 1 6 1 5Sv.
4. 1 484 J anuary 3: Supplication of Arnoldus de Eldix, subdeacon from the diocese of
Liege (RPG VI, 639, n. 3804)
Amo/dus de Eldix subdiac. Leod. dioc.; [exponitur pro parte], quod ipse olim in op. Lovanien. m
quadam cena, ubi material guerrarum Leod. nan-abatur, existens, quidam Hugo de l..ouven subdiac.
Leod. dioc. verba oblocutoria retulit de dom. Wilhelmo de Diberg dicens inter cetera se plus perdere in
pat1ia Leod. quam aliquis assedens in mensa huiusmodi; exp. vero se nimium dampna posse sustinere
in dicta patria asseruit, quam prefatus Hugo, nam suos consanguineos et multos amicos in eadem
64 GER I IARD JARI’IZ
haberet; depost vero idem Hugo exp. multa verba iniuriosa dixit et eum esse bastardum et filium meretricis
ignoranr./Q suum patrem, necnon venisse ibidem ad explorandum que et qualia ipse aut alii dicer·
ent ad renuntiandum ea dicto lf/ifhelmo de Diberg; exp. vero respondit eidem Hugoni se tam diutius
esse velle traditorem seu exploratorem sicut et ipse Hugo; ex illo prefatus Hugo commotus arripuit exp.
per crines et lesit eundem cum cultello in mentum tenens ipsum cum m“nibus, et sie exp. vim vi repef.
lendo non valens atifugere se defendenr./Q dictum Hugonem in dextram pectorem cum patva diga
percussit, ex qua percus.rione idem Hugo itifra 8 dies expo.rt decessit, ab aliquibus tamen simplicibus
etc.: supplicatur pro parte exp. de ded ipsum propter premissa nullum homicidii reatum seu irreg.
maculam incurrisse ac inhabiL rzotam contraxisse, .red in suis .ruseeptis ord. ministrare et ad alios ord.
promoveri et in illis licite ministrare posse ut in Jonna (f.u.i. JuL Brietonorien.; videat eam r.kJm. A. de
Grassis, JuL; comm .. ordin. et si voeatis vocan[Romejdis sibi eonstiterit, quod exp. vim vi repellendo et
se defendendo aliter Jugere seu mortem evadere non valens percusserit ut prefertur et de aliis expositis,
declaret ut petitur) [Romej 3. ian 84 PA 33 1 6ßvs.
5. 1485 July 27: Supplication of Ludovicus Dannenberch, Premonstratensian monk
from the diocese of Havelberg (RPG VII, 392-3, n. 2474)
Lur./Qvicus Dannenbereh presb. can. proj mon. o. Prem. b. Marie Virg,inis et s. Nicolai loci in Jerichow
Havelberg,. dioc. per prep. soliti gubernari; exponitur pro parte, quod cum olim quadam die de mense
aprilis proxime preteriti post leelas vesperas dicti diei et post cenam etiam extra refectorium in certo loeo
ipso exp. et aliis Jratribus can. professis in eodem mon. tune existentibus eiusdem mon. refectionem
sumentibus, unus eorundem Jratrum Johannes Smeth alias Pasche nuncupatus etiam presb. cuidam
fratri Arnolr./Q Ranr./Qw etiam presb. nonulla verba iniuriosa sine aliqua intennissione proferret et ambo
simul rixarentur, dictusque exp., qui et. senior omnium Jratrum predictorum erat, de mandato prep. sui
superioris in absentia prioris eiusdem mon. sibi Jacto sub pena inobidientie et interdieti mgressus ehori
eceL prefati mon. jr. Johannem vica voce et Jr. Arnoldum prefatos sernel lantum ut silentium Jat·erent
monuissel, ac idem Jr. Johannes monitionem contempnens silentium non servasset et inobedientie et
interdicti penas propterea incurisset, ac postmodum refeetione predicta sumpta cum fratribuJ eom·
pletionem legere volentibus chorum predictum unusque eorundem Jratrum in absentia dicti e>..p. a
versiculo ))Converte nos Deus salvator nosterr< legeret intramt et cum eo alii fr. tune presentes propter
penitentiam prejatij ralris Johannsi eompletorium prediclum legere negassent, duo ex eis exp. prefatum
apud portam eiusdem chori tune existentem interrogarunt ab 􀆢oque responso Jacto, quod nüi predictus fr.
johannes egrederetur eundem chorum nollet ingredi, dictus fr. johannes, qui responsum audivit, egre
ferens propterea in eundem exp. verba protulit opprobriosa illumque apprehensum percussit vulneravit et
in terram impetuose constituit ipmmque /amen dictus exp. postquam a terra surrexit non amplius ne
perCIIteretur rogavit; verum tamen idem jr. Johannes mala malis addendo rursus dictum exp. cum
manibus iteratsi vicibus in capite fortiter percussit et vulnerm􀆣·t; inde sentiens dictus exp. ac cernens sibi
mortis periculum imminere et alias forsitan mortem evitare non posse dubitans vim vi repellendo et se
defendendo cum quodam patvo instrumento ferreo et patvo culteUo, quibus in certis
THE ßREAD-KNII’E 65
rebus dicti chori utilibus e/aborandis diebus cottidianis et altematis utebatur et
que secum habebat, eundem fr. ]ohannem pemmorem suum pemmit et ut asseritur vulneravit,
ex quibus quidem percussione et vulneribus dictus Jr. Johannes postmodum sicut Domino placuit diem
suum clausit extremum; cum autem dictus exp. in morte prifati jratris Johannis alias quam 111
premittitur culpabillf non juerit ac de ea valde doluerit et doleat ab intimis de pmenti cupiatque in
omnibus suis ord. minsi trare et Domino reg. habilu perp. famulari ac admin., oJf. et benef. dicti mon. el
ord. retinere, a nonulllf [tamen asseritur] ipsum premissorum occasione homicidii reatum incurrisse:
supplicatur pro parte exp. de decL ipsum nul/um homicidii reatum commsi lfse mdlamque irreg.
maculam sive inhbiL notam contraxisse ut in forma (f.u.i., F. ep. Anagnin.; et comm. prep. mon. o.
Prep. b. Marie Magdeburg. per prep. soliti gubernari, cum ordin. suumque superiorem prep. dicti mon.
suspectum habeat, fiat F.; comm. e si vocatis vocandis sibi constiterit predicta vera esse et predictus exp.
aliter mortem evadere non poterat, nisi dictum Johannem vulnerasset, et de alisi expositis, declaret ut
petitur) &me apud s. Petrum 2 7. iul. 85 PA 34 21 9‘.
VIOLENCE AND THE MEDIEVAL CLERGY
CEU MEDIEVALIA 16
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
Sonderband 26 (201 0)
Series Editor: J6zsef Laszlovszky
Series Teclmical Editor: Annabella Pal
Violence and the Medieval Clergy
Edited by
Gerhard J aritz
and
Ana Marinkovic
Medium Aevum Quotidianum
Krems/Donau
&
Centtal European University
Department of Medieval Studies
&
Centtal European University Press
Budapest · New York
Budapest, 2011
© Editors and Contributors 2011
Ist edition
Technical Editor: Gerlurd Ja ritz
Copy Editor: Judith Rasson
Cover design for the series by Peter T6th
Cover Illustration:
Trec of Vices (detail), th.ird quartcr 13″‚ cenrury, Austria.
Vicnna, Austrian National Library, cod. 12538, fol. 13r
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Violence and thc Mcdieval Clergy / edited by Gcrhard Jaritz, Ana Marinkovic- Ist ed.
p. cm. — (CEU medievalia; 16)
Papers from the workshop „Coping with violencc, and the mcdicval clcrgy (from thc local settlement of
dispure to approach.ing the Papal Penitentiary),“ held at Dubrovnik in 2008.
I ncludes bibliographical refcrcnces and index.
ISBN 978-6155053269 (pbk.)
1. Violencee–Religious aspects–Catholic Church–History–To 1500–Congresscs. 2. Catholic ChurchEuropc–
Cicrgy–History–To 1500–Congresses. 3. Church history–Middle Ages, 600-1500–Congresses.
!. Jaritz, Gerhard, 1949- 1!. Marinkovic, Ana.
BX1069.5.V56 2011
261.8’3–dc22
2010052375
Printed in Hungary by Akaprint Kft., Budapcst
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ………………… . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Peter Clarke, The Meclieval Clergy and Violence: An Historiographical Introduction . . . . 3
Kirsi Salonen, The Apostolic Penitentiary and Violence in the Roman Curia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Torstein jorgemen, „Killings, Unfortunately, Take Place More Often Here than
Anywhere Else:“ Civil and Clerical Homicide in Late Meclieval Norway . . . . . . . 29
Etleva Lo/a, Violence and the Clergy in Late Meclieval Albania:
with and without the Penitenriary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Gerhard Jmitt The Bread-Knife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Gordan Ravanfif, Sacred Space, Violence and Public Law 111 the Cloisters
of the Franciscan and Dominican Hauses ofDubrovnik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Ne/la Lonza, The Priest Barbius and His Crime before the State and Church
Authorities of Meclieval Dubrovnik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
PREFACE
Studies of the Apostolic Penitentiary and its role and function for all strata of
late medieval society have become an important field of research at tbe international
Ievel. The requests of Christians for grace to be granred by the papal curia offer information
about a variety of problems and needs that confronred both clerics and laypeople
and made petitions to rhe pope necessary or, at least, advisable.
Since 2001, the Department of Medieval Studies of Central European University
has been concentrating on comparative researcb in the East Central European dara
of the Penitentiary Registers. This has led to intensive cooperation with other scholars
in the field, to a number of international meetings and the publication of their results.1
The most recent of these workshops was held in Dubrovnik in 2008 and dealt with a
research question for which rhe Penitentiary registers contain rich material: „Coping
wirb Violence, and the Medieval Clergy (from the Local Settlement of Dispute to Approaching
the 1\postolic Penitentiary).“
In recent decades research into violence in the Middle Ages has seen a particular
boom. In a !arge number of studies historians discovered that violence was omnipresent
in medieval society and affected all areas of life and the members of all social
strata. Although one has to be careful with such generalizations, it can be stated that the
survivi.ng sources deal regularly with issues of violent actions, signs and results of violence,
violent people and coping with violence. Members of the clergy played an important
role in recordi.ng such evidence – as weiters about violence and critics of violence,
but also as perpetrators, victims, and witnesses. However, systematic analyses of
the patterns of behaviour and the different functions and actions of clerics on these
issues have not yet been realized often in a context-bound and comparative way. The
Dubrovnik workshop aimed to contribute towards changing this situation and offer a
forum to discuss questions about the various roles of medieval clerics in the attempts
The results of meetings at Bergen (2003) and Budapest (2004) were published in Gerhard Jaritz,
Torstern J0rgensen and Kirsi Salonen (ed.), The Lang Arm of Papal Authority. Late Medieva/
Chnsllan Peripheriesand Their Commumcation wllh the Holy See, CEU Medievalia 8 (Budapest and
New York: Central European University Press, 2005); selected papers of a workshop at Rome (2005)
may be found in iidem (ed.), … et usque ad ultimum terrac The Apostolic Penitentiary in Local
Contexts, CEU Medievalia 10 (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2007).
2 PREFACE
and processes designed to cope with violence. Particular emphasis was put on the function
of the Apostolic Penitentiary and its decisions in th.is context. This volume contains
selected contributions from the meeting.
In his introductory paper, Peter Clarke offers an overview of the state of the
art of research into the connection of the clergy and violence in the :Middle J\ges. Kirsi
Salonen concentrates on violence at the Roman curia and its reflection in the Perutentiary
records. Torstein ]0rgensen and Etleva Lala deal with violence and the clergy in
two peripheral areas of medieval Western Christianity, namely, Norway and Albania,
and also include Penitentiary evidence in their analysis. Gerhard Ja ritz sn1dies the role of
one important object in the violence-bound argumentation of the supplicants to rhe
Penitentiary: the short bread-knife that was allowed to be carried by everyone and did
not count as a weapon, but seems to have been used regularly as such. Gordan Ravancic
and Nella Lonza offer analyses of problems of violence occurring in the clerical space of
medieval Dubrovnik.
November, 2011 Gerhard Jaritz (Budapest and Kl:ems)
Ana Marinkovic (Budapest and Zagreb)