Games and Toys in Medieval and Early Modern Hungary

GAMES A N D TOYS
IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY M O D ERN HUNGARY
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
SONDERBAND III
STAMRA (Studia archaeologica
mediae recentisque aevorum
Universitatis Scientiarum
de Rolando Eötvös nominatae)
EDITED BY JOZSEF LASZLOVSZKY
VOLUME I
Sandor Petenyi
GAMES AND TOYS
IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN
HUNGARY
Krems 1994
This treatise has been part of the projects „The Material Culture of Medieval
Hungary“ and „Researches of the Scientific Student Circle of the
Lonind Eötvös University, Department of Archaeology“ , both of them financially
supported by the Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA).
Translated from Hungarian
by Alice M. Choyke and La.szl6 Bartosievicz
Drawings: Bea Puskas
Photographs:
Orsolya Horvath, Levente Szepsy Szücz and Judit Kardos
Front page illustration:
Nine-men’s morris. Buda, 15’h century, clay (see figure X)
– ISBN 3-90 1094 06 7
@ 1 994 by Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen
Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500 Krems, Austria – Printed by KOPITU
Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, A-1050 Wien.
Table of Contents
Andnis Kubinyi, Preface
Introduction
Thc Written Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Playing games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .
Holy days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Artifactual Material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .
Chess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Backgammon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Gaming discs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .
Dice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . · · · · · . · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·
Tokens . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Nine-men’s morris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
l(nucklebones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Eggs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Noise makers . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dolls . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .
Toy horses and riders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Clay vessels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Spinning tops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marbles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Skates and sleds . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary
List of Illustrations
7
9
10
10
37
52
52
56
57
58
67
69
75
76
80
88
93
105
106
108
111
122
125

Preface
The publication and interpretation of medieval find assemblages has since
long been one of the main projects undertaken by the Archaeological Department
of the Eötvös Lonind University in Budapest. In the past few
years the scope of these projects has been expanded to cover all possible
aspects of medieval life. The Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA)
has generously funded several research programmes designed to prepare
archaeological finds and assemblages for publication, as well as to survey
relevant written sources and surviving depictions. The Department
of Medieval and Postmedieval Archaeology has actively taken part in the
organization of these interdisciplinary research projects, as weil as in hosting
two major conferences, 1 and in establishung close cooperation with the
Institut für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit in Krems
(Austria).
One of the most important objectives of these research programmes
has been that certain thematic units should be discussed as part of a
series of doctoral and other dissertations. This book, written by a young
colleague working in the Tata Museum, is in fact the publication of one of
these dissertations.
Toys and games have already been the subject of previous scholarly
research. In the last century Baron Bela Radvanszky publishecl a monumental,
three-volume stucly surveying the written eviclence on family life
ancl householcls in Hungary, in which he also referrecl to toys and games. 2
1 Alltag und materielle Kultur im mittelalterlichen Ungarn, 1988; published as: Alltag
und materielle Kultur im mittelalterlichen Ungarn, ed. A. Kubinyi and J . Laszlovszky
(Medium Aevum Quotidianum 22) Krems 1991. – Alltag und materielle Kultur im
frühneuzeitlichen Ungarn 1991 (not yet published).
2 B. Radvanszky: Magyar csaladelet es haztartas a XVI. es XVII. szazadban [Hungarian
Family Life and Hausehold in the 16’h and 17’h centuries]. 1873 (reprint Budapest, 1986,
3 vol.) .
7
More recently, Walter Endrei and Laszlo Zolnay have devoted their attention
to this topic.3 Their study was roainly concerned with cultural
history, set in a wider, European perspective. Several Hungarian finds
and sources were published in their study, together with a coroprehensive
revicw of earlier publications. However, these books were not written with
thc expressed airo of systeroatically collecting all Hungarian finds.
Ethnographie research has clearly deroonstrated that toys and garoes
have traditionally forroed an iroportant part of popular culture in Hungary.
4 This research offered an excellent starting point for Sandor Petenyi
to survey and publish the Hungarian written and artifactual evidence on
toys and garoes. He is to be commended for his exeroplary effort in collecting
an unexpectedly high nurober of roedieval toys and garoes froro rouseum
collections. N uroerous colleagues have kindly shown hiro their previously
unpublished finds and have generously consented to their publication in
this volume. Unfortunately, the catalogue to the original doctoral dissertation
with its precise description of the finds has had to be oroitted
froro this voluroe for lack of space. The roain roerit of this study is that
through coroparisons with other Europeans finds, the survey of the written
sources and a review of the pictorial evidence a nurober of objects, whose
function was previously unknown, can now be securely classified as toys
and games. I know from my own long museum experience the diffi.culties
in collecting, reconstructing and classifying finds that are often fragmentary
or unprecisely recorded in museuro inventories. This task can only
be adequately resolved if we invoke the help of a wide variety of sources
and offer a complex interpretation of the available evidence. Only thus
can a specialized survey of medieval toys and games contribute to a better
understanding of the life in the Middle Ages.
Andras Kubinyi, head of the Department of
Medieval and Postmedieval Archaeology,
Eötvös Lorand University, Budapest
3 W. Endrei and L. Zolnay, Tarsasjatek es szorakozas a regi Europaban. Budapest,
1988 [also published in English (Fun and Games in Old Europe) and in German (Spiele
und Unterhaltung im alten Europa).
4 Magyar nepi jatekok [Hungarian Vernacular Toys and Games]. In: Magyar Neprajz
[Hungarian Ethnography] VI, ed. T. Dömötör. Budapest, 1990, 529-649.
8
Introduction
The custom of writing, i. e., writing intended for the historical record, was
an exceptional phenomenon throughout most of the medieval period in
Hungary. Writing intended as document for later periods included predominantly
laws and moral principles published in a written form, or the
lives, great political deeds and wars of rulers. The mundane activities of
the majority of people, such as games, were usually not considered worthy
of recording by contemporary authors. Consequently, researchers dealing
with reconstructions of everyday life must rely mostly on records justifying
the admitted political events of those days. Since playing was excluded
from the adult world in modern times as weil, the lack of such references
in medieval literature was not noticed. This situation did not even change
when modern historical research into this period developed an approach
based on medieval values.
Archaeological excavations have not yielded a sufficient quantity and
variety of toys to direct attention to this element of everyday life either.
Unfortunately, in Hungary the medieval pictorial sources (panel paintings,
frescoes, illuminations, etc.) had been destroyed to a high degree. Therefore,
they only play a minor role for the reconstruction of the material
culture. Thus, playing of any sort has been treated as a peripheral phenomenon
of the medieval way of life.
Is it true, however, that Hungarian written sources make no mention
of games and toys? Does the lack of direct references mean that no games
were played during the Middle Ages? Did games play any role in medieval
life? If they did, what was their function? It is intended to answer these
questions on the basis of the written sources and artifactual evidence at
my disposal, although a comprehensive evaluation of the problern cannot
be attempted.
This study is an abbreviated version of the doctoral thesis written
under the supervision of Andnis Kubinyi. On the other hand, additional
data, many of them new in certain respects, were included in this revised
form of the dissertation.
9
The Written Evidence
Playing games
When the surviving written sources are taken into consideration one may
see that coeval charters mostly describe legal acts or deeds in order to
prevent further complications potentially resulting from a lack of accurate
documentation. Games did not pose such problems. This was partly due
to the fact that they were usually prohibited. Consequently, anyone who
suffered damages during games could not hope for legal compensation.
This is clearly illustrated in a sentence by Pelbartus de Themeswar:1
Nam secundum leges qui in domo sua ludos statuit et lusores: si tempore
quo luditur aliquid substractum vel rapturn fuerit de tali domo
ubi scilicet ludus illicitus retinetur: sive a lusoribus sive ab alio: non
possit reperere vel etiam si dominus ille tenens ludum verberatur: non
possit agere ex tali iniuria.2
1 Pelbartus de Themeswar (around 1435-1504): Franciscan monk, writer, preacher. He
studied at Cracow University after 1458 and became a superior in Esztergom in 1494.
His collection of Latin sermons was compiled for monks who mixed with simple folk.
His works have been republished several times until the end of the 16’h century and
were weil known throughout Europe.
2 Pelbartus de Themeswar: Pomerium sermonum. Hegenau, 1516, pars hyemalis, sermon
46 (referred to as Themeswar 1516). This story was read in a book published
abroad which is shown by the fact that he refers to Portius Azo who made the quoted
parable about masters of dice who regularly pursued this game. Since, however, Pelbartus
de Themeswar preached only in Hungary, he could only take examples from the
foreign Iiterature which were understood here. In this way he had a chance to influence
his audience. It is for this reason that even if no written law, similar to that quoted in
this work, existed in Hungary, conventions may have dictated similar behavior, otherwise
Pelbartus de Themeswar would not have cited this example.
10
In spite of this, sporadic references to games may be found in the charters.
The paucity of such data, however, should not necessarily be attributed to
the insignificance of playing games. On the contrary, unexpected mentions
of games in this type of written source may be indicative of the strong
presence of games in medieval life. For example, a charter was written on
February 4, 1410 in Byzere. The chief magistrates and sheriffs of the Arad
county testify that according to a report by their representative Lörinc, the
son of Istvan of Bak, Tamas of Nadasd lost the horse and saddle blanket
of Janos Waydafaluai Wayda while playing dice in the town of Temesvar
(Timi§oara) . 3
Data on chess are known from 1490: Ibidem sunt tria vascula. In uno
sunt sah., and from 1494: Saah in sacculis. Backgammon was mentioned
in 1494: ligna ad okeh in saeculo.4 Information on a card game is available
from 1495: Eodem die dominus in ludendo per kartha perdidit.5
References to games are not absent from works ( chronicles, gesta)
concerning the lives and politics of rulers either. The work written by the
notary of king Bela 111 (1172-1196), entitled Gesta Hungarorum, contains
the following data:
Tune dux Arpad et sui propter letitiam permanserunt in civitate Atthile
regis per XX-ti dies et omnes milites Hungarie ante presentiam ducis
fere cottidie super dextrarios suos sedendo eum clipeis et lanceis maximum
turnamentumfeeiebant (sie) et alii iuvenes more paganismo eum
areubus et sagittis ludebant. 6 [ …)
Et eodem anno dux Arpad genuit filium nomine Zulta et factum est
gaudium magnum inter Hungaros et dux et sui nobiles per plurimos
dies faciebant conviva magna, iuvenesque eorum ludebant ante faciem
ducis et suorum nobilium, sicut agni ovium ante arietes.7 [ . • . )
3 E. Malyusz: Zsigmondkori okleveltar II (1400-1410). Budapest, 1958, 318-319 (charter
7318; referred to a.s Malyusz). Also cited by Gyöngyi Kovacs: Juh astragalosjatekkockak
a szolnoki var területeröl. In: Archeo16giai Ertesitö 1989, 109 (referred to
a.s Kovacs) .
4 I . Sza.mota-Gy. Zolna.i: Magyar oklevel sz6tar. Budapest, 1902-1906, 827 (referred
to a.s Szamota – Zolnai).
5 Szamota- Zolna.i: 459.
6 E. Szentpetery: Scriptores Rerum Hungarica.rum, 1. Budapest, 1937, 94-95 (referred
to as SRH).
7 SRH: 101.
11
Dux vero Arpad et omnes sui primates celebrantes nuptias magna fecerunt
conviva et fere cottidie comedebant nuptialiter cum diversis
mili(ti)bus circumiacentium regnorum et iuvenes eorum ludebant ante
faciem ducis et suorum nobilium.8
Jauos Thur6czy9 wrote in his Chronica Hungarorum (1488) as follows:
Anno domini MCCCXXX V. circa festurn sancti Martini Iohannes rex
Bohemorum, cum Karolo filio suo, et rex polonorum, venerunt ad
regem Karolum, in Hungariam, ad castrum Wyssegrad, pro perpetuae
pacis concordia componenda, quod et factum est. . . . Remunerauit
autem rex Hungariae, regem Bohemorum, diuersis et pretiosis clinodiis,
videlicet; quinquaginta vasis argenteis, duabus pharetris, duobus
baltheis, et una tabula pro scacis mirabili, duabus sellis inaestimabilis
pretii, vno bicello valente ducentas marcas argenti, et vna concha margaritarum,
mirabili opere composita.10
In the work of Antonio Bonfini1 1 entitled Rerum Ungaricarum decades . . .
the young king to be, Matthias,12 was praised by Miha.J.y Szilagyi at the
Election Assembly of the king in the following manner:
. . . in castris natus est, altus in sago, in veteranorum contuberniis
educatus a teneris hic didicit unguiculis Turcorum tumultus et aciem
non expavescere, pugnare sub vinea et centurionis precepta servare, ab
equo ac pedibus iuxta dimicare, ad palum quotidie exerceri, transnare
sepe Danubium et per frigus et estum sub galea diem ac noctem agere,
laboris et inedie fieri patientissimum, nil magis quam hostilem aspec-
8 SRH: 105.
9 Janos Thur6czy (around 1 435- around 1490): tribunal master and chronicler. He independently
compiled the history of Hungary utilizing texts from old chronicles, charters
and oral tradition.
10 J. G. Schwandtner: Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum veteres ac genuini, I. Vienna,
1746, caput XCVII, 165.
11 Antonio Bonfini (around 1 434-1503): Italian humanist historian. He taught in Italy
for some time before he moved to the Buda court where he became a reader for queen
Beatrix. King Mattbias entrusted him with the writing of Hungary’s history. His work
contains independent data especially concerning the period when king Matthias reigned.
12 Mattbias I (1 443-1490), king of Hungary (1458-1490). He was the second son of
Janos Hunyadi and Erzsebet Szil<igyi and the chief representative of an effort aimed
at the creation of centralized monarchy, one of the most outstanding characters of
Hungarian Renaissance. Mihaly Szilagyi was bis uncle.
1 2
tum anhelare, singulari certamine admodum delectari, in castris cum
sociis simulacr·um quotidie belli agere, nil ignavia et desidia magis
abominari, contra nil bello plus appetere.13
In rclation to the meeting of Matthias with Wladislaw14 in Olmuc he
writes:
Rex quotidie Wladislaum e regione manentern officii gratia traiecta
via familiariter adibat, educebat in regiam admissumque in cubiculum
Beatrice teste domestice ac iocose alloquebatur; quandoque latrunculis
cum regina ludere iubebat, quod futuri vani coniugii fuit auspicium. 15
He also recorded thc following story illustrating the good luck of king
Matthias:
In bello Bohemico sibi defueTe pecunie, verbis ergo et pollicitationibus
crastinis alebat exercitum. Cum dies distribuendi stipendium prestitutus
instaret, quem promissis diffeTe ultra non poterat, e pTejectis
eq·uitum et legatis legionum ad alearum ludum invitatur; tota nocte
lusum; ipse tam equas tesseras sortitus est, ut nihil sibi aliud caderet,
quam quod iactu opus erat. Dena milia aureorum ea nocte ex ludo sibi
comparavit, que, anteq1tam loco moveretur, militibus dedit, et ex alee
lucro stipendium exolvit.16
Events following the coronation of king Matthias werc summarized by
Gaspar Heltai17 in his Kr6nika az magyaroknak dolgair6l (Chronicle of
Hungarian Affairs) in 1575:
13 A. Bonfini: Rerum Ungaricarum decades in IV tomis. In: Bibliotheca scriptorum
medii recentisque aevorum, ed. I. Fogel, B. Ivanyi and L. Juhasz. Budapest, 1941, decas
III, liber IX, 209 (referred to a.s Bonfini). With the above-mentioned speech Bonfini
actually defined the contemporary ideal of a man, a good soldier, worthy of becoming
a king. The fact that games are given a place within this description shows their
importance in those days.
14 Wladislaw II ( araund 1456-1516), king of Dohemia after 1471, king of Hungary after
1490.
15 Bonfini: deca.s IV, liber V, 100.
16 Bonfini: decas IV, liber VII, 167.
17 Gaspar Heltai (1490 or 1510-1574): Protestant preacher, writer and printer from a
Saxen family in Transylvania. In 1543, he matriculated into the Univcrsity of Wittenberg.
Following his return to Transylvania, he became the minister of the Saxen church
in Kolozsvar (Ciuj). The majority of his literary werk was written in Hungarian, and
besides a few books he published the Bible as well. Following the werk of Bonfini, Heltai
wrote the first coherent book on Hungarian history in the Hungarian language.
13
Mikoron a koronazasnak vege v6lna, felmene Mattyas kiraly mind az
urakkal Budara, es ott lon a nyaron csendeszsegbe. Es ott mindenfile
jatekokban, harzsoltisokban, vadaszsagokban, oroszlanyoknak jatzassokban
es öklelissekben gyönyörkedek. 18
(When the coronation was over, Matthias went with all the lords to
the town of Buda where he spent the summer in peace. There he
enjoyed all sorts of games, entertainment, hunting, lions games and
tournaments.)
When he described king Matthias‘ Olmuc meeting with Wladislaw he mentions
the following situation:
Egy nagy piacot csinaltatott vala az vasaron az szallasok elött. Abba
csinaltatott vala draga kölcseggel allasokat, mellyeken megjatzak szep
jlitekokat, es azzokon jarak meg a szep tancokat. . . . Tiz asztal vala
renddel egymas utan. Es mellettek szep jdtekokat jadcodoznak vala.
Sok hegedesek, lantosok es egyeb vigassagtövek valanak ott. Masfelöl
tornirok es jeles öklelesek lesznek vala. Vacsora utdn elvivek az asztalokat,
es elhozak a szep asszonyallatokat, es a fejedelmek ott tdncot
jaranak velek. . . . M attyas kiraly mindennap megyen vala az o attyafianak,
Laszl6 kiralynak szallasara, es ugy hozza vala ötet altal az ö
szallasara. Es bevive ötet az ö agyashdzaba, ott csuffolkodnak vala az
Beatrix kiralyne asszonnyal nagy vig beszedekkel. Gyakorta meghadja
Mattyas kiraly, hogy Beatrix kiralyne asszon okstdbltis vitez jatekot
jatzodozna Laszl6 kirallyal, olly nagy tisztesseget teszen vala neki Mattyas
kiraly nagy szeretettel.19
(Matthias had a huge fair organized at the market place and in front
of the living quarters. There he had stands built at great expense
where nice garnes were played and beautiful dances performed . . . . Ten
tables followed in a neat order at which fine games could be played.
A number of fiddlers, lute players and other entertainers were also
18 G. Heltai: Kronika az magyaroknak dolgairol (1575). Budapest, 1981, 298 (referred
to as Heltai). lt is not always possible to provide a literal translation into English of
these and subsequently quoted 16’h century and later Hungarian texts. The situation
is similar with sources published in old German or other languages. In order to provide
practical understanding, parenthesized translations follow these quotations, which
concentrate on the reliable presentation of their contents. In the case of poems, these
translations do not go beyond summarizing the essence of the quoted texts.
19 Heltai: 349-350.
14
present there. At other places tournaments and duels were organized.
After dinner, the tables were taken away and beautiful wornen were
brougbt tbere witb wbom tbe sovereigns danced . . . . Mattbias visited
tbe quarters of bis kinsman Wladislaw every day and took birn to his
own lodgings. There tbey went into the bedroorn where they teased
queen Beatrix witb cbeerful talking. King Mattbias often allowed
queen Beatrix to play backgamrnon witb king Wladislaw as a gesture
of great bonor and Iove.)
Mattbias playing military games as a cbild was described by Galeotto
Marzio20 in his book entitled De egregie, sapienter, iocose dictis ac factis
regis Mathiae ( 1 485-87):
Puer r·ex Mathias ad huiusmodi carmina et virorum fortium commemorationem
adeo erat attentus, ut cibi potusque oblitus, inedia pressus
a mane usque ad vesperum ad illorum vehementes ictus pugnamque
acerrimam quodammodo stupefactus, nil aliud cogitans, interdum gloria
victoris accensus bracchia pedesque sub quadam pugnantium gesticulatione
movebat, cum et pugnantibus et adesse et praeesse sibi
videretur. 21
Mention of dice playing may be found in De perdicione regni Hungaror
·urn (1545-1547), written by György Szeremi,22 in the context of tbe duel
between Ulrik Cillei and Ladislaus Hunyadi:
… in se decreuit, quod Ladislaum Hunyad interficeret. Fecit inuitare
20 Galeotto Marzio Narni ( 1427-1497): Italian humanist. He started teaching at the
University of Bologna in 1473. As a punishment for his philosophical teachings he was
imprisoned by the Holy Inquisition in 1477. He was freed thanks to the efforts of, among
others, king Matthias. He served as a caretaker in the library of Matthias. In addition
to other works written in Hungary, he compiled an anecdotal work praising the virtues
of king Matthias between 1485 and 1487.
21 Galeottus Marzius Narniensis: De egregie, sapienter , iocose dictis ac factis regis
Mathiae, ed. L . Juhä.sz (Bibliotheca scriptorum medii recentisque aevorum) Leipzig
1934, caput 1 2 . 1 1 .
22 György Szen!mi (around 1490-after 1548): H e was born into a family o f serfs. H e
studied in Gyula where he became a chaplain following his ordination. I n 1520, he
was admitted to the royal court. His Latin texts often mirror Hungarian syntax, and
his sentences were also frequently blended with Hungarian words. He summarized his
memories of important events of his time (1456-1543) in a raw, „Hungarianized“ Latin
language, including the uncritical adoption of many contemporary gossips.
15
predictum Ladislaum ad palacium ad aliqua verba. Cum spatario suo
iuit ad eum, et mox protulit vnum taxillum ad ludendum. In ludo
sepissime Ladistaus Hungarus Alemanum preualebat in ludo; mox infiatus
fuit Cyllingh Ispan in stomaco suo superbie. Et erat vir fortis
magnus in statura sua. Et ostium palacium erat nimis repagulatum,
nec extra nec intro quilibet potuit ingredere et egredere. Mox Atemanus
ewaginauit biccellum suum rotundum more Germanorum. Fortiter
cum totis viribus suis Atemanus persequebatur in palacio de angulo ad
angulum istum Ladislaum Hungarum.23
Valuable and interesting data on games in Hungary were provided by
Thomas Moore24 as well:
In good fayth Cosyn so begynne we to fare here in dede / & that but
evyn now of late I For sinn es the title of the crowne hath comen in
question, the good rule of this realme hath very sore decayed I as litle
while as it is I And vndowtidly Hungary shall neuer do well, as long
as it standeth in this case I that mens myndes harken after newelties,
& haue their hartes hangyng vppon a chaunge I And much the
worse I like it, whan their wordes walke so Zarge toward the favour
of the Turkes sect I which they were euer wont to haue in so greate
abomynacion, as euery trew myndid christen man & christen woman
to must haue. I am of such age as you see I & verely from as farre
as I can remember, it hath bene markyd & often tyme provid trew,
that whan children haue in Bowda fallen in a fantasye by them seife
23 Georgii Sirmiensis: Epistola de perdicione regni Hungarorum (Monumenta Hungariae
Historica) Pest, 1857, 3 (referred to as Szeremi). Since the argument went on behind
closed doors, Szeremi obviously did not know (how could he have known?) at which
phase of the discussion the noblerneo resorted to the use of naked swords. lt is for this
reason that he had to ‚reconstruct‘ the events giving the impression of an eyewitness
account, to avoid any doubts on the readers‘ part. The fact that a brawl over gambling
with dice was considered the best context for this purpose illustrates that in those days
violence during this game was a more than usual element of everyday life.
24 The reliability of this source deserves a short note. The battle lost against the Turks
at Mohacs in 1526 sealed not only the fate of Hungarian statehood for centuries. King
Lewis II also died in the fighting. His widow, Mary of Habsburg, became a governor
in Flanders during the late 1520s. Her court also housed a small Hungarian colony
whose members had access to direct information from Hungary. It is for this reason
that Thomas Moore was not as isolated from the Buda events as one might expect on
the basis of the geographical distance between England and Hungary.
16
to draw together, & in their playing make as it were corsis caried to
church I and sing after their childish fasshion the tewne of the dirige,25
there hath greate deth there shortly folowid after I And twyse or thrise
I may remembre in my dayes, whan children in diuers partes of this
realme haue gatherid them selfe in sundry companyes, & made as it
were parties & batayles I & after their batayls in sport wherin some
children haue yet taken grete hurt, there hath fallen very batayle &
dedely warr in dede. These tokens were somwhat like your ensample
of the see I sith they be of thinges that after folow tokyns foregoyng,
thorow some secret mocion or instinct, wherof the cause is vnknowen.
But by S mary Cosyn these tokens like I mych worse I these tokens I
say I not of childrens playes I nor of childrens songes I but old shrewes
Zarge open wordes, so boldly spoken in the favour of Machometes sect
in this realme of Hungary, that hath bene euer hetherto a very sure
kay of christendome.26
(In good faith Cousin so begin we to fare here in deed I and even
that just recently I For since the title of the crown has come into
question, the good rule in this realm has very sorely decayed I even
within this short time I And undoubtedly Hungary shall never do well,
as it stands now I when men’s minds hark after novelties and their
hearts desire change I And I like it even less, when their words tend
to favor so greatly the religion of the Turks I which they used to hold in
great abomination, as every right minded Christian man and Christian
woman must do. I am of such an age you see I and truly as long ago
as I can remernher it has been marked and often times shown true,
that when children in Buda decided to come together and pretended to
25 Some games assimilated and preserved many elements from ancient customs. These
were ‚deposited‘ from the realm of adult world into the empire of childhood, where they
were inherited over many generations without their original meaning ever having been
consciously preserved. Their long lost original meaning was not at all interesting for
children (A magyarsag neprajza. Budapest, 1933-37, IV, 459). Moore’s report on the
children performing a make-believe burial complete with songs is unique in the sense
that it documented the very roots of such a tradition, which could be reconstructed
mostly on the basis of modern ethnographic material.
26 A dialoge of comfort aga.ynst trybulacion, made by an Rungaryen in laten, & translatyd
out of Laten into french & out of french into Englysh. 1534. In: The Complete
Work of St. Thomas Moore. vol. 12, ed. Louis L. Martz and Frank Marley. Yale, 1976,
192-193.
1 7
carry a corpse to the church I and sing in their childish manner a dirge,
there followed shortly thereafter a great death I And two or three tim es
I remernher when children in diverse parts of this realm gathered
themselves tagether in different groups and pretended to be companies
in battle I And after their battle for sport in which some children were
badly hurt real battles and deadly wars took place. These tokens were
somewhat like your example of the sea I since they are about things
that follow omens through some secret motion or instinct of which the
cause is unknown. But by the Virgin Mary, Cousin, these omens I like
much less, these omens I say I not of childrens games I nor childrens
songs I but of old shrews‘ loud open words, so boldly spoken in favor of
Mohammed’s sect in this realm of Hungary, which has been hitherto
our very sure key to Christendom).
The view of the world represented in theological works and books dealing
with the lives and legends of saints is very far from entertainment and
game, though not even documents of this sort could completely ignore
the mention of games. The following information may be found in the
court protocol written during the canonization of Margaret of the Arpad
dynasty:27
Domina Elisabeth, filia quondam domini eomitis Thome de Bodome(r)
et domine Olimpiadis, soror et monialis predieti monasterii, iuravit ut
supra . . . . Item dixit, quod dum ipsa virgo Margaretha esset seholaris
eum aliis puellis in eodem monasterio Vesprimiensi, quando magistra
permittebat ire ad ludendum ipsas seholares, tune alie ludebant, ipsa
orabat: ‚Venite meeum, et intremus eeclesiam ad salutandam beatam
M ariam et dieendo: Ave M aria, gratia plena, et sie ludetis hie ‚. 28
27 Margaret (1242-1271): daughter of king Bela IV. He intended that bis daugbter
sbould be a nun. Sbe lived in the Veszprem Dominican convent between 1246-1254.
After 1254, she moved to the Dominican cloister on Rahbit lsland (today Margaret
Island) in the Danube river. Margaret was beatified, and elevated to sainthood in 1944.
28 lnquisitio super vita, conversatione et miraculis beatae Margarethae virginis, Belae
IV. Hungarorum regis filiae, sanctimonialis monasterii virginis gloriosae de insula
Danubii, ordinis Praedicatorum, Vesprimiensis diocesis. In: Monumenta Romana Episcopatus
Vesprimiensis. Budapest, 1896, I, 212.
18
In the epic biography of St. Elisabeth29 the author known as the Anonymaus
Carthusian30 wrote the following:
Es mikomn ez leanz6 ötesztendös volna, es esze kezdött neveködni, oly
nagy szent malasztot ada öneki Uristen, hogy mindenek csodalkoznak
vala rajta. M ert latj6,k vala, mikeppen gyorsan, siet az szentegyhazhoz,
mily ajtatosan hall miset, mily nagy gondot visel az szegenyekröl,
mily nagy tisztösseggel illi az szent innepököt minden hivalkodas es
jatik nelkül. Ha mikoron leanytarsaitul törtint tancba vitetni avagy
jatikban, mind hamarabb veget szakasztotta Uristenert es szentegyhcizban
avagy kapolnaban futott be, ö mennyei atyjanak hazaban, es ott
avagy imadsagra adta magat, avagy könyvet ragadott kezeben, es tettette
magat, ha mint irast olvasna, hogy csak kivonhatna magat ez
vilagi hevalkodasb6!.31
(When the girl was five years old, and her mind started developing,
she fell in great divine grace so that everybody admired her since
they saw how quickly she joined the church and saw the adoration by
which she listened to the service, how well she took care of the poor,
and how great a honor she paid to holy days with no ostentation or
playing. Whenever she was taken to dance or play by other girls,
she abandoned it in favor of God as soon as possible. She ran into a
church or chapel and in the house of her heavenly father, she devoted
herself to praying, or she took a book pretending to read the script in
order to withdraw from mundane ostentation.)
Religious works of a different nature make reference to games as well. The
29 Elisabeth (1207-1231): daughter of king Andrew II and queen Gertrud. She was
engaged to Lewis, margrave of Thuringia, and was taken to Thuringia in 1 2 1 2 . Following
the death of her husband, she had to leave the Wartburg, and settled down in Marburg.
She was elevated to sainthood in 1 2 35. Her cult spread quickly in Hungary as well. One
of its propagators was king Bela IV, the brother of Elisabeth.
30 The Anonymaus Carthusian (first half of the 16’h century) was born in the southern
frontier region of medieval Hungary and he even visited Rome. He becarne the economic
supervisor of the Carthusian Monastery in Väroslöd. He wrote his codex including
sermons and a collection of legends (Erdy Codex) between 1524 and 1527.
31 A nema barat megsz6lal. Vilogatas a Karthauzi Nevtelen beszedeiböl. Budapest,
1985, 528-529 (referred to as Karthauzi).
19
Szekelyudvarhely Codex, written around 1528 partly by Andnis Nyujt6di,32
contains the following remark:
De kerdetyk. ymar, han lyany vadnak az torkossagnak. felel zent
gergel‘ doctor mondwan, hog 6t lyany vadnak. eggyik az ektelen vygassag,
hog ky mykor kfJls6 yatekoknak, es fesletsegnek myatta az 6n
torkanak kewansagot tamazt.33
(The question now is, how many daughters does A varice have. The
doctor Saint Gregory tells us that there were five. One of them is
unseemly gaiety, which raises selfish greed out of superficial games
and debauchery.)
In yet another place he gives a list of things one is deprived of by death. He
mentions marchanctul ( wealth) and the testnec edessegetfJl: es g6n6rfJsegetfJl
(sweetness and joy of the body). Then he goes on:
holot vannac a hytsanac 6lt6zeti holvannac mend atte tagayd: labayd:
a tancolasra zemeyd a latasra holot vannak kezeyd az ocy tablanac: es
verfelenec yazzasara: holot vagon atte fertelmes testi elet6d.34
(Where is your ostentious clothing, where are your limbs; your feet
for dancing, your eyes for seeing, where are your hands to play the
backgarrunon and dice; where is your abominable carnal life.)
A relatively ample reference to games may be found in the sermons made
by preachers. The previously mentioned Anonymous Carthusian flies out
at the loose morals of his contemporary clergymen in a sermon prepared
for St. Stephen’s day:
Ilyen szent atyakat, kik nem pusztitottak mint az mastaniak, gonoszsagra
nem költöttek az szentegyhaz j6szagat, mint az mastaniak, kik el
nem rekkentöttek Krisztusnak reszet, j6szagat, mint az mastaniak, kik
32 Andras Nyujt6di: Franciscan monk in the l6’h century.
33 Nyelvemlektar. Regi magyar codexek es nyomtatv.inyok 15. kötet. Budapest, 1908,
48 (referred to Nyelvemlektar 15).
34 Nyelvemlekt.ir 15: 69 (also quoted in W. Endrei-L. Zolnay: Tarsasj.itek es sz6rakozas
a regi Eur6p.iban. Budapest, 1986, 15 (referred to as Endrei-Zolnay). Trus source unambiguously
indicates broad distribution of dice and backgammon boards. Considering
the nurober of activities and earthly pleasures that must be abandoned after the loss of
a hand, it is remarkable that these two games were given such a special emphasis.
20
sem hasartra, sem torkossagra, sem draga ruhazatokra nem vesztögettek
az szent alamizsnat, mint az mastaniak.35
( . . . such holy fathers did not destroy like those of today, they did
not waste church property on evil things like those of today, they did
not destroy Christ’s part and wealth like those of today, they did not
spend the holy alms on gambling, greed and expensive clothing like
those of today.)
Pelbartus de Themeswar referred often to gambling as well. His work also
lists the opportunities provided by such games when he writes:
Legitur in libro de donis Spiritus Sancti (Stephani de Borbone), quod
iuvenis quidam ingressus purgatorium S. Patricii, inter varias poenas
animarum vidit circulum ferreum constipatum clavis acutissimis, in
quibus quasi in chorea vertebantur plures compluti continue igne sulphureo,
quarum etiam viscera corrodebantur usque ad ossa. Angelus
requisitus quid haec essent? respondit: Tales sunt et tali supplicio
plectuntur omnes, qui choreis et clamationibus impudicis vel saltibus,
amplexibus, osculis, tactibus, ludis et verbis concitant ad libidinem
alias et se.36
Those who played dice were threatened as follows:
Exemplum legitur, quod quidam miles in alea dum per oculos dei
iurasset, mox ipsius proprii oculi de capite exsilientes super aleam
ceciderunt. 37
He wrote as a deterrent:
. . . quod mulier quedam vana in partibus Brabantiae quadam villa sepius
choreas coniungere, et huiusmodi ludos solita erat facere. Accidit
semel, quod iuxta choream colludentibus viris unus cum pilam ferire
conaretur, baculo elapso de manu mulierem illam in capite percussit
et mortua est. Presbytero autem veniente ad dicendum vigilias
defunctorum ecce demon in specie tauri nigerrimi cum mugitu occurrens
feretrum cum corpore deiecit, et cum cornibus illud dissipavit ita,
35 Karthauzi: 391.
36 Pelbartus de Themeswar: Pomerium sermonum de tempore. Hegenau, 1509, pars
aestivalis, 44 G (referred to as Themeswar 1 5 09 ) .
37 Pelbartus d e Themeswar: Pomeriurn serrnonurn quadragesirnalium. Hegenau, 1509,
pars II, 33 D.
21
ut visceribus hincinde dispersis fetorum tolerari non poterat, fugientibusque
cunctis tandem altero die corpus eiectum extra sacrum locum
sepultum est. 38
According to Pelbart even those who do not play themselves may be punished
if they provide space for gambling. He illustrated this as follows:
. . . quod quidam tabernarius vini omnes quoscunque pessimos homines
suscipiebat in domum suam, permittens illos in aleis ludere, inebriari,
meretrices inducere et similiter peccare; et huiusmodi mala libere ibi
fieri. Quisque forte ipse tabernarius ad ecclesiam et ad missam diebus
festis more aliorum christianorum ire non dimmitteret. Ecce autem
quadam die dominica cum de cellario exiret vinum deferens hospitibus,
vento turbinis commoto demones eum rapuerunt in conspectu totius
populi.39
In order to express his anger against gamblers he quoted Job:
Exultant lusibus: gaudent ad sonitum organi: ducunt in bonis dies
suos et in puncto ad inferna descendunt. Dicam igitur vobis sentenciam
Christi o miserrimi peccatores. Ve vobis, qui nunc ridetis quia
ftebitis. Ve in praesenti ve in corpore et anima ve in morte ve in
gehenna. Ragemus igitur Christo.40
Another preacher, Peter Bornemisza41 , published a work in 1578 entitled
Ördögi kisertetekröl avagy röttenetes utcilatossagar61 ez megferteztetett
vilagnak (On the Diabolic Temptations or the Infernal Aborninations of
this Tainted World). He wrote the following story trying to deter people
from playing:
Mediolanornot, midön meg vöttec volna az Nemet Lantzmanok, keszeritöttec
az gazdakat, hogy etelt, italt, ingyen hordgyanac, es etel vtan
38 Themeswar 1509, pars hyemalis, 47 H. On the basis of footnote 2, ball games played
with rackets must have been popular in Hungary as well.
39 Themeswar 1509, pars aestivalis, 7 F. The end of this story is that the innkeeper
prayed to God for his soul among the devils. As a result the devils released him so that
he could go home, close his inn down and Iead a virtuous life.
40 Themeswar 1516, pars hyemalis, sermon 46.
41 Peter Bornemisza {1535-1584): writer, Lutheran preacher and superintendant. He
studied in Kassa (Kosice) and subsequently became Melanchton’s student i n Wittenberg.
After several years spent in Padua and Venice, he was enrolled at the University
of Vienna in 1558. Since bis work contributed to the ever increasing propagation of
Protestant ideas, he suffered persecution many times.
22
iatekra, kartyara es kotzkara, minden jO N emetnec egy egy aranyat
adgyanac: Ha meg nem adtac, minden marhaiat sakmanra hantac: 0
ki czuda mestersegi ezec az ordognec, es ki bOlcz ostori az Istennec:
Mert netalam azoc csac lakasra es iatekra takartac, azert im arra
kolteti marhaiokat velec, de mergekre.42
(When Mcdiolanum was occupied by the German soldiers, all burghers
were forced to provide free food and drinks and to give one gold coin
to each German superior for the playing of cards and dice. Should
this not have been forthcoming, all the person’s wealth was taken in
forfcit. What manipulation of the devil was this and what wise whip
of God. Perhaps they saved only for living and playing and now their
wealth must be spent on them with rage.)
The chapter of the same work discussing Friss torkosokr6l (The New
Avarice) says:
Minden rendbeli ember, feiedelmec, nemessec, paraztoc, mikor vendegsegben
vadnac, ha az ket vagy harom poharotska meg haladgya oket,
ottan meg zaiosul, Esze mihent meg valtozic, oztan minden dolga csac
szerenczere, vgy forog mint az szel malom: Mint az kis gyerme[tjskec
b·telem nekul, valami eszekbe iUt, es valamit egyic emlit, imezt, amazt
iattzuc, porba posolosdit, louagossagot, koruelyeset, futosast, es akar
mit egyic az masiknac mond, ottan az tobbijs vtanna, sem eleit, sem
vtollyat nem gondoluan semmi iatekoknac. Illyec az oreg emberek
is, mihent meg zaiosodnac, akar Predikator, akar itelo Mester, akar
biro, akar Feiedelem legyen, Ezer bolondsagot uznec: Ki barat tantzot
kezd, ki tapogatos tantzot Es azba mind fulet, szaiat, orrat, mellyet,
czeczet, mind talpig el tapogattya, Es vgy izgattya az Satan soc fele
jertelmessegre. A z vtan sauen tanczot, Es olly tantzot, hogy az laboc
kozot altal vetic az kezeket. Nemelly az fele ordogi mulatsagotis talaltac,
hogy egy mas kezet veriec, es oc hegyes, auagy sarkantyus gy·urot
czinaltac, es vgy ütic az leany kezet, hogy az ver ki iu az tetemekb0l.43
(Whenever people of all orders, sovereigns, noblerneo and peasants
are in a party, two or three small glasses overwhelm them, they turn
42 P. Bornemisza: ÖrdÖgy kisirtetekrÖI avagy röttenetes vtalatossagarol ez meg ferteztetett
vilagnac. Sempten pinkösd tayba. 1578, ed. Eckhardt Sci.ndor. Budapest,
1955, 183 (referred to as Bornemisza).
43 Bornernisza: 210.
23
drunken. As soon as their minds change all they care for is luck,
turning like a windmill. They behave like senseless little children,
having ideas of all sorts. One says let’s play this and that, pissing in
the dust, horseyback, roundelays or simply running around. Whatever
one says, the others all follow and neither the beginning nor
the end of the game is to be seen. The elderly are the same when
they turn drunken even if they are preachers, court masters, judges or
sovereigns. They pursue thousands of insanities: some start a monk’s
dance, others the groping dance fingering ears, mouth, nose, breast,
nipples all the way to the soles of the feet thereby being titillated
by Satan to do all sorts of hideous things. Thereafter they start the
hedge dance and another dance in which hands were flung between
the legs. Some found a diabolic game in which they slap each others
hands: some prepared pointed or spurred rings for the purposes of
this game therewith beating the girls hands until their hoclies started
bleeding.)
Laws explicitly prohibiting games are relatively infrequent in Hungary.
Only the resolution of the Buda synod of 1279 is known which banned
playing dice among priests:
Clerici officia vel commercia non exerceant maxime inhonesta, minus
histrionibus, et joculatoribus intendant, et tabernas prorsus evitent,
nisi forte causa necessitatis in itinere constituti. Ad aleas et TaxilIas
non ludant, nec hujusmodi ludis intersint, Comam, et tonsuram
patentibus auribus habeant congruentes, et in officiis Ecclesiasticis, et
in aliis bonis studiis se exerceant diligenter.44
Same lines below, dice are mentioned again in the following context:
Prokibemus Sacerdotibus, et aliis Clericis in sacris ordinibus districte
ne secum prolem habeant, quam in sacro ordine genuerant propter
scandalum, et ne hujusmodi Parochialium Sacerdotes in domibus suis
habeant aleas, vel taxi/los districtius inhibemus.45
44 Leges ecclesiasticae regni Hungariae, et provinciarum adiacentum opera. et studio
lgna.tii comitis de Battyan episcopi Transsilva.nia.e. 1827, Il, 436 (referred to as Battyan).
45 Ba.ttyan: II, 436. The prohibition of pla.ying dice na.tura.lly included a. ban on the
possession of dice as weil, so that no specia.l emphasis should be necessary in this regard.
When a real reason is sought for, it seems likely that dice were seen a.s symbols of sin
24
Of the Hungarian legal documents the Selmec (Banska Stiavnica) (1270),
the Szepes (Spis) ( 1370)46 and the Buda (first half of the 15th century)47
law books contained articles referring to games. The following clauses of
the Selmec law book concerned gamblers:
28. Von Spilernn. Keines menschnn swn noch frwnnde, der nicht
seines protts lebt, der mag nicht mer verspielen, den das er mit dem
gwrttll umbfanngen hat, und wer Im mer mit spil ongewinnet, des
ist er vngewertt. Wer dem andernn ongewinnet mit falschnn würffin,
und des vberwundnn wirt mit czwein geczewgnn, der denn verlornn
hat, der anttwurt dem gewinner nichts nicht darumb, und man sol
den felseher die würffil durch die hannt slagen.48
(On the gamblers. Nobody, who does not earn his daily bread, can
gamble away more than what he is wearing, and whoever wins more
in the game, that gain is not valid. If someone wins using loaded dice,
and this can be proven by two witnesses, the loser owes nothing to
the winner and the die should be struck through the cheat’s hand.)
Paragraph 46 of the Szepes-Szombat (Spisska Sobota) law book says the
following about gamblers:
Wy nymand mer vorspilen mag den her gelt hot und von falschen
Wurft.
Auch hab wir das czu einem rechten, wen czwen mittenander spilen,
das keyner mer czuvorspilen hott wen das her um und an hot, und
equal to the children sired by priests. Violations against celibate and saintly life were
associated with the hideousness of gambling with dice. The mention of dice in such a
context as early as 1279 shows how widespread it must have been in those days.
46 Both of these law books were written in German, and part of the laws were brought
by settlers to Hungary. It is for this reason that although they developed an organic
connection with Hungarian reality, they originated elsewhere. Since, however, these
groups of settlers lived in Hungary and they bad a royal permission to obey their own
laws they became part of Hungarian history and their laws were assimilated as weil.
Only two later copies of the Szepes (Spis) law book offer information that may be quoted
in the context of garnbling. One of these is the Szepes-Szombat (Spisska Sobota) law
book (from the first half of the 15’h century), the other is the Löcse (Levoca) law book
(1540).
47 Although the Buda law book was written in German, it incorporated laws based on
the Hungarian legal developments.
48 G. Wenczel: Arpad-kori U.j okmanytar. Budapest, 1860-1874, III, 215.
25
man sal yn nicht fessern, noch vnder ein bute stossen, und auch keine
getwang anlegen, vnd ab ymand off eines manes erbe adir off sein
hawsfrawen cleyder spielen wolde, des wellen wir mit keynerley sache
gestaten. Ob ymand off sein phand spilete, es were vil adir wenig, so
mag dy frawe das phant mit sechs grossen losen, vnd ab eines erbir
manes sun adir knechte mer vorspilte, wen her phenig hette, vnd dorczu
seyn gewant vorspilete, vnd ander phand, so spricht Vnser recht,
daz des jongen fater adir des knechtes her dy phand mit drey grosen
mag gelosen. Op sich darvbir ymand wolde widerseczen, und daz recht
nicht haiden wolde, als es gemacht ist, und einen fessert adir fing, vnd
dy phand zu losen nicht wolde geben, so sal der richter ein marg birse
von ym nemen, vnd dy phand an gelt wider sal geben, wnd pey welchem
spiler man falsche wurfel fynt, den salman bruen.49
(No one can gamble for more than the money that he has and about
fixed dice.
We declare it by law: If two play with one another, neither of them
may gamble away more than what he wears, and neither of them
should be fettered, neither of them should be punished, no force should
be applied. However, gambling for someone else’s chattels or his own
wife’s clothes should, in any case, never be permitted. If someone
was playing for his pledge, were it be much or less, the wife should
redeem the pledge for six groats, or if a respected person’s son or
servant gambled away more money than what they had, and even
their clothes and someone else’s pledge was lost, then the following
order should be applied: the pledge should be redeemed by the father
of the son or the master of the servant for three groats. Should anyone
resist and violate this law as written, and fetter or capture the other
or should the pledge not be returned, the judge shall fine him a mark
and force him to return the pledge without payment; gamblers found
with loaded dice should be dipped in hot water.)
Paragraph 51 of the Löcse (Levoca) law book sets the following rules concerning
gamblers:
Das kein Man mer vorspielen mag wen er vmb unnd an hoth. Wir
wellen auch das czw eynem Rechten haben wen tzwen mitt einander
49 K. Demk6: A szepesi szaszok ösi jogelete. Löcse, 1896, 56, 58 (referred to as Demk6
1896).
26
spylen das keyner mer vorspielen magk wen das er vmb vnd an hatt
vnd man soll in nicht fesseren ader vnder eyn bueth stue1·zen vnnd
ab einer wolde auff eins Mans Erbe ader auff sein hauszfrawen kleyder
ader auff sein Jeder kleyder spielen wolde, das wel wir mit keinerley
sachen gestatten, vnd ab eynes Erbarn Mans sone ader seyn
knecht mee vorspiltt wen er pfhenigkh hett vnd dorczw sein gewath
vorspiltt das er an hette, vnd er meer pfhant, seinem spyler seczt:
Wyr wellen, das des jungen Vater ader des knechtes Herr das gewath
mit 3 groschen gelessenn mag das phanth, welcherley das sey, vnd die
fraw yre kleyder es seyn viel ader wenig mitt 6 groschen mag loesszenn.
Vnnd ab das were das sich do wider imant woltt seczen und das Recht
nicht halthen wolde, als es gemacht vnnd yn fesserth ader fing vnd die
phannth nicht zwloesen geben wolde, Wyr wellen das der Rychter I
Marg byrsche von ym neme vnd die phanth an geltth widergeben solle.
Vnd bey welchem Spiler man mehr wan 3 würffell finth dem sal man
alles nemen was er bey im hath, vnd findet man bey im falsche wurffel
man sol in bruenn.50
(No one is allowed to gamble away more than what he is wearing. We
declare it by law: If two play with one another, neither of them may
gamble for more than what they wear, and he should not be fettered,
or be punished any other way; no one should be allowed, however, ever
to gamble for someone else’s immovables or his own wife’s or father’s
clothes. If a respected person’s son or servant gambles away more
than he possesses in money or clothes or pledges more, the following
order should apply: The pledge should be redeemed by the father of
the son or the master of the servant for three groats regardless of what
it is. The wife’s clothes can be redeemed for 6 groats whether many or
a few. Should anyone resist and violate this law as thus ordered, and
fetter or capture the other or should he refuse to return the pledge,
the judge shall fine him a mark, and the pledge should be returned
without payment; gamblers found with more than three dice should
be deprived of all their dice. Gambiers found with fixed dice should
be dipped in hot -.,vater.)
In the Buda law book, the following paragraphs were listed on the subject
of gamblers:
50 Demko 1896: 57, 59.
27
1 90. Was dfje spiler verfallen Vnd dfj sfje haltenn Man sch6l nicht
gestathen, daß man kainerlafj vnj’llr mit wfLrfeln treib yn der stadt.
TMt das eyn hand wercher, den schol man p’lßl en In den pefLtel, Als
oft er pegrieffen werd, vmmb I margk. Thuen iß dfj freihait ader dfj
pfLben, Man sol sfj mit knötteln dar von schlaen vnnd In dem pranger
setczen. Vnnd pefj welchem man ainen falschen wurffil find, dem sol
man efjnen wt1rfel durch den tener schlaen. Auch efin itczlicher wirt,
der das würfe/ spil gestat In seynem hauß, der verfeit III margk dem
gericht.51
(How gamblers and their defenders should be punished. No abuse with
dice should be tolerated in town. If such an offense is committed by
a craftsman, he should be fined to the limits of his purse. Subsequent
violations should be punished to the extent of I mark each. When
the same offense is committed by drifters or idlers they should be
dispersed with clubs ar1d put on the pillory. Those who possess loaded
dice, should have a die struck through their palm. All owners who
permit dicing in their hause should be fined III marks. )
345. Wfj man den hant spilern sol thuenn Von hant spilern. Mann
schol yn nicht gestaten kainerlafi vngefar mit wurffein czu treiben In
der stat. Thut daß efin hantwercher, den schol man fim peutel, Also
oft vnnd er pegrieffen wirt, vmmb efin marck. Thuen eß dy frefihait,
man schol sfi mit knotteln dar von slahen.52
(How one should proceed against gamblers. No abuse with dice should
be allowed in town. If such an offense is committed by a craftsman, he
should yield up his purse as many times as he is caught to the extent
of I mark each time. When the same offense is committed by drifters
they should be chased away with clubs.)
330. Von Vngeratin chinder, dfi man mag enterben. Dii vndanck nemen
ader Vngeraten chinder. Mann enterbt eliche chinder. so sy vbel
gerathen, vnnd das mag thuen Vater vnnd muter czum ersten, Ap das
kint vndancksam ist vater vnnd mfLterlicher trew mfL vnd arbait, dfj
sfie mit yn paiden ader ir eynes alleyn gelitten haben. Vnnd so iß
daß ir czaiget mit werchen, Also das es seine eltern sm􀌱cht mit vbil
51 Das Ofner Stadtrecht. Eine deutschsprachige Rechtssammlung des 15. Jahrhunderts
aus Ungarn, ed. Karl Mollay. Budapest, 1959, 126 (referred to as Mollay 1959).
52 Mollay 1959: 173.
28
handelung petr·äbt vnnd leidigt mit schlegen ader deß gleichenn. Auch
mag man sy enterben, Op eß czu eynem offinparen Iuderern, Rasier,
spiler ader hurer wurde Ader ap er gaidende wfLrd czeren, Ap er aber
In vnglaüben trete ader siist wurde eyn dipp, eyn rauber, eijn falscher
Vnnd den sachen gleich, In deß allen muß er seines rechten erbtailes
darben unnd emperenn. 53
(About idle children deprived of their inheritance, who are ungrateful.
Legal children may be disinherited if they become corrupted. This
act may be primarily taken by their father or mother if the child
is unthankful for their father’s and mother’s love, care and solicitude
whether against both or only one of them. Ungratefulness is produced
by deeds whereby children make their parents sad by an evil act or hurt
them by beating or in other ways. They may also be disinherited if
they are evidently rascals, dice players, gamblers, whores, if thcy lead
a lavish life, they apostatize or become thieves, robbers and forgers
or anything similar; in all these cases, children can be deprived of the
right of succession.)
Since games usually were only of small value, they were but infrequently
included in wills and inventories. No such data have yet been found in the
Hungarian material in sources of this type. On the other hand, references
have been discovered in account-books. The account-book of the Polish
prince Sigismund, who subsequently became king of Poland (1506-1548),
should be cited here. The prince was left out of the power struggle that
followed the death of his father (Kasimir) and ended up in the Buda castle
of his brother Wladislaw II, where he had his own small court.54 Although
information concerning games in this account-book cannot be cited in full
detail here it is worth delineating the picture that emerged during the
analysis of this body of data.
Altogether 79 items of various significance were recorded which had
relevance to games.55 In ten of these cases, the game itself could be identified
( the dice as alea, cards as carta and the chessboard as schachownycze;
53 Mollay 1959: 169.
54 Zsigmond !engyel herceg budai szamadasai (1500-1502, 1505), ed. A . Diveky. Budapest,
1914, 4 (referred to as Diveky).
55 Kulki is a Polish word meaning „marbles“ (Diveky: 246).
29
each were mentioned three times, while marbles occurred once under the
term kulki) . 56
An exception is represented for October and November 1500. This
was the time of a military expedition to the southern frontiers. During
this time, he played 1 7 times, and the kind of game was specified in 13
of the cases. Top (named crisolki) was the game described in all of these
instances.57
Aside from this period of the previously mentioned military expedition,
only the general term play ( Iudus) was used fifteen times, while the
time of playing remains unknown as weil. Out of the ten specified games
the time of playing was not recorded in eight instances. The time of playing
is known, however, for the remaining cases.
When the data are studied from the viewpoint of timing, it becomes
clear that during this southern military expedition 1 2 of the 17 games were
played in the evening (vespere). One occasion took place after the evening
meal (post cenam vespere) and two after the meal at noon (post prandium) .
In the remaining two cases the time of playing is unknown. Aside from the
military expedition, games were played 16 times after the meal at noon
(post prandium) and once the term prandium is used by itself. Games
were held 18 times in the evening, while two records refer to occasions
after the evening meal (post cenam vespere). Only in one case playing was
recorded after sleeping time (post dormitionem). (This may have been an
opportunity for some curious sort of gambling, though the source does not
elaborate on the details.) Playing before a meal ( ante cenam) is mentioned
once.
Out of a total of 39 occasions games were played 2 1 times in the
evening hours. Games pursued at noon or during the early afternoon
were relatively common (seventeen cases) as well. On the other hand, no
reference was found to games having been played during the morning hours
or before noon.
As far as the seasonality of these data is concerned, it is surprising that
only five records originate from the three winter months ( three of them
56 Two data were not taken into consideration due to the unreliability of their sources.
One of these is: ltem pro rejormatione alee dedi 11 den. ung. (Diveky: 89). The othe.r
is: Item pro coloribus ad Iapides depingendos pro alea domini princpi is dedi 1111 den.
ung. (Diveky: 91).
57 Crisolki is a Polish word meaning „top“ (Diveky: 254.)
30
are related to dice). Eleven of the recorded games were played during
the spring while seventeen took place during the summer. Twenty-nine
occasions were recorded during the fall. In two cases, the place of play
was documented as well. One of them took place in the Nyek garden (in
zagmda58 Nyek), and the other on a boat trip from Visegnid to Buda.59
Several items related to games played during the southern military
expedition were recorded on the same day. The dates mentioned were
November 19, 150060 and other occasions such as March 1 , 150061 and
November 16, 1502.62 This shows that on certain „playful days“ the prince
had more time left for games, and could afford playing several times a day.
The 79 occasions recorded during these three years do not necessarily
mean that the prince only played this number of times, since that type of
source mentions only gambling with financial consequences. Plays which
lacked this monetary aspect were not recorded because they represented
no expense. On the other hand, three records are indicative of repairs
made on chessboards.63 (The text also describes how one of these was
decorated with precious stones and that the prince kept another chessboard
exclusively in his room.) However, no direct reference is made to actually
playing chess in this text, although, if these objects had not been in use,
repairs, as ordered by Sigismund, would not have become necessary.
The possibility may not be ruled out that this account-book was not
written with the expected accuracy. There is evidence that the prince
played dice on February 8, 1501,64 February 1 1 , 150165 and February 15,
58 Zagrada is a Polish word meaning „garden“ (Diveky: 249).
59 Diveky: 50.
60 Diveky: 75.
61 Diveky: 21.
62 Diveky: 178.
63 March 10, 1500: Item eodem die a reformatione schachownycze dedi V den. ung.
(Diveky: 23). Schachownycze is a Polish word meaning „chessboard“. June 25, 1500:
Item a reformatione schachownycze de stuba domini principis per manus Wawrzynyecz
dedi V den. ung. (Diveky: 43). March 9, 1501: Item eodem die aurifabro, qui margaritas
ad scacos osszadzal domino principi dedi a Iabore et pro argento quod suum
apposuerat I flor. et ortt. (Diveky: 94).
64 Item eodem die Oczyeski ad ludum alee domino p1·incipi dederat III ortt. quos sibi
eodem die dedi minus V den. ung. (Diveky: 89).
65 ltem eodem die per manus Oczyeski pro ludo in alea domino principi dedi XX. den.
ung. (Diveky: 90).
3 1
1501, when he bought 33 yew dice for one and a quarter florins66• At
the same time, records related to dice do not occur after February 15,
1500, although the 33 dice could only have been used for playing. Thus,
it may be assumed that the 79 items in this account-book only represent
the minimum number of games played by Sigismund and should not be
regarded as a complete list.
Games were mentioned in medieval Hungarian poetry as well. The
following poem, vagrant in character, may be read in the formulary book
by Ja.nos Magyi:67
Plenitndo temporis venite exultemus
Licet ramos arborum calvari videamus
Quamvis proptuaria plena non habemus
Venite omnes Socii fortiter bibamus
Et si nummis careas jubeas taxillum
Fortiter in tabula girare fac illum.68
In the elegy entitled Blasio militanti Janus fabricitans, Janus Pannonius69
wrote the following:
Luditis in mediae securi sidera noctis,
Hostiles, vallo nil metuente minas.
Fert clypeus talos, dat pocula cassis, et altum
Ebrius ante ignem carmina lixa canit.
Succedit ludo somnus, pallentibus astris,
Curantur rapto, corpora fessa cibo.70
66 Item feria II. ·a post Sancti Valentini pro lapidibus triginta tribus de taxo arbore ad
aleam domini principis dedi I ortt. (Diveky: 90).
67 This colligatum composed of 28 booklets dates from 1476, the time when Magyi was
a notary in Öbuda. Additions to this text, however, took place even after he became
a notary in Pest (1490-1492). A magyar irodalom törtenete 1600-ig, ed. T. Klaniczay.
Budapest, 1978, I, 178 (referred to as A magyar irodalom).
68 Marton György Kovachich: Formulae Solennes Styli in Cancellaria, Curiaque Regum
Regni Hungariae olim usitati. Pest, 1799, XI.
69 Janus Pannonius (1434-1472): humanist poet, bishop of Pecs after 1459. He spent
eleven years in ltaly starting in 1447, and obtained a. doctoral degree there. Following
his return to Hungary, he joined the humanist court of king Ma.tthia.s. However, in 1471
he participa.ted in a conspira.cy against the king.
70 Jani Pannonii opera latine et hungarice. Budapest, 1972, 328.
32
Sehestyen Tin6di71 refers to games in his poem descrihing Sokjele reszegösTöl
( „Many kinds of drunkards“) as follows:
Igen iszik az tizedik, virradatig iszik,
N agy gazdagnak veli magat tizenegyedik
A z hrisarton mindent elveszt tizenkettödik.72
(The tenth is drinking very much, a plenty till dawn,
The eleventh feels quite wealthy,
The twelfth loses everything while gamhling.)
The same author wrote in his poem entitled Enyingi Terek Jrinos vitezsege
( „The Heroism of Janos Enyingi Terek“ ) :
Tudomanyokat ö kezde tanulni,
J atekokban, vadaszasban ott lenni. 73
(He started studying science,
participating in games and hunting.)
In a poem written on Gonosz asszonyembereknek erkelcsekrol val6 enek
( „The Moral of Evil Fernale Folk“) Krist6f Arnhrust74 wrote as follows in
1550/1551:
Asszonyembert az Uristen egy csontb6l teremte,
mert j6l tuda onekiek hasznotlan voltokat,
mint az csontnak, kinek ember hasznat nem veheti ,
hanem hogyha obelöle kockakat csinalnak.
Mely kockanak jritszasaval gonoszsag sok lenne,
öszveveszes es nagy feddes, karomlds, mordulas,
emberhalal, gyulosegek es nagy sok gonoszsag,
marhavesztes, /elekvesztes es egyeb gonoszsag. 75
(God rnade warnen frorn a hone,
since he knew how useless they were:
71 Sehestyen Lantos Tin6di (hetween 1505 and 1510-1556): minstrel, an outstanding
representative of 16’h century Hungarian epic poetry.
72 Tin6di Sehestyen összes müvei 1540-1555. Budapest, 1881, 226.
73 Tin6di Sehestyen: Kr6nika. Budapest, 1984, 314.
74 Krist6f Amhrust was horn in Szehen (Sihiu) and hecame an official of the Szehen
chancellary (A magyar irodalom I, 408).
75 Hatvanhat csllfos gajd. XVI-XVIII szazadi magyar csllfol6k es gunyversek, ed. E.
Hargittay. Budapest, 1983, 39-40.
33
just like hone, which is of no use
except when carved into dice.
When playing the dice, there is plenty of evil,
quarrels, accusations, swearing, growling,
death, hatred and a great deal of evil of all sorts,
Wealth as weil as soul are lost and other
wicked things happen.)
Having quoted data from the written sources it may be said that it is
impossible to present a homogeneaus picture of contemporary attitudes
to game with the exception of the unanimous condemnation of dishonest
gambling. It is possible to encounter the rejection of dice, backgarnman
and mundane vanities in general, though these and other games could be
found in the environment of kings and other dignitaries, without having
been condemned by the authors. On the one hand, it is possible to find
resolutions that ban garnes, while on the other hand, in addition to prohibitions,
written regulations specified the rules of certain games as weil
as the value of legal gains. The simultaneaus existence of such mutually
exclusive phenomena is not typically Hungarian. Burning luxury items
as weil as garnes in ltaly and France had been a widespread custom long
before Savonarole ordered the „vanities“ onto the pyres in Florence. Following
sermons by famous monks, women and men alike rushed to collect
all sorts of games, decorative items and other fancy objects in order to burn
them in a celebratory way.76 John of Capistrano had also had many things
to burn all around Europe in the 15th century. 77 The moral condemnation
of games was actually not suffi.cient to keep people away from gambling.
Once the preacher left, people soon replaced their games which had been
burnt by themselves paying no attention to prohibitions or punishments
promised for the other world. Since these norms were far from those of
everyday life, their enforcement became impossible: One could not continuously
punish masses of people. 78 This is why, while prohibitions were
76 J. Huizinga: The Waning of the Middle Ages. Harmondsworth 1972, 13 (referred to
as Huizinga).
77 In Nurimberg, for example, in addition to 40,000 dice, 3600 backgarnman boards
were burnt in 1454 (Endrei- Zolnay: 27).
78 The punishment for gambling was milder or often even ignored when no cheating
was involved. For example, when Mihaly Hyrt stole malt in Löcse (Levoca) in 1551,
sold it and gambled with the money thus obtained he was pardoned in the hope of
34
repeatedly spelled out, gambling was also continuously regulated in order
to at least minimize conflicts and keep gamblcrs at bay. 79
The background of gambling fever that broke the moral dams in the
Middle Ages is difficult to trace in thc Hungarian written sources. lt seems
most likely that in those days, people were in need of another world, in
which thc rules of everyday life were not valid anymore. Tbis not only
helped them to forget their troublesome everyday problems but also offered
temporary relief in an oppressive atmosphere loaded with evil forces of the
other world (hell, devils etc.) which was a source of constant suffering.
Under these circumstanccs, playing must have represented a „valve“ which
made their lives bearable. This is why not even moral pressure could force
them to give up games. The necessity of such psychological outlets in those
days is clearly manifested by a number of behavioral patterns displayed
during some of the festivities.
improved behavior thanks to interventions by the rector, the preacher and other honest
people. By the end of the Middle Ages, Saxon towns in Transylvania entrusted the
magistrate with the punishment for gambling [Brass6 (Bra§ov), 1577. Corp. Statut. 541):
K. Demk6: A Felsö-Magyarorszagi varosok eleteröl a XV-XVII. sz.-ban. Budapest,
1890, 194 (referred to as Demk6 1890).
79 The fact that fighting was commonplace was already mentioned in note 23. This
was so much part of the game that it was even depicted in stone statues. A 141 h
century keystone from the Di6sgyör castle shows two knights fighting over some sort
of a not exactly identifiable boardgame (perhaps backgammon; see fig. I). I. Czegh􀊼dy:
A di6sgyöri var. Budapest, 1988, 39. Data gathered so far, and the fact that one
third of the rare pictorial representations of gambling (other examples will be discussed
subsequently) shows the participants fighting undoubtedly explains why prohibition or
at least regulations were required.
35
Figure I
36
Holy days
Some holy days were two-faced, one being the official-religious celebration,
while the other was cheerful,80 offering temporary relief from valid social
rules, limitations and thc immutable, timeless hierarchical order of the
Middle Ages.81 One of these was the „Feast of Fools“ (festa stultorum,
fatuorum, follorum).82
Celebrating this holy day was justified as follows in Paris during the
15th ccntury:83
„However, we – they said – ar·e doing these things as jokes, not for real,
as has been customary since the old days. We only want to spill and
evaporate all our congenital foolishness once a year. Wine goatskins
and barreis would crack more often if one did not open their faucets
every once in a while, would they not? We are old leather bottles,
half-cracked barrels; thus, all the fizzy wine of wisdom retained in the
service of God throughout the year, wonld leak uselessly if we had
no opportunity to play and fool around sometimes. Consequently, we
must make jokes every now and then to make sure that we will havc
the strength to contain all our wisdom.“ 84
This holy day was celebrated by studcnts and petty clergy on St. Stephen’s
80 M. Bahtyin: Francois Rabelais müveszete, a közepkor es a reneszansz nepi kultunija.
Budapest, 1982. 105 (referred to as Bahtyin).
81 Bahtyin: 104.
82 Bahtyin: 95.
83 At the beginning, celebrations on the Day of Fools did not exceed legal Iimits. They
were banned in most cases by the the High Middle Ages. One form of such celebrations
was the so-called Donkey Feast, when special „donkey-masses“ were celebrated.
Howcver, no data on such festivities are known from Hungarian sources.
84 Transla.ted from Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Denifie. Paris, 1897,
652-656. In Hungaria.n see: Vihigossag 11 (1983) 677-678. It is part of a Ietter of the
theological faculty of the university of Paris dated March 22, 1444. It was also published
in Bahtyin: 96. – The „safety valve“ function of some medieval festivities probably has
historical precedents. This is shown by similar phenomena observed by anthropologists
during ethnographic field work in remote areas (e. g. Roger Caillois, Mircea Eliade,
Max Gluckmann) who also regarded popular feasts as safety valves. Such an outlet
for tensions accurnulated during everyday life, the temporary Suspension of norms, is
supposed to make social limitations acccptable on an everyday basis (G. Klaniczay: A
karneva.I szelleme. In: idem, A civilizaci6 peremen. Buda.pest, 1990, 39-40).
37
Day, on New Year’s Day, Childermas Day, Twelfth Day and on St. John’s
Day (Midsummer) . A great deal of drinking and eating took place right
at the altar85 especially at New Year’s and Twelfth Day. Dicing took
place there and obscene gestures were common as weil. During these celebrations
fool monks and fool bishops were elected. The places of high
rank offleials were taken by people of lower status who mockingly performed
their functions as well. Masses were celebrated according to this
upside-down hierarchical order, the bells were rung haphazardly and the
stinky smoke of burning footwear replaced that of incense. A chorus of
fake verses and flat singing was heard. Dancing and pretended confessions
took place. 86
Celebration of such holy days may have been a custom in Hungary as
well, at least one may speculate as much from reading a note in a work
entitled Stauromachia by Stephanus Taurinus87 recorded at Gyulafehervar
(Alba Iulia) in 1 519. He wrote the following:
Huc pertinet quod paucissimis admodum diebus: Saturnalibus inquam
vel stultorum feriis in quibus, ut fit, justitium edixeram, clamosi fori
a strepitu hos commentariolos raptim congressi. 88
Interpretations of this text differ depending on the researcher. According
to Tekla Dömötör89 it refers to the Carnival while Tibor Kardos regards
it as a description of the Feast of Fools.90 Here it is suggested that the
expression stultorum used in the text undoubtedly relates to the Feast of
Fools. This word refers to a number of events marked by noise, clamour
and the Suspension of studies as was typical for this feast. Thus, regardless
85 Bahtyin: 95.
86 T. Kardos: Adatok es szempontok a magyar drama kezdeteihez. In: Filol6giai
Közlöny II (1957) 332.
87 Stephanus Taurinus (Iate 15’h-16’h century): Moravian humanist, canon of GyuIafehervar
(Alba Iulia). He gave a contemporary account of the D6zsa peasant insurrection
written in five cantos (M. Stauromachia, id est cruciatorum servile bellum.
Vienna, 1519).
88 T. Dömötör: Naptari ünnepek – Nepi szinjatszas. Budapest, 1983, 87 (referred to
as Dömötör). The reference to the official celebration of this feast suggests that a long
tradition and legal forms of this holy day bad already been in existence in previous
times.
89 Dömötör: 87.
90 Regi magyar dnimai emlekek, ed. T. Kardos. Budapest, 1960, 58.
38
of the actual aim of activities described in the work of Taurinus, the Feast
of Fools may have been known in Hungary as weiL
The games, however, may have been reiated to Carnivai as weiL There
is no doubt that the courts of the Anjou kings91 and Sigismund92 were also
the sccne of Carnivai ceiebrations which were fashionable in other Europcan
countries those days. 93 Carnivals celebrated during the second half of
the 15th and the beginning of the 16th centmies have been reported from
sevcral sources. According to Szeremi, for example, Lewis II accused the
high priests after the Turkish occupation of Nandorfehervar ( Belgrade)94
as follows:
Et insuper me in delirum feceratis tempore carnisprium omni anno,
et luciperum deputastis semper in capite, (et) feceratis cornua bouina,
in pedibus bouinam pedem, et nasum semper habebam ad modum cikonia,
et caudam habebam serpentinam, que fuit contra Deum et contra
omnes sanctos.95
In 1519, George of Brandenburg wrote the following:
„The royal court is horribly poor, however, I held a great Carnival
feast with him, just to show the Iords that people around the king
still stand on their feet.“96
In fact, George of Brandenburg also participated in a fancy-dress tournament
costumed as a „savage“ . 97
9 1 King Charles I ( 1 288-1342) reigned between 1310 and 1342; king Lewis I „the Great“
(around 1326-1382) reigned between 1342-1382.
92 King Sigismund {1368-1437) reigned as king of Hungary between 1387 and 1437 and
was crowned as king of Germany in 1410.
93 Carnivals in the royal court refiect predominantly Italian and French infiuences. A
mediating role of German settlers may be assumed in the case of Carnivals among the
bourgeoisie (Dömötör: 80).
94 August 28, 1521 .
95 Szeremi: 101.
96 B. Radvanszky: Magyar csaladelet es haztartas a 16-17. sz.-ban, 1-III. Budapest,
1879-1896, I, 416 (referred to as Radvanszky).
97 Radvcinszky I: 416. These data also serve as examples that the temporary Suspension
of hierarchy was not motivated by an opposition attitude. Kings and nobility abandoned
their everyday life in much the same way as ordinary people.
39
Report.s on another parodic Carnival tournament were filed by Ludovico
da Bagno, a nobleman frorn Mantua on February 21, 1518 in the
Hungarian town of Eger.
Et perehe V. S. so se diletta de arme eome se eonviene a Signor naturale
et di quella Illustrissima easa, parmi de narrargli il modo de una
giostra ehe feeero aleuni gioveni qui in Agria el giorno di earnevale. La
sorte de larme em un eossino grande sul stomaeho, in eapo un eapelleto
de lana allongaresea, per seuto aleuni pezzi de eerehi da vasselli
eommessi insieme Ii quali pigliavano da la eima de Ia fronte insino
alla eorreggia et erano tanto Iarghi un da laltro, ehel giostratore potea
ben vedere lo inimieo senza perieulo ehe Ia lanza lo potesse offendere,
et perehe el dieto seuto el qual seusava seuto et elmo, stesse ben assettato
alla fronte vi era in cima un eirchiello come una ghirlanda el
qual era attaehato con li eerchi, e eosi se lo assettavano sul capelleto,
le lanze havevano un tagliero in capo. Jo aspettava di veder romper
eollo e brazzi, pur tornorno sani a casa anehor ehe si dessero qualehe
sturlata. 98
(Sorne of the lads fought a funny duel. First, they tied huge pillows
on their stomachs and wore Hungarian-style woolen caps on their
heads. From their forehead to their waist, they were covered by an
armor woven out of barre! hoops. These were fitted so loosely to each
other that the two knights could easily see one another, however, they
could cause no injury with their lances since the thus described armor
served as a shield and a helmet simultaneously. The barrel hoops were
tied in a bunch above their heads, on top of their hats. Their lances
were fitted with kitchen knives. I expected them to break an arm or
their necks, however, they returned home without infl.icting the tiniest
wo und on each other).
The royal court, including the higher clergy and nobility had its 1524
session in Pozsony (Bratislava). Although this political body was torn
by political intrigue, power breaking and struggles for position, nothing
could keep the participants from celebrating the Carnival at its proper
time. On January 28, there were even two correspondents who recorded
this aspect of the meeting. One of them is Janos Dnigffy, a nobleman
98 L. Övary: A modena.i es mantuai Ieveltaxi kutatasokr61. In: Szazadok XXIII (1889)
392. Cited by Dömötör: 87.
40
who wrote: . . . in die saltem faciunt exclamationes et ludibria, de nocte
autem coryzationes multas. The other is a nobleman too, who travelled to
Pozsony (Bratislava) together with Dnigffy. He informed about the events
in this way: . . . hastiludia et coria sufficientia habemus usque ad horam
primam fere noctis.99
The previously mentioned account-books of Sigismund, a Polish prince,
also make references to the Carnival festivities. On March 2, 1500
a down and an infant emperor were presented to please him, 100 while a
sword dance was performed and masked mounted clowns entertained the
prince on February 2 1 , 1501. 101
Carnival celebrations came under fire from righteous medieval as well
as Catholic and Protestant personalities during the 16th century and subsequent
periods. Pelbartus de Themeswar, for example, wrote the following:
I02
Scilicet hodie est tempus cuiusdam leticie, scilicet carnisprivii . . . heu
heu quam multi christiani his diebus a lumine gratiae christi avertuntur
ad opera tenebmrum sc. ad gulam, ebrietatem, lasciuiam et
huiusmodi in suo fassango suum deum quem pmeelegerunt sibi, hoc
est diabolum laudando per larvationes et cantus lasciuos contempto
Christo . . . Ve nunc mundo a scandalis et peccatis.
He also posed the question:
. . . utrum homo exercens iocum vel vanum gaudium mundanum aut
lud um et huiusmodi trufas – semper peccet mortaliter an non?
In bis opinion, although these people did not always commit deadly sins,
they exposed themselves to the temptation of major wrongdoing for several
reasons:
Tertia, ratione male intentionis, puta siq1tis Zarvaliones faciet induendo
veste aliena, scilicet vir veste muliebri aut mulier veste virili
99 A. Kubinyi: A magyar allam belpolitikai helyzete Mohacs elött. In: Mohacs.
Tanulmanyok a mohacsi csata 450. evfordul6ja alkalmab6l. Budapest, 1986, 87.
100 ltem blasznom cum cesare scolaribus, qui venerant ad dominum principem, ad
mandata domini 71rincipis dedi II fior. feria Il.-a privii carnis (Diveky: 2 1 ) . Blasznom
is a Polish word meaning „jester“. (Diveky: 258).
101 ltem dominico carnisp?’ivii die, istis, qui dimicabant ante dominum principem post
prandium et choreas per gladios ducebant ad mandata domini principis dedi III fior.
(Diveky: 91).
102 Themeswar 1516, sermon 45, K. III verso-K. VI. verso. Cited by Dömötör: 80-81.
41
intentione lasciviae; vel siquis hastiludia facit mere propter vanam gloriam,
aut siquis ludit sola causa cupiditatis, vel siquis corizat vel saltat
intentione provocandi ad libidinem, vel cantilenam carnalem canit, aut
tale quid dicit intentione libidinis etc . . . .
This feast was characterized by Mikl6s Telegdi103 as follows: Az poganoctul
reianc szallott test hizlalo es lelec öldöklo büdös fassang. (The stinky Carnival,
that was inherited from the pagans, fattens the body and butchers
the soul).104
The opinion of Gaspar Heltai was not a great deal more flattering either:
U1· isten egy templomot epit: ott mindjart az ördög kapolnat rak melle .
. . . Mert mindjart az urunk Jizus Krisztus születesenek napja utdn
következik az ördögnek nagy ünnepe a Regelo hit aztdn a farsang.
Akko1· isznak az emberek, tobz6dnak, lakoznak, es különb különbjile
hiabaval6 költsegeket müvelnek.105
(Wherever our Lord builds a temple, the devil erects a chapel nearby
at once … For right after the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ follows
the Devil’s great feast, the week of secular song and Carnival. Then
people drink, live in opulence and indulge in a variety of wastes. )
Whitsun was celebrated in a fashion similar to that of the Feast of Pools
and Carnival. An „efemeral“ king and queen were elected for one day106
and the same kind of irregularities and reverse hierarchy were to be observed
which were described in relation to the two previously mentioned
holy days. The first information concerning the election of a Whitsun king
in Hungary comes from a letter dating to 1528, written by Janos Kallay
from Kompolt to Andras Bathory. In this letter, Ferdinand107 is called
rex pynkesthyensis several times:
1 03 Mikl6s Telegdi (1535-1586): Roman Catholic bishop, religious writer. He was born
to a family of serfs. Telegdi studied in Cracow. He played a major role in organizing
the counter reformation cultural center in the town of Nagyszombat (Trnava).
104 He also explains why bis opinion on carnival is so condescending: 6 reszegesec,
oh torkosoc, oh ti fassangosoc . . . . Gondollyatok meg, melt6e tinectec kartyat, htisartot,
vertelyetjatszanotok. (Ob you drunkards, oh greedy folks, oh you carnival people . … You
should think if it is worthy of you to play cards, hazards and dice.) (Dömötör: 88).
105 G. Heltai: A n!szegsegnek es tobz6dasnak veszedelmes voltar61 val6 dial6gus. Kolozsvar,
1552.
106 Bahtyin: 87.
107 This is a reference to the younger brother of Charles V, Ferdinand of Habsburg.
42
Ubi vero Eadem scribit ut omni die vellem Tegem elevare pynkesthyensem
. . . Ubi denique scribit dominatio Vestra ut in elevatione Regis
pynkesthyensis poterit in me cognoscere parva sapientia.108
Article 18 of the 1591 resolutions brought at the Csetnek synod is devoted
to the issue of Whitsun as weil:
In die Pentecostes de veteri more Reges creare, choreas ducere, ludos
exercere etiam quibuscunque prohibitum sit. „109
The „different world“ of these holy days was also manifested in the fact
that, for example, people jailed for smaller offenses in Buda were released
until the bell marking the end of festivities was rung, at which time they
were locked up again. 110
When games were under way, as much as during the previously mentioned
holy days, people exempted themselves from the laws and customs
of official life, preferring a cheerful world in which the rules were different
from those of everyday life. 1 1 1 In this way, an organic relationship
developed between games and holy days, beyond the fact that holy days
provided free time for play. 1 12
Gaiety and play was present in the church as well as secular celebrations
of other holy days as well. 1 13 This, however, did not by definition
mean the violation of medieval order. 1 14 Among the sources relevant to
108 Dömötör: 111. Since king Lewis II had no descendants, following his fall in the
battle at Mohacs, the country was left without a ruler. There were two candidates who
aspired to become the king of Hungary. One of them was Ferdinand of the Habsburg
dynasty (December 16, 1526 – July 25, 1564), the other was Janos Szapolyai (November
11, 1526- July 21, 1540). By calling Ferdinand a „Whitsun King“ the noblemen of
the Szapolyai Iobby wanted to refer to the incompetence of that pretender, suggesting
tha.t he could be elected only on a tempora.ry basis due to the expected victory of the
Szapolyai pa.rty.
109 Dömötör: 112.
1 10 Mollay 1959: 160 (article 306). The same was clone during yea.rly fairs.
1 1 1 J. Huizinga: Homo ludens. Amsterdam, 1939, 20 (referred to as Huizinga 1939).
1 1 2 The idea that there is an essential relationship between games and some of the
holy days (the suspension of everyday life is characteristic of both games and holy days,
the joyful atmosphere and clear definition of both time and space) occurred to Karoly
Kerenyi and Jan Huizinga as weil (Huizinga 1939: 35-36).
1 13 Bahtyin: 101.
1 14 These included Christmas, Easter, Corpus Christi Day, and St. John’s Day.
43
Hungary, only two reports have survived which discuss the celebrations on
Corpus Christi Day in Buda in 1501. 115 One of them was written by Tornmaso
Dainero, the envoy of Modena. The other source is a letter written
by a servant of Ruprecht Haller, a citizen of Buda.1 16 The Modena envoy
wrote the following in his report entitled La Festa del Corpus Domini, a
Buda:
Il di del Corpo de Christo, in signo de alegreza de la liga faeta, feee
Monsignor mio Reverendissimo, nanti a la easa de la sua habitatione,
ehe e su il eimiterio de la giesa magior, quando era reportata
la saeratissima Eueharestia ala prejata giesa, aeompagnata da la
maiestate del Re et da tuto il populo, 1 1 7 uno speetaeulo over representatione,
il eui subiecto era questo: fingeva, anzi intendo ehe fu il vero,
ehe stava una projetia, ehe alhora la jede Maumetana serebe destructa,
quando lareha de M aumeto ruinasse; mo dieono ehe la seata la pereosse
e feeela ruinare ne quello tempo ehe li Catholiei Re de Spagna
presono Granata. Hora, nanti la easa nostra, era fineta la Mosehea
de Maumeto, et dentro lareha sua, ehe stava pendula ne laere, et intorno
stava il Gran Tureho in genoehiono, eum una multitudine de
Bassa et altri Turehi. Eeeo apuneto, quando giunse ne dieto loeo
questa Mata eum la pmeessione, se spieo da alto uno gran raggio de
juoeho, in similitudine de uno fulgure, et pereosse la dieta areha, la
qual era eongegniata eum raggi, tal ehe bruso gran parte de epsa et
dieti Turehi eireustanti. Il residuo autem ehe resto, ehe non puote
1 15 The cult of Corpus Christi Day was soon supported in Hungary as weil. This day
is often used in the dating of charters as early as the late 13’h and early 14’h centuries
!1271 Kolozsvar (Cluj): quinta feria proxirna ante festurn SS. Corporis Christi;
1301 Nagyszeben (Sibiu): feria sexta post festurn SS. Corporis Christi; 1313 Nagyvarad
(Oradea): in festo Corporis Christi; 1315 Szekesfehervar: in quindenis festivitatis corporis
Christi] . Walloon merchants as weil as Connections of the Saxon settlers in Transylvania
with the Rbine region probably both played a role in the distribution of this
holy day in Hungary (S. Balint: Karacsony, husvet, pünkösd. Budapest, 1976, 347).
116 Ruprecht Haller was a member of the City Council between 1490 and 1513. He
was elected judge five times. A. Kubinyi: Budapest törtenete a kesöbbi közepkorban
Buda eiesteig (1541). In: Budapest törtenete II. Budapest, 1973, 140 (referred to as
Kubinyi).
1 1 7 The population of Buda and Pest was approximately 25,000 at the beginning of the
16’h century (Kubinyi: 134). The „covenant“ mentioned in the text must have been
the alliance among king Wladislaw, pope Alexander VI and Venice.
44
brusiare, fu da gran moltitudine de Ungari eireumstanti, ehe stavano
a vedere, assalita, eome da eani arabiati; et ehi li bateva eum legni,
ehi li gietava pietre, ehi eum mane, ehi eum denti li straeiava, tal
ehe de la Mosehea, areha et Turehi, non li resto peeeio de la quantita
de uno palmo. Era eossa ineredibile et de gran piaeere vedere eum
quanto impeto irruerano in quelli, quasi eome faeessene una lor gran
vendieta. 1 18
Di poi usei su uno tabernaeulo, molto bene ornato, uno vestito in
similitudine de Sibilla, qual, faeto signo de silentio, eum gran legiadria,
dixe eerte parole latine exponendo dieta profeetia in persona de questa
M ata ehe li stava presente. Ultra di questo era eongiegnata in megio
del piazale una fontana molto pulita, ehe tuto il giorno e la noete
sequente gieto uno optimo vino, Dia valesse ehe ala eapsa del iubileo
fusse stata la frequentia de le persone ehe era a quello vino, q􀌰wl eum
pinte, qual eum pignate, ehi eum lo proprio eapello et ehi eum la
boeha aperta, beato ehi ne poteva haver meglior parte. Non se vedeva
se non spingere urtarse et gietarse per adosso boehali e pentule. Non
118 Remains of a very important phenomenon in cultural history, the homoeopathic
magic, may be discovered in this part of the envoy’s report. The essence of this is that
an attempt is made to harm the enemy by destroying his effigy in the hope that the
real person will suffer as much as his representation, and once this latter is annihilated,
the enemy will die as weil (J. G. Frazer: The New Golden Bough. New York, 1959,
7-8). This kind of homoeopathic magic is known in the ancient history of almost
all peoples aud it is reasonably certain that shamans of the ancient Hungarians used
this method as weil. As was written in king St. Stephen’s I lawbook (around 1001):
Ut c1·eatura Dei ab omnium laesione malignorum remota, et a nullo detrimentum sui
passura maneat, nisi a Deo, a quo augmentatur, secundum decretum senatu.s statutimu.s
ad magni cautionem terroris veneficis et maleficis: ut nulla persona maleficio aut
veneficio quemquam hominum .subvertere a statu mentis, aut interficere audeat. Ast
si quis vel quae, posthac haec praesumpserit, tradatur in manus maleficio laesi aut in
manus parentum ejus, secundum eorum velle, ad judicandum. Si vero sortilegio utentes
invenirentur, ut faciunt in cinere et his similibus, ab episcopis fiagelli.s emendentur
[L. Zavodszky: A Szent Istvan, Szent Laszl6 es Kaiman korabeli törvenyek es zsinati
hatarozatok forrasai. Budapest, 1904, 43 (referred to as Zavodszky)J. The pagan roots
of this magic were long forgotten by the end of the Middle Ages. The sequence of events
presented here became part of the tableaux vivants, scenes and mystery plays, otherwise
it would not even have fit into the religious procession. On the other hand, the fact of
the performance itself shows that some kind of beliefs may be preserved, at least the
form of homoeopathic magic, which gave the essence of the whole performance.
45
fu mai la magior festa. Molti ebrii stravachati li dormevano acercha,
in similitudine de quelli custodi del monumento de Christo, multi presi
per mane e pedi, erane portati ale case lor. E cossa stupenda il piacere
se detono tuto quello giorno. Agiungeva ale lor rixe, ehe dale
fenestre nostre tutavia quando li era mai magior calcha, erane gietati
giu caponi, papari, et pizoni, dove li concorreva tanti a pigliarli ehe
erane discerpti in cente parte, uno non se ne haveva integro.119 Et
questo basti pur tropo de la predicta festa.120
(On Corpus Christi Day a spectacle was performed in front of Monsignore’s
house, which stands beside the graveyard of Our Lady’s main
church, a sign of the joy over the covenant; after the Holy Sacrament
had been taken back to the aforesaid church, His Majesty the King
and the whole people attended in this spectacle, whose subject was the
following: according to an ancient prophesy the Moslem faith would
only disappear if Mohammed’s coffin were to be destroyed; but it has
been said that when the Catholic Kings of Spain took Granada it was
struck by lightning, and was destroyed. This was performed in the
following manner: A painting of Mohammed’s mosque was set up in
front of our house, with his coffin hanging inside that mosque, and
the Sultan, countless pashas and other Thrks surrounding it. And
when His Majesty and the procession reached the aforesaid place a
huge fiame of fire struck the coffin, as if a lightning, setting it ablaze.
And that which did not burn was then attacked by a huge crowd of
Hungarians, pouncing on it as a rabid dog, and destroying it with
sticks and stones, even with their teeth, so that only a handful of
ashes remained of the coffin and of the Thrks. It was most unbelievable
and a most joyous spectacle to see how wildly they charged, as if
to take revenge. Then there appeared a lavishly ornamented taberna-
119 The event described as the clima.x of festivities, that is throwing live poultry among
the mob, clearly illustrates the nature of medieval animal games which were rather
rough, to say the least. During this holy day music was provided by the city musicians.
The Buda law book prescribed that these musicians had to gather in front of Our Lady’s
church on Corpus Christi Day and perform there. Should a musician absent himself,
he was banned from entering the city for a whole year. Mollay 1959: 124, article 184.
Using French and Spanish examples, Bahtyin also concluded that Corpus Christi Day
was a feast strikingly similar to the celebration of carnival.
120 Descrizione dell’Ungheria nei secoli XV et XVI. Edita nell’occasione del Congresso
geografico internazianale a Venezia. Septerobre 1881. Budapest, 1881, 16-17.
46
cle, with a person dressed as a Sibyl, who begged for quiet and then
began to speak eloquently in Latin, explaining the meaning of the
prophesy to His Majesty. A very pretty fountain stood in the middle
of the main square, from which flowed excellent wines the whole day
through. Would God gTant that there were as many pilgrims on the
jubilee pilgrimage, as there were people thronging around this wine,
from which they drew with hats, cups and jugs, some only drinking
with their hands, and all who drew near were most happy. You could
see nought else but thronging, swarming, teeming crowd, which truly
threw itself upon the cups and jugs. Never in my life before have I seen
such joyous festivity . A nurober of drunks lay on the ground, akin to
the guards who guarded Christ’s grave. Many of these then had to be
dragged home by their hands and feet . The countless pleasures which
we enjoyed was truly wonderful. But the crown of the festivity was
yet to come. The thronging was heightened by that when the crowd
was its thickest, cocks, ducks and pigeons showered from above. All
endeavoured to catch them and tear them apart. Let this suffice, I
have perhaps already spoken too much of the aforesaid festivity.)
The other source reported the following:
Jtem an vnnsers lieben herren fronleychnams tag ist ain grosser Triumpff
cz-a Ofen gewesen. Zum ersten hat der Cardinal Petrus auff
vnser lieben frawen freythof ain saul auff lassen seczen; vnnd auff die
saul eyn vesten; vnd auff die vesten eynen geharnaschten enngel dem
ist durch den mund wein außgangen rot vnd weiß so lanng vnnd die
procession geweret hat. 121 Auch ist gemacht gewesen eyn grab darun-
121 Church dances and cemetery festivities banned and vehemently persecuted by the
church stubbornly survived throughout the Middle Ages. Their origins may be traced
back to Greek and Roman cultic tradition, but they may even have preserved ancient
rites of other peoples (P. Morvay: A templomkertben, temetöben es halotti toron
tancolas, s a halottasjatek nepszokasahoz. In: Ethnographia 1951, 73-74). One may
reckon with such rites in the case of the ancient Hungarians as weil. Since their pagan
roots were very obvious, the 1279 Buda synod brought the following resolution:
Prohibeant etiam Sacerdotes sub poena excommunicationis choreas in Cimiteriis, vel
in Ecclesiis duci, quia, ut ait Augustinus melius est festivis diebus fodere, vel arare
quam choreas ducere (Battyan: 445). This information may be seen as the legalization
of certain subversive and outlawed deeds by the church on Corpus Christi Day. In fact,
the church not only tolerated but in a way supported activities during the holy days
which would normally have led to the excommunication of its members.
47
der drey Türgken; vnd ist das grab Machometi gehangen frey auff dem
freythof in der höhe; darumb gemacht vil instrument auff welliche mit
pulfer als püchssen. Vnd so der Cardinal mit vnnsers herren fronleichnam
fürgienge: do war·d das grab Machometi ganncz erknischt
vnnd zerfallen vor aller menigklich.
Jtem die Venedig er auff irem tail haben auch gemacht eyn seul darauf
ain lewen; darauß ist auch wein gerunnen so lang die procession hat
geweret von moryens biß auff den mittag. Auch so habenn sy gemachet
eyn prugk vor irer herberg von leinwat.
Jtem die Venediger haben gemacht zwo galeen auf zwayen wagen: auff
ainer galea die Türgken: auff der andern die Cristen; die filren hinein
für das schloß bey dem Senat; vnd stritten gegeneynander vor der
künigklichen mayestat vor der vesper da was eyn groß auffsehen. Jtem
darnach waren vnder dem schloß gestellt sechßvnddreyssig haubtstuck
von püchssen davon ließ man abgeen dreyvnddreyssig.
Jtem darnach gar z11. nacht wurden gemacht freüden feür; vnnd gesungen,
Te deum laudamus, vnd in allen kirchen wurden die glogken
geleüt; vnd was yederman frölich.
Jtem zil dem allerleisten gang auf die nacht do ließ der Cardinal
zil vnser lieben frawen in dem pfarrhol in alle venster vnd auch auff die
zynnen der zwayer thüren in dem pfarrhol vil der lateren mit liechten
seczenn die milßten prinnen die ganncze nacht. Diser Triumpff ist
geschehen an vnsers lieben herren fronleichnams tag got czil lob vnnd
der heyligen m1lter der cristenlichenn kirchen zil eren.
Jtem ewer vest veißs zil morgens fru darnach fraget ich R1lprechten
haller z1l Ofen der dann mein herr vndt wirdt ist: warumb die freüden
feür gemacht worden waren an dem vergangen heyligen tag. Da sagt
herr Jorg bisehoff cz1l Vesperin dem haller meinem wirdt: das der
künigklichen mayestat zil Vngern an dem tag vnsers lieben herren fronleichnams
tag ain gewisse botschafft ware kummen auß der Türgkey:
das der Soldan dem Türgken het nydergelegt bey den LV tausent Türgken
vnd das ist warlieh geschehen: so hab ich das auch selbs auß des
bischoffs mund gehöret: do ich mit dem haller zil jm gieng.122
122 This letter is kept in the National Szechenyi Library under the title: Apponyi
Hungarica 62. The correspondent gives a more moderate account of the events than
Daneiro. Even this way, however, a colorful picture of Corpus Christi Day is presented.
Tournaments were held, cannons fired, the bells rang, people partied in the cemetery
48
(Corpus Christi Day was a day of great celebration in Buda. First,
Cardinal Peter had a column erected in the churchyard of Our Lady
church. On top of this column stood a small castle and an angel in
armor. From the mouth of this angel, red and white wine poured as
long as the procession lasted. A grave was also prepared with three
Turks in it, while Mohammed’s coffin hung free at a height. Around it
a number of military instruments were placed loaded with gun powder.
And when the Cardinal passed in front of it with the Holy Eucharist,
Mohammed ’s coffin was crushed and fell apart in front of the very
eyes of the people present.
The Venetians erected a column on their own behalf as well with a
lion on its top. The mouth of this beast spilled wine as well so long as
the procession lasted from the morning until noon. In front of their
quarters, however, they built a bridge out of canvas.
The Venetians also mounted two galleys on two wagons. One of these
galleys was for the Turks, the other for the Christians. They were
driven to the council in front of the castle where they fought with
each other in front of His Majesty the King. This attracted great
attention.
Thirty-six large cannons were installed under the castle: thirty-three
of them were fired.
At night, bonfires were lit and people sang the Te Deum laudamus,
bells were rung in all the churches and everybody was very happy.
Finally, at night, the cardinal had lamps placed in all windows of the
rectory and on the sills of both church towers. These lamps were left
burning throughout the night. This feast on Corpus Christi Day was
organized in order to honor God and the Holy Mother of the Christian
church.
Do you know that the next morning I asked Rupert Haller of Buda,
my master, why the bonfires had been lit on the preceding holy day?
Well, George, the Bishop of Veszprem told Haller, my master, that on
and naturally a stream of wine highlighted the events. Although it is only indirectly
relevant to the games, it is worth mentioning that the account-book of the Polish prince
Sigismund makes no reference of any kind to what special events might have taken place
in Buda on Corpus Christi Day in 1501. On that day, the prince paid the singer who
performed during lunchtime, bought rose petals to fill his pillow, cheekbits for his horses
and iron nails. He gambled only the day after (Diveky: 1 11-1 12).
49
Corpus Christi Day, His Majesty the King received a message from
Thrkey. The Thrkish Sultan said he would withdraw some 55,000
thousand Thrks, and it happened so. I heard this myself straight
from the Bishop’s mouth when I went to him with Haller.)
This chapter was not intended to give the impression that feasts which are
formed of the composite systems of religious, mundane and ethnographic
tradition, should be treated as play opportunities alone. It is important
to point out, however, that play also had a place in these multi-faceted
systems depending on the actual nature of the holy day. 123
In relation to Hungarian holy days, it is also worth mentioning that although
Article 38 of the first law book by king St. Ladislaus listed only 32
holy days124 , the nurober of such days had almost doubled by the second
half of the Middle Ages. As many as 51 holy days were identified during
the 1450 Esztergom synod.125 This means that almost all 52 weeks of the
year contained one of the 5 1 holy days as well, even if the distribution of
123 Not even Lent went without playfulness. Rabelais, for example, describes a game
which is still played in Dauphine. The person who first says „The fast has nicely
passed“ to bis companion following Lent wins (F. Rabelais: Gargantua. Hungarian
translation: K. Kemeny. Budapest, 1936, 156, referred to as Gargantua). In Hungarian
ethnography mancsozas (pawing), that is hitting a wooden ball with a wooden stick
(Gy. Ortutay, ed., Magyar neprajzi Iexikon. Budapest, 1977, III, 515, referred to as
Neprajzi Iexikon), is considered a Lenten game which was most fashionable in the !poly
region and Örhalom (A. Dorner: A „mancsozas“ . In: Neprajzi Ertesitö 1912, 195).
However, there is a record known from Felegyhaza in the Great Hungarian Plain dating
to 1767, which shows that the playing of this game was not limited to fast days in other
parts of the country: A Leg közelebb mult juniusanak 10. napjan Kun St. Martonban
es a 9.-a julij Halas Varossaban tartott gyülesen az Mancsal es karikaval vala jatek eil
tilalmaztatott olly büntetes alatt, hogy az legenyek totiesquoties 24 ptilcztit, az gyermek
pedig 12 korbdcsot szenvedgyenek. (In the nearest past, meetings held on the IO’h
of June in the town of Kun St. Marton, and on the 3’d of July in the town of Halas
banned playing with „paws“ and rings. Lads found guilty of playing these games should
be punished by altogether 24 blows with a stick while children should be whipped 12
times) (Felegyh<iza, 1767, Prot. Curr. 77 /1; I. Ta.Iasi: Mancsozas az Alföldön. In: Neprajzi
Ertesitö 1937, 208).
124 Zavodszky 79. In addition to the 32 holy days the following was added: .. . et
unaqueque parochia suum patronum et dedicacionem ecclesie celebret. This means that
if this day did not coincide with one of the 32 holy days, it must be reckoned with
separately.
125 Battyan: 491.
50
these days was uneven. Including the 52 Sundays, this meant a considerable
amount of free time, in spite of the occassional overlaps between
Sundays and other holy days. When special holy days of local significance
are taken into consideration as well, 126 in addition to the fact that the opportunities
for work as well as celebration were vastly reduced during the
winter months, at least 100 days when the people of the Middle Ages were
not allowed or simply were not able to work must be reckoned with. 127
The repertoire of medieval pastimes was relatively poor in comparison
with this plethora of free time. Consequently, games and other forms of
entertainment (which were not time bound) must have played a significant
role during empty hours. The next chapter will discuss what games were
played at such occasions, and the contribution of the archaeological record
to our topic.
126 In Buda, for example, the king’s arrival in town (Mollay 1959: 61) as weil as the
inauguration and retirement of public offleials were special holy days (Mollay 1959: 74).
127 In this case, 100 is an approximate, rounded value. Positive and negative deviations
from tbis value may have been possible. The number of holy days and the availability of
free time were influenced by, for example, wars or epidernics. However, some festivities
were celebrated in spite of the often anarchic conditions. As was recorded in the Löcse
(Levoca) chronicle of February 7, 1627: Vmb fasznacht hatt mann ausz permisz des
Neüen Herrn Richtersz vnd der Jungen herrn vnzeitigen erkändtnusz, vngeacht de1·
trübseligen Zeit und der grossen gefahr darinnen wier gesteckt abgestochen beydes auf!
den Platz, vnd vor desz Herrn Richtersz hausz. Gott wolle die arme Stadt, solche
vppigkeit nicht lassen entgelten, sondern seinen grimmigen Zorn vnd wohl verdinten
Stmffen noch ferner gnädiglich von vnsz sämtlichen abwenden (Hain Gaspar löcsei
kronikaja. Löcse, 1910-1913, 182-183).
(Around carnival time, witb the permission of the Judge and following the untimely
decision of the young gentlemen, we celebrated on the market square in front of the
magistrate’s house, regardless of the sad times and the great danger we lived in. God
should not take umbrage at tbis sumptuousness in our poor town, but should turn bis
anger away from all of us mercifully) .
51
Artifactual Material
Chess
Chess was introduced in Europe by Arabian and Viking mediation. Sirnilady
to other forrns of playing, this garne was persecuted by the church
at the beginning. This position, however, changed when chesspieces were
renarned after representatives of the social hierarchy, thereby reßecting the
feudal order of those days. 128 This game became truly popular following
the Crusades, 129 especially arnong rnembers of the upper classes where
ladics and gentlernen equally played chess. Knowledge of this garne was
less characteristic of the lower classes.
The fact that chess was widespread in Hungary is clearly shown by the
fact that in the 1429-1437 inventory of goods of the Veszprern Chaplain
the terrn ad modum seatorum is used as an identification of squared patterns.
130 Similarly to several countries in Europe, chesspieces in Hungary
followed the Arabian type and its variants. Figured chesspieces, which are
considered a rarity, have not yet been found in Hungary. Altogether six
archaeological chesspieces are known. These were brought to light during
the course of excavations at Visegrad, Diosgyör, Nagyvazsony and Pozsony
(Bratislava).
The chesspiece found in the lower castle at Visegnid (fig. Il.5), which
according to the inventory book dates to the 1 5th century, is a representative
of the classical Arabian type with no special variation or individual
128 A. Vidmanova: Die mittelalterliche Gesellschaft im Lichte des Schachspiels. In:
A. Zimmermann, ed., Soziale Ordnungen im Selbstverständnis des Mittelalters 1 (Miscellanea
Medievalia 12/1) Berlin-New York, 1973, 322-335.
129 The Secular Spirit: Life and Art at the End of the Middle Ages. New York, 1975,
210 (referred to as Secular Spirit).
130 H. Horvath: Zsigmond kiraly es kora. Budapest, 1937, 61.
52
characteristics. It is 4,4 cm tall with a conical body broadest at the bottom.
A smaller, usually triangular bit, is attached to the narrow top of
this cone. This form is characteristic of the knight in chess sets of Arabian
type. Since this particular archaeological find follows the Arabian shape
of knight with no particular features, many similar pieces may be found
both in other artifactual assemblages abroad and on coeval depictions of
the game.
The chesspiece brought to light during the course of excavations at
Di6sgyör castle (fig. II.4) was found among the remains of the palisade
which defended the western curtain of the Sigismund period fort. The
archaeological context was dated to the end of the 14th century. 131 This
specimen was made out of red deer antler and represents a widespread
variety of bishop in Arabian type chess sets. The body of this piece is
segmented into three parts, while the top of it is carved into a two pronged
fork. The height of this artifact is 2,8 cm, its base diameter is 1 ,6 cm.
The three chesspieces found at Nagyvazsony (fig. 1 1 . 1 , 2, 3) were carved
out of red deer antler as well. They were recovered from a layer of refuse
that has been dated to the second half of the 16th century but which
contained material from the end of the 15th century as well.132 One may
assume that these pieces belonged to two different sets, since one of them,
probably a rook (fig. Il.1), is rather different from the two others.133 The
position within the set is less obvious in the case of the two latter chesspieces
due to the lack of unambiguous analogies.
A chesspiece found in Pozsony (Bratislava) is known from the Slovakian
literature. It was carved out of wood. This piece dates to the
15th_ 16th centmies 134 and represents a new stylistic generation of chesspicces
which replaced the Arabian type commonly used throughout the
Middle Ages.
131 I. Sz. Czegh􀊼dy: Közepkori sakkfigura. es sakka.szta.l a di6sgyöri varb61. In: Magyar
sakkelet XV (1965) 97, 1 1 3 (referred to a.s Czegledy 1965).
132 These were found in the northwestern coruer of the corridor tha.t surrounded the
palace (M. G. Sandor: Közepkori sakkfigurak a nagyvazsonyi varb61. In: Folia Archaeologia
1960, 249-251).
133 The chess piece shown in fig. 11.1 has been identified as a rook by other researchers
too (Endrei- Zolnay: 68).
134 B. Polla: Mittelalterliche Holzfunde aus der Grabung Bratislava- Brücke. In:
Zbornik Slovenskeho Narodneho Muzea. Historia 14 (1974) 173.
53
During the evaluation of these chesspieces it became apparent that a
dating of them based on stylistic features was unacceptable, since a number
of variants existed even within the same period. In addition, these forms
frequently survived, or sometimes reappeared depending on fashion or for
other reasons. Regardless of historical age or country similar forms may
have developed even after centuries, thus it is not at all surprising that,
for example, chesspieces in a 12th_14th century Novgorod set135 are to a
large extent similar to those of a French set made in 1 792. 136 The age of a
chesspiece, therefore, must be determined on the basis of the archaeological
layer in which it was found, regardless of its actual stylistic characteristics.
Chessboards are found during archaeological excavations even less frequently,
since far fewer boards were necessary for this game than chesspieces.
The manufacturing of these objects is mentioned by Pelbartus de
Themeswar who speaks of those . . . qui faciunt taxillos et tabulas schacorum:
alearum et huismodi scienter ad abusum.137 The possibili ty may not
be ruled out that craftsmen in charge of repairing the chessboard of the
Polish prince Sigismund, also manufactured new ones. 138 In spite of the
relatively frequent written references, fragments of only one chess table are
known. It was recovered from a 15th century destruction layer by a pillar
in the small gatetower along the southern curtain of the Di6sgyör fort. 139
Five cm long squares incised into a red marble plate alternate with similar
squares left on the stone’s original surface. One may hypothesize that
the engraved squares originally were filled with another kind of material,
different in color. Various incisions, names and numbers may be found on
the marble surface framing the squares. Since, however, the condition of
this find was exacerbated by burning, in the present state of preservation
only the names Chanad (Cenad) and Bornemisza may be spelled out.140
The evidence of the chessboard and chesspieces, tagether with data
135 The Novgorod specimen is published: Drevnij Novgorod. Moscow, 1985, 33 (referred
to as Novgorod).
136 Hans and Siegtried Wichman: Schach. 1960, 48. These are the same chesspieces
that were cited in the Encyc/opedie Methodique (Paris, 1792).
137 Pelbartus de Themeswar 1516, pars aestivalis, sermon 20.
138 See note 63.
139 Czegh􀒃dy 1965: 113.
140 I. Czegledy: A di6sgyöri var feltarasa, Ph. D. dissertation. Budapest, 1980, 133-
134.
54
from written sources allow us to conclude that there was a significant chess
culture in medieval Hungary.
2
6
Figure II
55
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c
Backgammon
During the analysis of written sources it has already been noted that the
moral condemnation of backgarnman actually stopped no one fr om playing
it. The popularity of this pastime is especially well illustrated by the inform
ation provided in the Szekelyudvarhely Codex. 14 1 An additional sign
of this game’s popularity is that people playing backgammon were depicted
on a bone saddle carving as well. 142 Boards necessary for this game
were produced in a variety of forms. Poorer people had it made from
wood, while more precious raw materials were used in the manufacturing
of boards for the rich.1 43 Such pieces are found but infrequently during
the course of excavations, although six triangular bone plates with
incised foliage decorations from the 15th_17th centuries material of the
Fülek ( Filakovo ) castle may, in all probability, have formed the fields of a
backgarnman board. 144 These artifacts are uniform both in terms of size
and decoration, and their shape unambiguously corresponds to the pattern
dividing backgammon boards. 1 45
The tremendous contradiction between the relative frequency of references
to this game in the written sources and the single archaeological find
related to it clearly exemplifies the difference between the importance of
games in medieval times and the actual material evidence usually available
to researchers.
There are, however, two types of artifacts which are found relatively
often. Although their use should not be exclusively associated with back-
1 41 See note 34.
1 42 This artifact was published in Endr ei- Zolnay: 38. The saddle may be seen in the
Hungarian National Museum, inventory nurober 55.3118. It is dated to the beginning
of the 15’h century.
143 For example, an ivory backgammon board was inventorized among Mk6czi’s movable
goods presented in Szinna by llona Zrinyi, the wife of Imre Thököly. Radvinszky:
II, 387.
1 44 J. Kalmar: A füleki (Filakovo) vir 15-17. szizadi müemlekei. In: Regeszeti Füzetek
4 (1959) 19 (referred to as Kalmar 1959).
14 5 These artifacts have been republished in the Slovakian Iiterature as parts of a
cross-bow. (M. Slivka: Mittelalterliche Erzeugnisse aus Bein und Horn in der Slovakei.
In: Archaeologica Historica 1983, 345; referred to as Slivka). Neither fun ctional parts
nor the inlay of a cross-bow should exclusively Look this way. The author gave no
explanation for his interpretation.
56
gammon, they may well serve as evidence of this game. Such ohjects
include garning discs and dice.
Gaming discs
Rounded sherds, hroken from the walls of vessels or from roof tiles, are
often found during the course of excavations. Of these artifacts, one may
hypothesize that those which had incised patterns on them may have functioned
as gaming pieces. In the case of undecorated discs this assumption
is less justified. In Hungary, decorated discs made out of tile fragments
were hrought to light in a cradled shaft adjoining the 13th century wall of
the Buda castle. A drawing of an eight and a nine spoke wheel respectively,
decorated the two sides of this artifact (fig. II.6ahc). 146
Varieties of hone discs with figured and geometric patterns are known
as well. Representatives of the figured group first appeared in the area of
Germany during the 1 1th century. 147 Usually, only one of their sides was
decorated, 148 so that hone discs with carving on hoth sides are regarded
as ra.rities. 149 Although severa.l hundred figured pieces are known in Europe,
150 no similar pieces have yet heen discovered in Hungary. On the
other band, discs with a geometrical design are known from here as well:
incised patterns enclosed hy two circles may he ohserved on a 1 6th century
antler ohject. This artifact was found in the southernmost room of the
three room living quarters excavated outside the fortification wall of the
church in Ecser.151
No medieval wooden playing discs are known from Hungary. Indirect
evidence, however, is provided in the previously mentioned written
source from 1494 which mentions ligna ad okch in sacculo (wooden pieces
146 L. Zolnay: Az elatkozott Buda – Buda aranykora. Budapest, 1982, 436.
147 B. Scholkmann: Burg Baldenstein. Das Alte Schloß bei Gemmartigen. 1982, 40
(referred to as Scholkmann).
148 Scholkmann: 41.
149 Scholkmann: 40.
150 Such pieces were even used as late as the 16’h century (G. Himmelsheber: Spiele.
1972, 59-60).
151 I. Sz. Czegledy-T. Koppany: A közepkori Ecser falu temploma. In: Archeologiai
Ertesitö 1964, 54.
57
for backgammon in a bag). Comenius152 also mentions this game saying
Szerencsevel es mesterseggel jadzanak rovatolt jakkal az ostablrin (they
play with grooved wooden pieces luckily and with ski11) . 153
The manufacturing of medaillons (serving both as game pieces and
souvenirs) depicting the portraits of kings, noblerneu and rieb citizens became
fashionable from the 15th century onwards, especially in the territory
of Germany. Many of these were made out of wood, but more noble stones
were used for the same purpose as well.154 Medieval examples of this type,
however, have not yet been reported from Hungary although several such
pieces are known from later periods.
Dice
The carliest bone die in Hungary155 is dated to the 1 3th century. 156 With
the exception of one piece (fig. 111.8), subsequent specimens all belong
to the cubic type (fig. III. l-7) which was widespread from France157 to
Novgorod158 and is based on the „septimal“ system which means that the
sum of dots marked on opposing sides of the cube is always 7. The size
of the smallest die is 0,5 cm. Dice were made with both straight and
concave edges and they came to light at major feudal centers and towns
(Esztergom, Visegrad, Buda). The sources of origin are similar for 14
pieces knO\“‚ll from the northern part of medieval Hungary (Slovakia) .159
152 Johannes Comenius ( 1592-1670): Bohemian pedagogue and writer. He was invited
by Zsuzsanna Lorantffy to teach at the Sarospatak School between 1650 and 1654.
He also reorganized that institution, where he wrote a pioneering handbook on visual
education titled Orbis sensualium pictus.
153 Comenius: Orbis sensualium pictus. A lathat6 vihig. Budapest, 1959, 246 (referred
to as Comenius). This book was published following the 1669 version. However, the
first publication took place in 1658.
154 Secular Spirit: 213.
155 Although such pieces were made from wood as weil, this fact is known only from
written sources (see note 66).
156 This piece was found in Buda.
1 57 Aspects de la vie au Moyen-Age et a la Renaissance. Strasbourg, 1973 (referred to
as Aspects). Specimens from the 13’h-14’h centuries were published.
1 58 Novgorod: 101. Dated to the 11th century.
159 Slivka: 345.
58
The manufacturing of these pieces may he reconstructed on the hasis
of material found in a hone manufacturing workshop in Erfurt dated
to the second half of the 13th and the first half of the 14th century.160
Similarly important evidence on the making of dice comes from the 14th_
15th centuries layer of refuse recovered from a hone working workshop in
Visegnl.d. 161 The production of rosaries seems to have heen the main profile
of the Visegnid estahlishment: Several thousands of hone plates were
found as hy-products of head making. Three-pronged drills used in the
turning of these heads were recovered as well. 162 On the other hand, a
numher of carved hone rods with square cross-sections were also found
which represent the half product in the making of these dice.163 The dots
were drilled with two kinds of drills. 164
In addition to specimens of a regular, cuhic shape, dice in other forms
were used as well. A fragment from a prohably hexagonal die, hollow
inside, and characterized by rounded short ends as weil as an oblong side
was reported as a 1 5th_ 16th century stray find from Buda (fig. 111.8). Dice
of various shapes are depicted in one of the tables of the book hy Alfons
the Wise entitled Juegos diversos de Axedres, dados y tablas published
in 1283. The Buda specimen may belong to the same stylistic sphere.165
Some dice which were used had no drilled dots on their surface but rather
letters or words engraved in their sides. Rahelais, for example, mentions
160 H. J. Barthel- H. Stecher- W. Timpel: Eine mittelalterliche Produktionstätte für
KnochenspielwürfeL In: Alt-Thüringen 1979, 137-170 (referred to as Alt-Thüringen)
Another dice making workshop was discovered in Göttingen which is coeval with the
Erfurt workshop (S. Schütte: Das Haus eines mittelalterlichen Knochenschnitzers an
der Johannisstraße in Göttingen. In: Göttinger Jahrbuch 1978, 62).
161 P. Gr6f: Rozsafüzer es jatekkocka. In: Elet es Tudomany 1988, February 12, No. 7,
196 (referred to as Gr6f).
162 Unfortunately, the workshop itself was not found, only the pertinent refuse deposit.
This, however, contained tool- and knife handles as well as awls and a cross-bow toggle
(Gr6f: 197). The composition of this material is also interesting because it shows that
in this workshop sacred objects of the religious life were produced along with games
condemned to bonfires by the church itself.
163 Similar, elongated hone sticks were found in the Erfurt workshop as well (AltThüringen:
157).
164 The use of these two kinds of drills may be observed on specimens from Germany
as well (Alt-Thüringen: 162).
165 Endrei- Zolnay: Picture XX.
59
such a speciroen, and similar pieces were brought to light during the course
of excavations in Göttingen. 166 These all show that one roust reckon witb
a great variety of garoes that were played with dice in the Middle Ages.
When side nurober one across from side nurober six on a coromonly
used cubic die was leaded, a fi..“Xed die was obtained which usually fell on
its heaviest surface resulting in a greater probability of scoring six. 167 This
is why the weigbt of dice roade a difference: soroetiroes it was even verified
by weighing before a game started.
The dice were shaken roost often in a wooden cup or in a hard leather
dish sewn into the same shape. But, in the case of soldiers garobling for
the clothes of Christ in a miniature of the Anjou Legendary, 168 in the
absence of such iropleroents, dice were shaken and cast using the bare
hands (fig. IV).1 69
Another piece of written inforroation to be included to the previously
cited sources is a report on the conviction of Peter Czetswasser, a citizen
of the town of Pozsony (Bratislava), in 1404. Czetswasser was an infamous
dice garobler in the town, who cheated several of its citizens in cooperation
with his partners in criroe. When the gang was tracked down by the City
Council, most of the accoroplices were sentenced to death. Czetswasser,
166 S. Schütte: Spielen und Spielzeug in der Stadt des späten Mittelalters. In: Aus
dem Alltag der mittelalterlichen Stadt. 1984, 207 (referred to as Schütte 1984).
167 A reference to loaded dice was made by Villon in his work entitled Le Grand
Testament (Budapest, 1963, 166). He bequeathed three such fixed dice ( Trois dez
plombez, de bonne quarre) to Pernet de la Barre, a Moral Inspector, who was a renowned
gambler as well. The City Magistrate of Selmecbanya (Banska Stiavnica) must have
been suspicious about such machinations as well. In 1592, a petition for a public,
professional gambling place was filed since this body decided that people who scored
54 after casting three dice three tim es in row should not be allowed to play. N amely,
the occurrence of three identical combinations in a sequence is so rare that it could not
happen without cheating (Demko: 195).
1 68 Dated to the 14’h century. This book belonged to Andrew, the son of king Charles
Robert.
169 Magyar Anjou Legendarium. Budapest, 1973, picture 69. On paintings showing the
Crucifixion of Christ, dice were often depicted in addition to the instruments of torture.
According to tradition, dice were used by the guards when they gambled for his clothes.
Such dice may also be seen in another picture of the Anjou Legendary (fig. V) and in a
miniature from a Franciscan mass-book which king Mattbias had prepared for a monk
who went on a mission abroad. This latter manuscript was illuminated in Vienna
(figs. VI-VII; see Bibliotheca Corviniana. Budapest, 1967, 64).
60
however, who had married into a family of good repute, was pardoned. 1 70
He immediately carried on with his evil craft robbing people in various inns
after having persuaded them to play with him. Finally, the City Council
had enough and brought a new sentence. They decided that Czetswasscr
should be exiled from Pozsony (Bratislava) and its three mile surroundings
for 101 years. Should he have violated this resolution during the defined
period, he would have been captured and beheaded. 171
This story illustrates nicely, how widesprcad gambling with dice was
in Hungary. On the one hand, as mentioned in the text, there were many
people to be cheated. On the other hand, it is also documented that this
form of gambling was pursued on a large scale by tricksters organized into
gangs. The broad distribution of this game is also indicated by data from
the already cited resolutions of the Buda synod in 1279 and other law
books. Thus, it is perhaps no accident that the earliest known depiction
of a game in Hungary shows dice: These were carved into the head of
one of the halfpillars surrounding the mainchoir in the early 1 3th century
Benedictine abbey at Vertesszentkereszt (fig. VIII). 172
170 The degree of punishment not only depended on personal connections. As is shown
by the law books, it was also influenced by the legal status of the „offen der“.
171 Demk6: 196. The charter containing the description of this event is kept in the
City Archives of Pozsony (Bratislava), Prot. act. 18 (published by Malyusz: II/I 419).
172 E. I<ozak: A vertesszentkereszti romankori templom feltarasa. In: Archeol6giai
Ertesitö 1970, 277. The size of this Iimestone carving is 32,6 x45 x 28 cm. Parallels
to the juggler depicted here are known from early and mid 12’h century in Western
Europe. The motif, however, occurred only later in Hungary (Kozak: 277-279).
6 1
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66
Tokens
The age of square-shaped hone plates marked by various numbers of circles
found at Buda (fig. IX.1-10), Visegnid and Somogyvar may be placed
to between the end of the 13th and the 15th century. 173 Their main dimensions
vary between 2 and 4 cm while their thickness never exceeds
1 cm. There are no written sources mentioning such pieces in Hungary
and no pictorial representations are known either. Consequently, the role
of these artifacts is impossible to identify unambiguously. However, with
rcasonable probability, they functioned as tokens.
As is well known, the church condemned and denounced gamblers. At
the same time, however, gambling was one of the most popular pastimes.
Thus, all those who wanted to obey the moral requirements set by the
church but loved gambling as well were forced to find a compromise of one
sort or another. One such possibility is described in the autobiography of
Miklos Bethlen (1642-1716). Although this is a relatively late source, the
thus described situation should not be considered a new one. Bethlen was
invited to play cards with his company. However, he should have turned
this offer down since his pledge barred him from gambling for money. The
problern was solved by taking a bag of copper coins along. Each of the
participants werc given a handful of them, but at the end of the game both
winners and losers put the coins back into the bag.174
The possibility should not be ruled out that the hone plates under
discussion here were used as tokens to replace money. The circular patterns
incised on their surfaces may have represented winning numbers or stood
for a symbolic value to be accounted for at the end of the game. This
possibility may be indirectly supported by the fact that one of these plates
was found during the excavation of the Benedictine abbey at Somogyvar.
173 The age of the Somogyvar specimen is not known. Published by K. Bakay: Jelentes
a somogyvari bences apatsag feltarasarol. In: Somogyi Mtizeumok I<özlemenyei 1975,
195 (rcferred to as Bakay 1975).
174 Cited by Radvanszky: I, 423.
67
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A
9
B
5 cm
Nine-men ’s morris
This game was a favorite throughout classical times and was not forgotten
in the Middle Ages either. Its popularity may have originated in the simplicity
of its rules and by the fact that its scheme was easily drawn even
into the sand, if no other medium was available. The procurement of game
pieces (for example pebbles) was similarly simple. It is no surprise, therefore,
that nine-men’s morris may even be found among the games played
by the lower classes both in villages and major feudal centers. Usually,
schemes incised into stone or bricks survived (figs. X-XIII). Although the
basic patterns of this game must have been frequently carved into wood
as weil, such surviving pieces count as rarities.175 The earliest Hungarian
nine-men’s morris [in Hungarian malom (mill)] game is known from the
1 1th century (Kardoskut176 , Somogyvar177).
The thought inevitably arises that if this game was widespread as
early as the 1 1th century; it may have entertairred the common people as
well. The scheme of the Kardoskilt nine-men’s morris was incised into the
clay of the brick before firing. 178 Due to the early appearancc of this game
one may speculate that it was learned by the conquering Hungarians on
their way from the east and thus introduced into the Carpathian basin.
175 This form is absolutely unknown in Hungary, however, the outline of the game
was carved into a piece of wood found in Norway as mentioned by G. F. PoljakovaM.
V. Fechner: Mühlespiel in der alten Rus. In: Sloveuska Archaeologia XXI/2 (1973)
444. A lO’h century specimen was found near Sanderfjord (R. C. Bell: Board and Tablc
Games. London, 1969, 93; referred to as Bell). English records from the 14’h century
also bear witness of schemes for the game carved into chairs in monasteries (Bell: 92).
176 I. Meri: Arpad-kori nepi epitkezesünk feltart emlekei Oroshaza hataraban. In:
Regeszeti füzetek 12 ( 1964) 7. The brick into which this scheme bad been carved, was
recovered from the wall of a church which was built not later than the beginning of the
13’h century. Originally, however, it was prepared and used during the construction of
an earlier church which was erected at the same spot around the end of the 1 1 th century.
1 77 K. Bakay: A magyar allamalapitas. Budapest, 1981, 179. I have collected five
specimens of nine-men’s morris myself ( one of them in Visegrad, the rest in Buda).
Evcn more occurrences are known from publications; for example, I. Feld- L. Jakus Cs.
Laszlo: Csövar. In: Studia Comitatensia 7 (1979) 34-35. The authors of this
paper described specimens of nine-men’s morris from Sarospatak, Solymar, Fonyod and
Csövar.
178 Meri: 7.
69
Figure X
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Figure XI
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Figure XII
72
B
0 5 cm
Figure XIII
73
Should this game have been imported from the west, it would have
bccome popular in the royal court and among the nobility since it was
predominantly these social strata which maintained contacts with the west.
According to this version the game would have only subsequently become
widely popular. In this case, however, it is difficult to imagine that in
spite of the simplicity of its rules, nine-men’s morris could have become
so popular in a mere 50 or 100 years after the founding of the Hungarian
state, so that it would have been played by common people in a remote
village.179
1 79 A comment by Braudei may be relevant to the possible eastern origin of certa.in
elements in the Hungarian game culture: „Whenever the barbarian won, it was because
he was already more than half civilized. He had spent a long time in an antechamber
and knocked not once but ten times before gaining admission to the house. He
was, if not completely civilized, at least deeply imbued with the adjacent civilization.“
(F. Braudel: Civilization and Capitalism, 15’h-18’h Century 1 . London, 1981, 94).
Hungarians were a group of people which were the last to settle and organize themselves
into a state i n Europe. However, Hungarians continuously assimilated information and
developed their culture during their migration from the east, an area which in many
ways was more civilized than Europe in the 9’h-10th centuries. Since even in those early
days games were part of everyday life as any other activity, the general cultural development
must have been paralleled by the amplification of gaming culture as weil. This was
even more so, since game and enterta.inment were close to the heart of conquering Hungarians,
as was shown in one of the episodes in the so-called „Sankt Gallen histories“.
The following was recorded about Hungarians raiding the monastery of Sankt Gallen:
Ipsi vero cum armos et caeteras victimarum portiones semicrudas absque cultellis dentibus
laniando vorassent, ossa obesa inter se unus quidem in alterum ludicro iecerant.
(Catalogus fontium historiae Hungaricae aevo ducum et regum ex stirpe Arpad descendentium
ab anno Christi DCCC usque ad annum MCCCI. Collegit Albinus Franciscus
Combos. Tomus I. Budapest, 1937, 450).
The documentation of this early gaming culture, however, is mostly indirect due to
the scarcity of at least approximately coeval sources and artifactual evidence. Ninemen’s
morris, dice and chess were known by the Arabs, Vikings and Byzantians who
maintained intensive contacts with the Hungarians. Naturally, this does not necessarily
mean that Hungarians adopt.ed all these games, though the possibility existed. Unfortunately,
the question, at this point, cannot be answered because the material culture
of the conquering Hungarians is mostly known from burials. It may be expected that
with the increasing number of settlement excavations the picture will be enhanced and
games from this early period will be brought to light as well. Even if subsequent research
will not demonstrate the adoption of certain games from the east, it should be
kept in mind that many earlier Connections survived the foundation of the Hungarian
74
Knucklebones
Knucklebones ( astragalos) as a game was widespread in prehistoric cultures,
180 and was known by Greeks and Romans as weil as by the grassland
and wooded steppe nomads of Central Asia. 181 This game was found
in the graves of conquering Hungarians182 as weil as in settlements of the
period of the Arpad dynasty. 183 Therefore, it is certain that Hungarians
brought this game with them to the Carpathian basin. Knucklebones are
known from late phases of the Middle Ages as weil184 and they were used,
for instance, in fortune telling185 in the same way as during early medieval
times and the classical period. 186 A variety of games could be played with
state. Thus, during the period of the Arpad dynasty the presence of Moslems and Jews
should still be reckoned with while the influence of Byzantiuro also reroained strong in
every respect. Thus, the western origin of games known only from the High Middle
Ages of Hungary should not be considered exclusive.
Among other things, knucklebones and perhaps rattles and eggs may also be looked
upon as games of eastern origin. These objects, however, were additionally loaded with
superstitious beliefs.
18° Kovacs: 103.
181 A. Kiss: Baranya megye X-XI. szazadi sirleletei. Budapest, 1983, 170 (referred
to as Kiss) Overlaps between the garoe functions of dice and knucklebones must have
existed during the Arehaie period of Greek history.
182 Kiss: 169.
183 Such pieces were found, for example, at Feldebrö: 11 th_12’h century (inventory nurober
81.51.76.C), 12’h-13’h century (inventory nurober 81.38.41.C); Bashaloro: 1 1 •h-13’h
century (inventory number 68.17.1.B); Tiszalök- Üjtelep: ll’h-13’h century (inventory
number 65.50.1.B). These artifacts are kept in the Hungarian National Museum.
184 I found two specimens at Visegr<id, Matyas Kiraly Muzeum, which date to the
16’h-17’h century (inventory numbers 74.207.1, 69.12.1). Perhaps influenced by the
popularity of this game, Erasrous devoted a study to knucklebones, in which he traced
the history of this game back to the ancient Greeks (S. Hindroan: Pieter Bruegel’s
Children ’s Games, Folly, and Chance. In: The Art Bulletin 9 (1981) 452; referred to as
Hindman).
185 According to Hindman, the essence of this game in 15’h-161h century Europe was
the interpretation of positions in which the hone feil. The alternatives were „dog“ or
„Venus“. According to the rules, the person who first scored „Venus“ could hope for a
successful roarriage ( Hindroan: 452).
186 A plethora of data concerning the use of knucklebones in classical times was presented
in the previously mentioned work by Kovacs.
75
these bones too. Using Hungarian ethnographic analogies they may have
served in grabhing games in the Middle Ages.187 Frequently, all sorts of
patterns were incised on knucklebones. They were sometimes drilled, even
several times. Such holes were occasionally filled with lead to change the
bone’s center of gravity. 188
The Ottoman Turkish conquerors reintroduced the knucklebone game
to Hungary at the end of the Middle Ages and it may be assumed that
they further enriched the spectrum of games played with this bone.189
Eggs
Many of the graves from cemeteries of the period of the Hungarian conquest
contained eggs, suggesting that some kind of a belief was associated with
them. 190 With the increasing consolidation of Christianity these pagan
superstitions must have been superceded, although they did not disappear
187 According to modern sources, the essence of this game is that the bones are thrown
up in the air in a prescribed order. Then they are grabbed one-by-one or two of them
together. Finally, all the pieces are thrown so that they fall back on to the back of tbe
player’s band. Tben they are thrown again and grabbed. Innumerable varieties of this
game are known depending on tbe types of band motions. One player can pursue this
game by hirnself or berself, though it is more interesting as a party game. In this latter
case, players can compete (Neprajzi Lexikon III, 43).
188 Kovacs: 103.
189 Knucklebones found within the territory of the Szolnok fort may be of Turkish
origin, though tbis is impossible to be proved unambiguously. (Kovacs: 109).
190 It is possible that eggs were treated as a symbol of origin. Such an interpretation
of eggs is known from other regions of Europe as weil; as is written, for exarnple, in
the Kalevala: Earth is formed out of the bottom of an eggshell. The upper half formed
heaven, the yolk became the sun, the white represented the moon. Colored spots on
the eggshell made the stars, while black spots were dark clouds (Kalevala. Hungarian
translation I. Racz. Budapest, 1980, 8). This verse is quoted by Istvan Fodor in bis
work entitled „Verecke hires utjan … „. Budapest, 1980, 65. That author also points
out that wherever Finno-Ugric peoples lived during the Neolithic or Early Bronze Age,
the representation of waterbirds is common. In the Kalevala, the eggs are hatched by
a goosander. Representations of these water birds are made from wood and hone as
weil as ßint. There are also clay vessels in the shape of eggs, decorated with waterbirds
(Fodor: 64-65). In the symbolic painting „The Garden of Earthly Delights“ by H. Boscb
people in the background climb back into an egg when leaving the Iake. This may also
illustrate the meaning of eggs as a symbol of origin, which may have survived to as
76
entirely. For example, eggs were used as construction sacrifices at the site
of Esztergom-Als6sziget. An egg was found together with three iron nails
under an upside-down pot in the layer dated by a 12th century coin within
the area of the Benedictine nunnery. 191
An egg was buried outside the church wall together with four vessels,
two glasses, a complete dog skeleton, seven chicken skulls and a cattle
cranium at the northern end of the church built in Szekesfebervar at the
turn of the 1 2th to the 13th century. 192
Another possible construction offering may be represented by an egg
found under a 13th century pot together with a hen skeleton at Jaszag6.193
Clay pots buried in small pits were found at various points of the
Esztergom-Szentkiraly settlement. An iron nail stuck into the ground was
found under each one of them. In two cases, the skeleton of a chicken was
also found along the nails while eggs were added to the rest of the assemblages.
194 Since, however, these finds were not associated with houses, one
may assume that they were not construction sacrifices but the requisites
of some other superstitious rite.
The variety of environments in which eggs were found suggests that
they may have been associated with a multitude of traditions and served
the purposes of a variety of rituals. The list of these possibilities may
also be enriched by studying written sources. Peter Apor, 195 for example,
wrote the following:
Nem akarom elmulatni azt is, hogy noha nem ertem, de hallottam a
regi emberektol, hogy mikor valamely leanyos hazhoz leanynezo ment,
tyuktojast jOztek, s az legeny eleibe tettek, azt harom szegyen nelkül
late as the end of the Middle Ages. Eggs, however, may have inspired a variety of
associations at the same time.
191 Found during the excavations led by Zs. Lovag [Regeszeti füzetek, Ser. I, No. 38
(1985) 96].
1 92 Found during the excavations led by A. Kralovanszky [Regeszeti füzetek, Ser. I,
No. 22 (1969) 71].
193 I. Fodor: Közepkori epitöaldozat Jaszag6n. In: Communicationes Archaeologicae
Hungariae 1986, 139-144. A few bones of this hen skeleton are missing according to
the author, however; these were probably lost following the excavation.
194 I. Horvath: Esztergom-Szentkinily. In: Dunai regeszeti hirad6 1 (1979) 42.
195 Peter Apor (1676-1752): Transylvanian aristocrat, historian. He studied in Kolozsvar
(Cluj) and Nagyszombat (Trnava). He was granted the rank of baron in 1713.
77
kellett megenni. Elsöbben azt kellett megtudni, Mg-e vagy kemeny,
mert ha az Mg tojast kemeny gyanant vagy az kemenyt Mg gyanant
bontotta fel, elsö szegyen volt, masodszor: mikor megs6zta s felkeverte,
s valami kifolyt az tojasb6l, masodik szegyen volt, harmadszor: mikor
ette, ugy keverte fel, hogy mikor az kenyerrel martogatta, semmi r6la le
ne hullott, es az tyuktojashoz is annyi kenyeret metelett, hogy megerte
vele, s meg is ette az tyuktojast vele, maskent harmadik szegyen volt.196
(Although I do not fully understand it, I should mention something
that I heard from the old people. When a lad went wooing to the
abode of some nubile young girl, a boiled egg was placed in front
of him which he had to eat avoiding three shames. First he had to
decidc whether the egg was hard or soft, since if he broke the egg in
an inappropriate way he was shamed for the first time. The second
shame came about if he spilled any of the egg when stirring after
salting. Finally, when he dipped bread into the egg no drops were
allowed to be lost. In addition, the amount of bread sliced had to be
enough but not too much to completely finish his egg. Otherwise he
was shamed for the third time.)
The beliefs related to eggs did not inhibit their use as cosmetics197 or in
play. Egg games were mostly associated with the spring and the Easter
period.198 The chapter dealing with Easter eggs in the book of Peter Bod
entitled Szent Heortokrates published in 1757 contains the following:
Hogy akkor sokkal inkabb eszik mint masszor: mellyet bizonyit a sok
Tojas haj, melly mindenfele hever. . . . a gyermekek sok Tojasokat
koldulnak egybe s azokkal mulatjak magokat. 1 99
(At that time they are eaten much more than would be otherwise
common: This is also evidenced by the multitude of eggshells which
lie all around the place . . . the children beg many eggs by which they
entertain themselves. )
196 P. Apor: Metamorphosis Transylvaniae (1736). Budapest, 1987, 80-81 (referred to
as Apor).
197 During the Middle Ages, egg white was used for making the hair curly (P. Kulcsar:
Kapisztrci.n Janos. Budapest, 1987, 108). In the account-book of the Polish prince
Sigismund, cited several times previously, notes like this occur commonly: Item eodem
die domino principi ad ova pro crinibu3 dedi /. den. ung. (Diveky: 94).
198 Neprajzi Iexikon V, 307.
199 Dömötör: 98.
78
A variety of games utilized eggs. One of the most widely pursued of these
involved the rolling of eggs.200 Eggs were usually rolled down from an elevation
nearby while the crowd at the bottom of the slope was charged with
catching them. There are ethnographic records of wooden tracks made for
this purpose from Styria and used by the Bukovina Ukrainians,201 however,
as is apparent from a depiction in a 14th century Flemish codex, neither
tracks nor slopes were indispensable for playing this game (fig. XIV. l) .202
Glashing eggs was another very popular game in Europe. The essence
of this play was that the two competitors faced each other and hit the
eggs held in their hands together by the pointed ends. The person whose
egg survived the clash intact won. The term dies concussionis ovarum
was even used in the written form of dating, since the Monday following
Whitsunday was named after this game. The earliest mention of this game
in the Hungarian charters comes from 1380.203 It was also possible to cheat
in this game by using fake eggs carved out of limcstone or wood. Ferenc
Benkö, a teacher from Enyed, published his book entitled Mineralogia in
1786. He describes a kind of limestone as follows:
d, tojas kreta, C. schistosus, schieferkalkstein. Enyeden, Divan, mellyböl
Tojdsokat kiszitenek.
( d, egg chalk, C. schistotus, schieferkalkstein. Serves for making eggs
in Enyed and Deva.)
According to ethnographers, the term „egg chalk“ refers to nothing else
but a kind of tufa which was used to fake eggs even in the not very distaut
past.204
200 The act itself was already known by the ancient Germans. Huizinga mentioned
that the old German legal tradition used to test suspects by making them turn or roll
an egg (Huizinga 1939: 134).
201 Neprajzi lexikon V, 307.
202 L. M. C. Randall: Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts. Berkeley, 1966,
XX.
203 Neprajzi lexikon V, 308. The following expression can be read in the dating of
a charter from 1453 too: Dies concussioni.5 ovorum seu Jena secunda proxima post
dominicam Quasimodo geniti [Szazadok XI (1877) 539-540j.
204 z. Szilady: Neprajzi forgacsok Nagyenyedröl. In: Neprajzi Ertesitö 1905, 1 1 1 .
Aside from the games mentioned here, a number of others may b e reckoned with.
These, however, are known exclusively from the ethnographic literature in Hungary.
They include, for example, egg danciug and the collection of eggs.
79
N oise makers
Drums, pipes, whistles, bells, ßappers and various rattles may also be
regarded as games. Huizinga wrote in „The Waning of the Middles Ages“ :
„The contrast between silence and sound, darkness and light, like that
between summer and winter, was more strongly marked than it is in
our lives.“205
Silence in itself must have been a frightening phenomenon. This feeling
must have been exacerbated by the fact that hell was a reality for medieval
people. They feit threatencd by devils, witches and incubi. Usually,
such characters were seen behind negative phenomena for which no rational
interpretations were found. Due to the general fear of silence, noise
makers must have sold weil during the Middle Ages. Many times buttons
were made to rattles, and people often hung small bells on themselves.206
Therefore, it is rather realistic to assume that when they wanted to break
the silence using rattles and other noise makers, they also wanted to rid
themselves of evil forces and anxieties. It is for this reason that these instruments
and rattles above all must have had a magic function as well.207
The occurrence of small bells in hurials from the time of the Hungarian
conquest may be associated with some sort of superstitious use as
well. Such bells are usually found immediately next to the skeleton, but
sometimes they may also occur in the fill of the grave. They were made
out of bronze with a predominantly round or pear-shaped form. A slit
may be observed in the lower section. During the Middle Ages such pieces
were attached to the clothing or were hung on a string or small chain alternatively.
Adults and children, noblerneo and serfs wore them.208 Since
205 Huizinga: 10.
206 A person with a bell may be seen, for example, on a knightly tapestry from the
Upper Rhine region dated to the beginning of the 161h century (Endrei- Zolnay: picture
XXX.).
207 Such a function is attributed to rattles, for example, in the Polish and German
literature [L. Kunicka-Okuliczowa: Early Medieval Toys and Games from Gdansk. In:
Gdanskie Torvarzistwo Naukowe I. Gdansk, 1959, 141 (referred to as Kunicka); Schütte
1984: 207.
208 This is perhaps similar to the representation as shown on the little girl’s arm
standing in the foreground of Bruegel the Elder’s painting entitled „Peasant dance“.
Another representation on the main altar of the Iserholn Church of the Virgin Mary
80
such pieces were easy to lose, they may be found relatively frequently as
stray finds in the excavated material of settlements.
Rattles served as toys as weil. Figured rattles discovered in increasing
numbers are suggestive of this possibility. A 13th century chicken-shaped
piece is known from Göttingen.209 Other, similarly 131h century specimens
from the Strasbourg area depict women with their hands placed
together.210 A horse with rattles from Höxter (Westfalia) is mentioned by
S. Felgenhauer. 211
Making noise could be a game in itself; as the preacher Geiler von
Kaiserberg wrote in the 16th century:
shows such a piece tied on a belt. (This sta.tue was published by W. Pinder: Die deutsche
Plastik von ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Ende der Renaissance I. 1924, 223.) The
same may be seen on figures on a knigbtly tapestry from the Upper Rhine region.
Gone!la, the jester of Nicolo III, the marquis of Ferrara, had small bells attached to his
colla.r as may be seen on the picture painted by Van Eyck around 1435. On a miniatur·e
in the Wladislaw Gradual, those bells may be seen at the end of a sleeve and on the top
of a hat (fig. XIV.2). [This gradual was made in Bohemia during the first decade of the
16’h century by Janicek Zmilcly z Pisku, a Czech miniature painter, probably in Prague,
for king Wladislaw li to be used in Hungary (Magyarorszag müemleki topografiaja I.
Budapest, 1948, 356).]
209 Schütte 1984: 207.
210 H. Fritz: Alte Puppen. In: Kunst und Kunsthandwerk 1912, 417-418.
211 S. Felgenhauer: Tönerne Spielzeugpferdchen des Mittelalters in Österreich. In:
Jahrbuch des Oberösterreichischen Musealvereines 1974, 51 (referred to as Felgenhauer).
Rattling as a game must have existed earlier as weil, since figural rattles could not
have occurred without precursors in the 13’h century. It is possible that meta! rattles
functioned as toys as well. The magic wie of rattles probably decreased during the
Middle Ages since meta! rattles or small bells could even be attached to the neck
of cats. Such an animal was depicted by Bruegel the Eider in the painting entitled
„Flemish proverbs“ illustrating the saying that „cats with a rattle catch no mice.“ The
main group of customers is represented by a child riding a hobby horse and reaching out
for a rattle on the picture showing a rattle making workshop in Hans Sachs‘ Ständebuch
(1568). This shows that rattles served predominantly as toys. During the Middle Ages
the neck of domestic hens was also used to make rattles (Schütte 1984: 207), as is
also known from modern ethnographic examples in Hungary. It was recorded in 1943
that when a goose was slaughtered, its trachea was given to a child. He put stones in
it and then fit the small end of the trachea into its big end. This piece was hung to
dry in a weil aired place, and the rattle was ready (D. J6zsef: A nyik6menti gyermek
magakeszitette jatekszerei. Kolozsvar, 1943, 16).
81
„When a pig is slaughtered, the evil boys take its bladder, blow it
up and place three or four peas inside it. Then they make a great
loud noise with it, enjoying this more than having two full tables of
bacon.“212
The fact that making noise may have served as a game in itself is further
evidenced by the numerous medieval depictions of children with drums,
bells and flappers in their hands.213
In relation to these objects (as well as pipes2 14 and whistles), however,
it would be quite erroneous to assume that they served exlusively as toys.
The problern does not lie in the distinction between magic objects and
toys as much as between musical instruments and toys: No criteria exist
for the identification of the function of the recovered artifacts as toys versus
instruments.215 With a few lucky exceptions, the activities of children
using such equipment in pictorial representations are similarly difficult
to interpret.
It is only the so-called gurgling whistles made out of clay which may
be unambiguously considered toys. Sound with these instruments was produced
with the mediation of a liquid. Two types of this artifact are known.
One of them is vessel-shaped, the other is figurative.216 No representatives
of the vessel-shaped gurgling whistles have yet been found in Hungary.
212 Endrei – Zolnay: 18. Dried peas put in a blown-up pig bladder are mentioned as a
rattle in Gargantua by Rabelais. This toy was also known by the Romans, who called
empty talk pi3a in utre per3trepentia (M. Lever: Korona es csörgösipka. Budapest,
1989, 39).
213 Drum and flappers may be seen, for example, on Bruegel the Elder’s „Children
Games“.
214 A significant number of flute fragments (including a five hole pipe) and a whistle
were found during the course of excavations at Buda castle.
215 In the case of artifacts with only one hole, it cannot be ascertained if they really
served as musical instruments. They may also have been, for example, needle
holders or bird-call whistles as weil. Such pieces are also known from villages [Muhi
elpusztult közepkori falu targyi emlekei. In: Regeszeti füzetek 6 (1959) 39), from castle
wells (F. Müller: Die Burgstelle Friedberg bei Meilen am Zürichsee. In: Zeitschrift
für Archäologie des Mittelalters 1981, 66), and from a monastery (Bakay 1975: 195).
Although no contemporary description or pictorial representation of their use is known
they are considered whistles in the international literature.
216 Same types of dish-shaped vessels may depict, for example, human heads.
82
On the other band, several figurative specimens have been found21 7 in
places such as Buda218 (fig. XV. 1 , 2), Esztergom219 and Lenti.220 Such
bird-shaped whistles have been known since the 15th century.221 One completcly
intact spccimen (fig. XV.1abc) was covered with white engob while
its head, beak and semi-circular tail were covered with a green glaze. A
hole may be seen directly behind the neck, while a perforated cylinder
is attached to the left wing. On another, more fragmented specimen
(fig. XV.2abc) the hole behind the neck is marked by brownish paint.
Horse-shaped whistles are made out of clay fired to a red color. They are
decorated with a stamped design. These latter pieces date to the 15th and
16th centurics (fig. XVIab).222
When the previously discussed groups of artifacts are reviewed, a
spccial set of objects may be distinguished (knucklebones, eggs, rattles
and perhaps whistles and pipes) which may have served several functions
simultaneously. These uses did not necessarily exclude each other, and one
of them may have been that of play. This single characteristic, however,
does not necessarily mean that they should be considered games in the
same sense as, for example, chess or backgammon. This dual purpose
illustrates only that the concept game may not be restricted to specializecl
toys and that medieval artifactual material related to playing does not
necessarily refer to a special object used exclusively for games.
The difficulty in identifying games is clearly reßected by the use of
the Latin word ludus as well. This expression did not simply demarcate
specialized game artifacts, toys or the activity of playing. Ludus was a
t.erm used not only for nine-men’s morris or chess. Dancing,223 mystery
217 These ob jects are analyzed in detail by P. Kiraly: Tongefäßflöten aus ungarischen
Ausgrabungen. In: Volkskunst 7 (1984) 45-49.
218 Three bird- and one horse-shaped whistle were brought to light there.
219 A horse-shaped gurgling whistle, almost completely identical to the Buda specimen,
was found in the castle.
220 A 16’h-17’h century gurgling whistle, similar to those found in Buda, came to light
there. P. Kinily: Magyarorszagi cserepsipleletek a 15-18. szazadb61. In: Ethnographia
1 (1985) 81.
221 L. Gerevich: A budai var feltarasa. Budapest, 1966, 220 (referred to as Gerevich).
222 Their function could be determined using a completely intact specimen dated to
the 15’h (?) century, kept in the Dunapataj Museum. (Since the dating of this piece is
uncertain, it may not be included to its medieval Counterparts.)
223 The fact that dancing, more exactly some types of dancing, were considered a game
83
as weil as Bethlehem plays and other acting related to holy days were referred
to it in the same way. This was the case in spite of the fact that
participating in these plays was part of the religious obligations fulfilled by
both the players and their audience rather than simple entertainment as
one might expect on the basis of this Latin word. Literature performances
in schools fell into the ludus category as weil as the display of dwarfs and
midgets during feasts or shows presented by jugglers and other performing
artists.224 The relation between these activities and specialized games is
convincingly illustrated by the previously mentioned pillar head from the
Benedictine abbey at Vertesszentkereszt on which a juggler or some sort
of other performer is shown tagether with dice (fig. VIII). It seems reasonable
to assume that the word ludus included both specialized games and
entertainment in a more general sense because these two concepts were
not distinct from one another in the medieval way of life. 225
The fact that playing was not limited to the use of specialized toys,
but largely corresponded to entertainment as a whole has already surfaced
during the discussion of feasts and holy days. These details do not simply
show that play fit into medieval life as its organic component. They also
illustrate the important role of play as an outlet under the pressures of
everyday life.
throughout the Middle Ages is clearly shown by a note in the book entitled Daz guldin
spil (Augsburg, 1472) written by Ingold, a Dominican monk. He looked upon games
as remedies against the seven main sins and recommended dancing (as a game) against
laziness (Endrei- Zolnay: 10). P. Apor describes a dance (under the name „mousey
dance“) which was more of a game of tag than a dance (Apor: 25-26).
224 In the previously mentioned work by Szamota- Zolnai, the following may be read
(p. 427): 1546: Ebedkor attam az hegedösöknek es az yatekosoknak (I gave at lunch to
the fiddlers and players).
225 This is contrasted to the modern situation in which not all entertainment is game,
but all games are entertainment.
84
Figure XIV . l
Figure XIV.2
85
b c
a b
2
0 5 cm
Figure XV
86
Figure XVIa
Figure XVIb
87
Dolls
Medieval pictorial representations of toy dolls are unknown in Hungary.
Dolls, however, occur in the artifactual material and there are written
references to this kind of a toy as well. In 1525, Burgio Papal Nuncio
wrote in his report on the Rakos assembly:
Hoc die Pueri ex A rmario Regio abstulerunt Statuam Ligneam Pueri
A ?’mati omnibus A rmis, quam Rex fieri jussit filio Regis Poloniae mittendam,
hanc portarunt ad Rakos in medium Nobilitatis, et dixerunt:
Videte in quas res Pecuniae Regni impendantur, videte quali cum exercit1t
Rex velit Regnum Suum defendere! Tales pariunt Domicellae
Reginae, et cum vilipendio eam ex arbore suspenderunt.226
Only clay dolls are known from the available artifactual evidence. The
pieces considcred earliest were found in Visegn1d (fig. XVII.1, 2).227 On the
basis of their clothing these dolls were dated to the 14th century. The dress,
which is tight above the waist but folds into slightly broadening plaits
below, was typical of the 14th century and refiects the fashion documented
in the miniatures of the Chronicon Pieturn (fig. XVIII).
Information on several dolls has been published in the international
Iiterature and similarly to the Visegrad figurine their hands and forearms
are placed together. This arrangement, however, is not strictly defined228
which makes a cultic meaning unlikely. The mundaue character of the
clothiug may be another argument against the cultic use of these dolls.
Two greyish doll fragmeuts found in Buda date to the second half of
the 15th or to the 16th ceutury.229 The better preserved doll wears a dress
which tightens toward the waist, has a deep decolletage, and broadeus in
a bell-shape below the waist. This form recalls Renaissance times. Both
dolls were hollow inside and depending on the open or closed nature of
226 Johann Christian von Engel: Geschichte des Ungarischen Reiches und seiner Nebenlaender
Il. Halle, 1798, 51.
227 Both of them were hollow inside.
228 In the case of a hypothesized religious function, one would expect a more strictly
defined position of the hands, not to speak of the fact that rattling dolls from the
Strasbourg area hold their hands together as well. It is unlikely that a noisy children’s
toy was designed following the shape of a Christian cultic statue.
229 Fig. XIX.l and Budapest Historical Museum, inventory number 51.1654. They
were found during excavations at Buda castle.
88
their missing bases they might have served as rattles or decorations fit
onto sticks. This question, however, cannot be answered due to their
fragmentation. 230
A doll covered by a yellowish brown glaze and decorated with two
braids down to her waist was found in the Szecseny castle (fig. XIX.2).
The decoration running in the middle of her richly folded skirt dates this
piece to the late 16th or 1 7th century. 23 1 In spite of its hollow interior and
closed base this doll did not serve as a rattle. 232
230 A doll of similar type was found among the 15’h-17’h century artifacts from Fülek
(Filakovo) castle (Kalmar 1959: table 74). In addition, almost identical specimens,
fastened to a stick, may be seen on a German engraving from 1698 (K. Gröber: Kinderspielzeug
aus alter Zeit. Berlin, 1928, 19).
231 Although this doll from the Turkish period falls beyond the chronological bounda.ry
of the Middle Ages under discussion here, with the exception of its glaze it is not grea.tly
different from the medieva.l specimens.
232 The pieces published were complete dolls. However, sometimes only the hea.d was
made (from cla.y or perhaps wood), and the rest bad to be prepared by the customers
at home using a. va.dety of materials (for exa.mple rags). Such dolls have not yet been
found in the Hungarian material.
89
2
0 Sem
Figure XVII
90
——�􀀗 -��—-�
oft ttlQ3 m1fitrn.T JDnntiq‘
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utntlrttt.ttnttn trcmnt fup
Figure XVIII
91
a
2
···=-
0 5 cm
Figure XIX
92
Toy horses and riders
The work entitled Tactics was written by Leon the Wise (886-912 AD),
emperor of Byzantium, after 904. He remarked on the semi-nomadic Hungarians
as follows:
„During the battle it is chiefl.y the infantry units arranged in fighting
order which will darnage their lines since they are horsemen who would
never get off their horses; they are not capable of resisting on foot since
they grew up on horseback.“ 233
As a consequence of „having grown up on horseback“ it may be assumed
that a nurober of equestrian games were pursued by mounted Hungarians.
Of these, however, only horse racing was documented during the i\’fiddle
Ages. Even king Mattbias entered horses in the Vienna horse race v.rhich
was organized twice a year on the occasion of annual fairs. Since he happened
to storm Eggenburg during the autumn of 1487, on November 12 he
asked that the November 25 race be postponed by a week. (The Vienna
race at that time was called the „Scharlach Run“ since the price was given
in form of Scharlach cloth. )234
The previously cited account-book of prince Sigismund contained the
following note recorded in Cracow for the year 1506:
Item sabbato ante Oculi235 ad mandata domini principis Lypnyczki
pro expensis versus Transyluaniam, q1mm duxit zawodnik236 domino
woywode Transylvanio et contra Glogouiam debuit duxisse duodecim
equos de equirea, dedi XX. ftor. scilicet veniendo restituit VII. Flor. et
consumit XJIJ.237
A horse race was organized in Kelenföld as well on May 1 , 1525 in the
presence of king Lewis II.238
233 Gy. Yloravcsik: Az Arpad-kori magyar törtenelem bizanci forrasai. Budapest, 1984,
21.
234 R. Perger: Mattbias Corvinus und Wien. In: Mattbias Corvinus und die Renaissance
in Ungarn 1458-1541 . Exhibition catalogue. Vienna, 1982, 246.
235 March 14’h .
236 Zawodnik is a Polish word meaning „race horse“ (Diveky: 231).
237 Diveky: 221.
238 Radvanszky: I, 401.
93
Siurc a nurnbcr of activitics werc associatcd with horses, and thc world
of childrcn rnore or less reflccted that of the adults,239 it is not surprising
that horsc representations played a rnajor role arnong toys as well.
Clay horse figurirres of various types were common among toys. Lanced
horscs had a hole in the breast to accomodate a toy lance. The „hobby
horse“ type is characterized by an abdominal opening for the stick. Both
of thcse typcs have varieties with knights and saddles respectively, though
toy horses were also made with no additions whatsoever.240 A Central
European stylistic group rnay be distinguished within the rich range of
variations characteristic of clay horses. This group includes a great number
of specirnens known from the territories of Austria, Bohemia, Poland
and Germany. On the basis of accompanying media, glaze, the depiction of
saddles and the clothing of riders, these artifacts are dated to between the
14th and 16t h centuries 24 1 Such figurines from Hungary, however, somewhat
rnodify the general character of this group. During the course of excavations
in Hungary, two representatives of the lanced type were found.
One of them is a find from the Buda excavations and was dated to the
13th century (fig. XX.1ab). The other piece comes from Sopron. It was
found in a layer dated to the 13th century using ceramic evidence. This
laycr, however, contained finds indicative of the 1 4th century as well.242 A
similar piece was found in Gaiselberg (Lower Austria) in a pit containing
ceramies from around 1400, although some of the sherds already represented
the 1 4th century. The Linz specimen recovered from a medieval
habitation layer belongs to the same type and is similarly dated to the
239 The close connection between the worlds of adults and children is clearly reflected
in the artifactual material as weiL Thanks to the excavations in Gdansk, it was possible
to document how changes in the adult world were followed by similar changes among
children. As long as animal keeping and craft activities were more important than
fishing in medieval Gdansk, the relevant archaeological strata contained a multitude of
animal figurines, including wooden horses. From the 12’h-13’h century onwards, when
fishing became feudal duty, the number of toy barges increased, while a decline was
observed in the quantity of animal figurines. lt was also apparent that toys unrelated
to the actual way of life (such as whip propelled spinning tops) did not reflect such
changes (Kunicka: 141-143).
24° Felgenhauer: 43.
241 Felgenhauer: 45.
242 I. Holl: Sopron közepkori varosfalai. In: Archaeol6giai Ertesitö 1973, 205.
94
years around 1400.243 Dating to the end of the 14th or beginning of the
15th century is based on the chair-like shape of the saddle. 244 An additional
piece of information is that although glazed ceramies had been known in
Lower Austria since the beginning of the 13th century, this technique does
not occur on local mundane hausehold ceramies at that time as evidenced
by the import of such pieces in the 13th century pottery inventory from
Buda.245
A green glazed horse head was found in the Wartenberg castle within
a layer dated between 1225-1265.246 Fragments of two toy horses glazed in
yellow are also known from the bone manufacturing workshop in Erfurt.247
A glazed horse figurine was brought to light from a layer in Göttingen dated
to the years between 1270-1300.248 If the Sopron specimen recovered from
a late 13th to early 14th century layer is included into this group, the 13th
century dating of the Buda horse should not be considered too early just
because of the presence of glazing, more exactly, the presence of glaze alone
does not contradict this early dating. This would also mean, however, that
glaze was used earlier on some of the toys than on vessels circulated for
everyday use.
Dating on the basis of saddle forms does not seem justified since they
were modeled in a stylized way and the chronology of medieval saddles
is difficult enough in itself. The chair-like saddles shown on the horse
figurines under discussion here is characterized by high front and back
saddle bows. This type of saddle was already known in the 13th century
and did not make its first appearance in the 14th century. In addition, it
remained in use during subsequent centuries as well.
On the basis of these arguments, it would seem unwarranted to move
the 13th century dating of Hungarian finds forward to the 14th century
on the basis of Austrian analogies. One may hypothesize that glazed toy
horses of the Central European stylistic group were manufactured as early
as the 13th century.
Toys of the hobby horse type within the same sphere of artifacts
243 Felgenhauer: 44.
244 Felgenhauer: 46.
245 Felgenhauer: 45.
246 Felgenhauer: 46.
247 Alt-Thüringen: 153.
248 Schütte 1984: 207.
95
present a less complicated problem. Two fragmented specimens with yellow
glaze are known from Hungary with the characteristic abdominal hole
for the stick. The one found in Buda was dated to the end of the 1 4th or
first half of the 15th century.249 The other specimen recovered at Visegrad
was dated to the second half of the 14th century (fig. XX.2abc).250 The
dating is facilitated by the pointed shoes on the horsemen which first occurred
during the 14th century but which remained fashionable throughout
the 15th century. The same shoe type may be observed on the rider of an
analoguous specimen from Stillfried (Lower Austria) which was dated to
the 15th century.251
The fact that both this group and the previously discussed type of
lanced horses may be dated earlier in the Hungarian material than in
the Austrian does not necessarily mean that these toys came into use
earlier in Hungary. It rather reßects the chancy character of archaeological
data, especially since the geographical distribution of the objects under
discussion here delineates a narrow band along the Danube river (Sopron,
Visegnid, Buda). The evidence of only six specimens from intensively
excavated archaeological sites in Hungary would be a poor argument for
local production.
A little horse with a fragmented saddle and no abdominal opening
may be classed within the previously described group (fig. XXI.lab).252 It
came to light in Layer 7 of the store building which bad been demolished to
make way for the construction of the so-called Csonka torony ( „Truncated
Tower“) in Buda. Both this layer and thus the horse are dated to the
1 4th century by the Denaria struck by Charles Robert and queen Mary.253
No Austrian analogy to this piece has yet been reported, similarly to the
Visegrad specimen (fig. XXI. 2abc) which has neither a saddle nor a rider
249 Budapest Historical Museum, inventory number 89/9. Measurements: length = 4
cm, height = 3,8 cm. This fragment shows tha.t the horse and the horseman dressed in a
cloak-like robe and pointed shoes were made separately. Before glazing, however, they
were fitted together.
250 This piece was found in the inner area of the Lower Palace of Visegrad (Müveszet
I. Lajos Kiraly koraban. Szekesfehervar, 1983, 362).
251 Felgenhauer: 49.
252 Inventory Number: 52.813. Measurements: length = 6 cm, height = 5,2 cm. This
find is covered with a yellowish-brown glaze.
253 Gerevich: 76-77.
96
on it although its abdominal opening is suggestive of use as a hobby horse.
It may have been mounted on a stick. This piece dates to the 14th century
as wcll.
A figurirre depicting a horse with its rider was found in the Turkish
period fill above the 13th century market place of Györ (fig. XXI.3ab ). 254
This specimen shares a formal resemblance to members of the previously
discussed groups, especially the 14th century Visegnid specimen. However,
it was not glazed. This may be a sign of the production of eheaper specimens
without glaze. The possibility may not be ruled out that this horse
is simply a local copy of the glazed ware. 255
Naturally, innumerable individual forms of horse toys may be encountered
as well. A relatively large, hollow 14th_ 15th century horse from Buda
(fig. XXI.4)256 is a good example which may have been some sort of a noise
maker, rattle or whistle, but a nurober of other functions may be hypothesized
as weiL No pictorial or artifactual analogies to this piece are
known and the fragment available does not permit a more precise identification.
Whatever conclusion may be drawn, the key to real recognition
should lie in the missing section.
Toy horses were mostly used in playing war games or tournaments257
which could be performed using both the already discussed clay horses and
special tournament kits.258 Such kits were usually cast in bronze.259 These
254 This is a red artifact without glaze. Since the Turkish period fill contained sherds
from both the period of the Arpad dynasty and the 141h-161 h centuries respectively,
this specimen cannot be exactly dated.
255 There is another geographical area, namely the Rhine region, where an independent
group may be separated. The material of these pieces is markedly different from that
of the Central European specimens. A very fine, white pipe clay was used in the
manufacturing of these pieces and the figurines were made significantly !arger. As is
shown by the Worms find assemblage, in addition to toy horses, this material was also
used in making Madonna figurines and religious statuettes of other saints.
256 This piece was made from finely silted clay. The pink body of this horse is painted
red on the breast, head and the mane.
257 H. Nickel: The Little Knights of the Living-room Table. In: Metropalitau Museum
of Art Bulletin 1966, 173 (referred to as Nickel).
258 Nickel: 175.
259 Tournament toys may have been made from wood as well. Their armor was manufactured
from meta!, providing accurate copies of actual armor down to the last detail.
These toys had no wheels but were pushed against each other. Such a piece may be
97
expensive and carefully executed toys were accurate copies of knightly
equipment260 and became fashionable among aristocratic youth during
the reign of Maximilian I who revived and cultivated the tradition of tournaments.
The horses had wheeled pedestals, and the players pulled them
on strings toward one another trying to knock out the opponent rider with
the lance of their own knight. 261 These pieces may be dated to the late
15th or early 16th centuries on the basis of the special thigh armor seen
on the surviving knight figurines since this particular kind of armor first
occurred around the 1480s in real life tournarnents.262
A cast bronze horse kept in the Hungarian National Museum (fig.
XXII), although it is not of Hungarian origin,263 was part of such a tournarnent
kit.264 On the other hand, a grey clay figurine was brought to
light from above the 1 5th century layer north of the Gothic home chapel of
Buda castle. 265 lt has the same arms and clothing as do the bronze specimens
(fig. XXIII). When this figurine is compared to the best preserved
analoguous specimens from Vienna, several similarities become apparent.
The back contour of the clothing as well as the oval, concave shield look
identical. In all cases a small, round hole may be seen under the knight’s
right shoulder which probably accomodated the toy lance. The key to
seen on the engraving by H. Burgkmair among the toys of the child Maximilian. Subsequently,
a similar piece may have been sent by the adult Maximilian bimself to the
young Lewis II. That model was ordered from Master Coloman in Augsburg (J. Kalmar:
Regi magyar fegyverek. Budapest, 1971, 52; referred to as Kalmar 1971.).
260 A. Groß: Ritterlich Spielzeug. In: Festschrift für Julius Schlosser. 1927, 210.
261 Kalmar 1971: 52. Longitudinal ridges may be observed on the bottom of pedestals
on these specimens. This relief was supposed to prevent the horses from being diverted
when pulled against each other.
262 C. Blair: Two Toy Jousters. In: Waffen- und Kostümkunde 1966, 47 (referred to
as Blair).
263 This specimen was made by the lost wax method.
264 Parts of bronze kits are kept in collections in, among other places, Vienna, Kreuzenstein,
New York, Schloß Baldern, Innsbruck and Canterbury. A complete set was published
by Joseph Strutt „Sports and Pastimes“ (1801). These pieces, however, have
been lost (Blair: 43). Of the surviving assemblages, the Vienna kits may be considered
most complete. Horse models in Budapest and Kreuzenstein are similar to those in
Vienna, but their riders and the matehing pairs of these mounted knights are missing.
On the other hand, in some places the horses are missing but the riders were found.
265 Gerevich: 222.
98
identification, however, lies in the thigh armor of this rider. Although the
roundish shape dcpicted on the clay figurirre is different from those of the
Vienna pieces, the existence of this variety is clearly demonstrated on a
detail from an engraving dating to the early 1500s. This picture shows a
leather thigh armor which is a perfect match to that of the Buda clay figurine
(fig. XXIV).266 This toy was probably used in a game different from
that played with the bronze knights, since the rider could not be knocked
out of his saddle. This, however, does not change the fact that one should
reckon with a clay variety of bronze tournament game kits. Consequently,
it may be assumed that such toys were distributed beyond the narrowly
defined elite of aristocracy between the end of the 15th and the beginning
of the 16th centuries.
Another type should be mentioned at the end of this chapter. The
classical hobby horse, carved out of wood to imitate horse riding was in all
probability the most commonly occurring horse game of the Middle Ages.
However, no such object has survived in medieval artifactual assemblages
in Hungary. The existence of this toy, on the other hand, is evidenced by
a painting in one of the initials of the Wladislaw Gradual. This picture
shows a child riding on a typical hobby horse (fig. XXV).
266 This engraving was made by Matthäus Zasinger around 1500.
99
b
2
0 5 cm
Figure XX
100
3
o)=-=􀁿 5 cm
Figure XXI
101
Figure XXII
b
0 5 cm
Figure XXIII
102
Figure XXIV
103
Figure XXV
104
Clay vessels
During the course of excavations small vessels are often found which Iook
like reliable copies of !arge pots. 267 Such finds are usually considered toys
since their small size would have limited their function to playing. An
indirect reference to these objects was given by Geiler von Kaiserberg in
the early 16th century:
“ . . . the children prepare safron, sweet root and ginger using brick
powder; they run a household and cook. Then when night is falling
it does not count any more: they knock the whole thing over.“ 268
A pictorial representation made around 1420 shows a kitchen interior in
which a very small vessel may be seen accompanied by a nurober of !arge
specimens.269 If, however, such small vessels were used by adults for any
kind of purpose, the function of these artifacts would be rendered totally
uncertain. Should this be the case, one of the most important criteria in
the definition of toys, small size, could not be automatically linked with
the toy function.
This problern may be solved with great certainty only in special cases.
An outstanding example is represented by heating cups made in Dresden
during the 17th century. Heating cups of similar form and decoration were
found in both !arge and small sizes. However, as opposed to the !arge cups,
the small specimens had solid walls and bases, thus preventing them from
being actually used in heating. 270 Heating in these small cups was probably
made impossible to make sure that children caused no fires during play. As
long as potters made small copies of such vessels, it may be hypothesized
that toy versions of other pottery, completely harmless in their original
„adult“ form, may have been produced for the purposes of play. These
latter, however, would be so sirnilar to the original pieces, that no specific
features would help us to clearly distinguish them from the pottery used
in the kitchen. Distinction would be possible at best in cases where such
267 Such pieces were found, for example, in Tata, Diosgyör, Nyek, Feldebrö and Buda.
This Iist, however, is far from being complete.
268 Endrei – Zolnay: 14.
269 Aus dem Alltag der mittelalterlichen Stadt. 1984, 166.
270 H. W. Mechelk: Wärmeschalen aus dem Stadtkern Dresden. In: Arbeits- und
Forschungsberichte zur Sächsischen Bedenkmalpflege 19 (1971) 245. The decoration of
these artifacts is in late Renaissance style.
105
model vcssels are hand thrown, poorly made and lightly fired suggesting
that an older child, rather than a craftsman made them. It may be assumed
that not only small vessels but other clay toys ( whistles, dolls and horses)
were made in the potter’s workshop along with the ware prepared for adult
everyday life. As late as the early 20th century, potters in Hungary sold
their vessels and toys (for example clay whistles?71 together in fairs and
patronal festivals. Toys and religious as weil as erotic figurines came to
light from the same deposit in Cologne dated to the second half of the 1 5th
century. 272 On the basis of these finds the hypothesis may be put forward
that by the end of the Middle Ages some workshops were specialized in
the manufacturing of figurines. However, to date no workshop exclusively
producing toys has been discovered.
Spinning tops
Spinning tops were usually turned from wood. Their bodies were decorated
with a variety of patterns. The toy was given momentum by first wrapping
a string attached to a whip around it. The top lay on the ground, then
the whip was suddenly pulled upwards. Subsequent whipping could keep
the top spinning for as long as an hour. 273 This game required a flat and
horizontal surface such as, for example, ice during winter. 274
Since no depiction or artifactual analogy is available, the 1 4th century
spinning top found in a Buda well must be considered a unique specimen
(fig. XXVI). A pattern composed of concentric circles may be seen on the
upper surface of this 2,1 cm thick wooden disc. A small, stubby protuberance
also occurs on this surface, though it does not seem to have had a
particular function. lt looks rather like a remnant from turning the wood
during manufacturing. The narrowing end of the long peg is rounded.
271 Neprajzi Iexikon I, 497.
272 Zeitschrift für Archäologie des Mittelalters 10 (1982) 238 (conference report by
H. Steuer).
273 F. H. Gabnai: Gyermekjatekok. In: Neprajzi Ertesitö 1903, 234.
274 Spinning tops are used on ice in several paintings by Bruegel the Eider including
the „Betlehem census“, „Winter hunting“ and „Winter Iandscape with skaters and bird
trap“ .
106
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.
.
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.
, ,..,. :·· ,…:· ‚··–. … _.􀁽-:,.-􀁾.. . -·
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Figure XXVI
107
Children playing with spinning tops are most commonly shown in
addition to those riding hobby horses on medieval pictures from abroad.
This is suggestive of the fact that the spinning top must have been one
of the most widely distributed toys and one may reckon with numerous
pieces related to the single archaeological specimen found in Hungary.
Marbles
At the present Ievel of archaeological collection, marbles are the most numerous
finds.275 They have been found everywhere in castles,276 towns,277
villages, and infant burials.278 They may be considered one of the most
typical stray finds which makes their dating tremendously diffi.cult. The
earliest piece that lends itself to chronological identification originates from
the 13th_ 14th century.279 All the marbles found in Hungary to date belong
to the small size category. 280
These were best suited to playing grabbing, casting and rolling (target
rolling aimed at hol es) games. It is likely that marbles represented different
values depending on their raw material (glass, pottery, stone, marble,
bone, wood), color and patterns incised on their surface. These all infl.uenced
the fl.ow of the game. The single written reference to playing with
marbles may be read in the account-book of prince Sigismund. The following
record was made on September 23, 1502 in Buda: Item Oczyeski
dederat domino principi ad ludum kulki281 XX den. ung., quos sibi contra
275 Their number exceded 100.
276 For example Hollokö.
277 For example Esztergom, Buda.
278 During the course of rescue excavations directed by G. Feher at Mohacs-Csele-patak
three handmade clay marbles with diameters rauging from 1,4 to 1,8 cm were found
trampled into the floor Ievel of a house. The same excavation yielded another marble
from an infant burial, grave 43. This grave, however, was disturbed. (G. Feher Jr.: Az
1949. evi Moha.cs-Csele-pataki mentöasatas. In: Archaeologiai Ertesitö 1955, 233, 218}.
279 This piece was found in Buda (Budapest Historical Museum, inventory number
83.295.15}.
280 The diameter ranges between 1 and 2 cm in the majority of cases. A specimen with
a 4 cm diameter should be considered rare and relatively Iarge in comparison to the
others.
281 See also note 55.
108
dedi.282 In addition to the artifactual evidence and written references a
pictorial representation of this game may also be found in the gradual of
Wladislaw. People fighting over marbles of various colors in this picture
suggest that, as was usual with games, playing with marbles was not always
a peaceful occupation either (fig. XXVII). Another fight was depicted in
relation to another game, skittles, documented on the margin of the same
page in this gradual (fig. XXVIII). People attacking each other with swords
remind us of the keystone from Di6sgyör and the duel provoked by playing
dice described by Szererni. The lonesome ball and abandoned pins provide
a reliable picture of the kind of set used for skittles in those days.
282 Diveky: 167.
Figure XXVII
109
Fjgure XXVIII
1 10
Skates and sleds
Two main types of skates may be distinguished. One of them is drilled
through and could be tied to the feet (fig. XXIX). The other form was not
drilled and as such could not be fastened to the feet (fig. XXX) .283
The front part of both types is usually carved into a narrowing shape
both laterally and from the direction of the surface resting on the ice.
When drilling was used at all, the holes ran horizontally in the front section,
while they were somewhat diagonal relative to the skate’s long axis.284
They were usually made using the leg bones of horse or cattle. The mode
of manufacture in modern times, as explained by a skating child in Gyergy6ujfalu
(Suseni), was recorded at the beginning of the 20th century:
Mikor megszaradt a ket esso labszarcsont, hat vettem a jeszit osztan
elöl-htitul mar itt a talpdnal lecsaptam, hogy Iegyen snfgen s osztan itt
elöl s hatul, ahova a ltibujk6m s a sarkam jö – hat itt ahol egy kicsit
kiemelkedik, mind egy gerinc, atalfurtam, mer osztan lassa, ebbe a kit
lyukba van fuzve az isparga na s . . . lassa az urji, amik isparga elöl van
azt a csidma vaj mar a bocskor orrara huzom fel s amik hatul van,
avval a bokamnal kötöm keresztül . . . – de amik becsületes gilics, hogy
egy kicsit görbül felfele azt nem is kell erösen megkötni.285
(When the two frontal leg bones dried, I took an axe and hacked it in
283 To date, drilled specimens are known only from Esztergom. Others, undrilled, were
found among other places in Doboz, Bashalom, Tiszalök-Razom, Turkeve-M6ric and
Kardoskut. The earliest examples are dated to the 9’h-llth centuries.
284 The direction of drilling may have differed from that observed in the case of Hungarian
finds. This is clearly shown by the skates found in IO’h-n•h century York. Of
the 44 specimens recovered, seven were drilled in a vertical direction at the front of the
foot. With the exception of four pieces, a horizontal groove was carved along the long
axis of the skate from its back side. Wooden edges, tied to the ankle, were set into these
notches (J. Radley: Economic Aspects of Anglo-Danish York. In: Medieval Archaeology
1971, 55-56). Since the skates could be drilled in several ways, no uniform manner
of fastening could be reconstructed. In addition, no contemporary picture of these bone
skates is known. Reconstruction using analogy from Hungarian ethnographic sources is
based on a type (0. Herman: Ironga, sz<i.nk6, kece. Budapest, 1902, Figures 2 and 3;
referred to as Herman) which has not yet been brought to light from medieval sites in
Hungary.
285 J. S.Kovacs: Hogyan gilicseznek Gyergy6ban. In: Erdely 1908, 17-20, 18 (referred
to as S . Kovacs). Gilic.s is a term used for bone skates in Gyergy6.
1 1 1
front and back to form a sole, then I hacked it obliquely in front and
back where my toes and heel would fit – and here, where it is a bit
elevated like a backbone, I drilled the hone through, because you see,
this is where the string is threaded through, well . . . you see, young
rnister, the string up front is pulled over my boots or moccasin while
the ones in the back are tied across my ankles … however, when the
runner is really good and bent a little bit upwards, it does not even
have to be tied. )
This shows that making skates was not a particularly complicated project
and that even children could do it.
Skating techniques may also be reconstructed on the basis of modern
observations. At the beginning of the century, the following were recorded
in relation to the know-how of skating:
Az ironga hossza es talpreszenek sik volta, könnyüve teszi az egyensuly
megtartdsat, 286 igy a toval6ditdsnak sajatos jöltetele volt, megpedig az
hogy a ket irongacsontnak egyközu fekvesünek kellett maradnia. Mihelyt
az ironga jekvese – elore ertve – V jekvesbe került a ket lab
szetjutott, az ironga/6 lab szetterpedt, s a hirtelen leüles elkerülhetetlenne
valt . . . . Nem kevesbe fontos volt az is, hogy a ket lab bizonyos
es alland6 ttivolsagban maradjon egymast6l azert, hogy a szegesbottal,
gusztonnyal vagy vonyog6val va/6 döfögetes könnyü es biztos legyen,
minthogy az mindig labközbe esett . . . . A testtartas is lenyeges volt; a
terdeket meg kellett kisse ereszteni, a derekat hasonl6keppen es ebben
a tartasban rejlett az irongalas faraszt6 mozzanata, mert a megfelelo
izmokat szokatlan helyzetben es tart6san meg kellett jesziteni. Mindezek
a mozzanatok együttveve ugy hozttik magukkal, hogy az irongalas
nyt?egyenes vonalban folyt es erre vonatkoznak Hildebrand szavai, hogy
a csont-irongan a kiteres lehetetlen volt.287
(The length of runners and the fl.atness of their sole surfaces makes
keeping the balance easy, thus advancing had only one special condition.
The two runners had to be kept in a parallel position. As
286 By a.ppropriate ba.lancing with both body and feet, hone ska.tes without drilling or
any sort of fasten.ing could be kept under the foot as weil due to the pressure exerted
by the ska.ter’s body a.nd the bone’s rough upper surfa.ce (Neprajzi Lexikon II, 638).
287 Herma.n: 9. Poles with nails, however, were also used by ska.ters who slid on fastened
skates.
112
soon as the runners closed into a V -shape pointing in a forward direction,
the feet became distanced and the legs spread resulting in a
sudden and inevitable sitting position . . . It was sirnilarly important to
keep the feet apart to a certain, constant distance when the forward
movement was enhanced using a nailed cane, rod or stick, since the
ice could always be pronged easily and safely between the feet with
these instruments . . . Posture was important as well. Both knees and
waist had to be somewhat relaxed, which represented the most tiring
aspect of using runners, due to the prolonged tensing of certain musdes
in this unusual position. Coordinating all these details resulted in
a Straightforward movement of runners. The remark by Hildebrand
that it was impossible to shun anybody when sliding on runners is
relevant here.) (Fig. XXXI)
Skating was described in more or less the same way in other sources as
weil:
A gilics leginkabb 16 vagy (ritkabban) marha elso labcsontjab6l alkalmatosan
keszitett csontdarab, melyet ko1·csolya gyanant hasznal s igen
kedves jatekszernek ismer a gyergy6i szekelyfiu. Csaklyabottal hajtja
magat, amely legtöbb esetben fenyofab6l keszül: also vegebOl 4-5 cm
hosszu jegszeg all ki. Arra szolgal, hogy a labak között a jegbe ütve az
eros rugaszkodashoz tamasztekul szolgaljon. 288
(Runners were a worked piece of bone made mostly from the front
metapodials of horse or sometimes (less frequently) cattle, which were
used as skates and greatly liked by Sekler boys. He pushes hirnself
forward with a grappling rod which is made from pinewood in most
cases. A 4 to 5 cm long ice nail is mounted on the bottom of such a
rod in order to provide a firm hold when stabbed into the ice between
the two legs.)
These descriptions recorded in modern times probably hardly differed from
the way medieval skating was practiced since a document as early as 1620
mentioned forward movement aided by a rod.289 Marton Szepsi Csom-
288 S. Kovacs: 17.
289 A significant number of medieval games have survived to the present day thanks
to children of various ages playing together. This guaranteed the continuity of their
succession. Due to the conservative character of children games, many medieval forms of
play were still known at the end of tbe last century, so that ethnographers could record
1 1 3
bor290 recorded the following in his Europica varietas about his trip to
Holland:
Esztendökent egyszer, telben harmadnap alatt az egesz orszag törvenye
s szokasa szerint palyafutasnak okaert bizonyos jutalom alatt (melyet
az magisztratus teszen le) a leanyok az ö idejük szerint val6 hozza
hasonl6 ifju legenyeket az tengerre kihijak, az leany az jerfiunak az
jerfiu az leanynak Iabara felköti a csontb6l vagy csak fab6l csinalt
csuszkond6t, de ez nem igy vagyon, mint itt Magyarorszagban lattam,
hogy egy nagy vassal megszegezett bot volt kezeben az jegen jar6knak,
hanem szinten csak labainak mestersegesen val6 jelretaszitasa altal,
felhanyasa es mozgatasa altal az egesz nep lattara elindulnak, es oly
sebesseggel mennek, hogy eg alatt nincs oly l6, ki velük elerkeznek.291
(Once a year, during the winter, girls and lads of matehing ages are
called to the sea within three days according to the law and tradition
them before the thirties of this century. An important link in the continuity between
games in medieval and modern days is represented by the chapter describing games
in the book of Comenius entitled Orbis pictus. This was written in the 17’h century
so that it would neither classify as a medieval nor a modern work. lt hardly contains
any games which would not have had precedents in the Middle Ages, but most of these
games can also be documented in modern times. Thus, the ethnographic material has
special significance for the research into medieval games. It is for this reason that it may
be justified to use information from works written during the 17’h-18’h centuries in the
reconstruction of games poorly documented in medieval sources. However, it should
be taken into consideration that new games were also invented during the course of
history. It is also noteworthy that as game and play was gradually ousted from the
world of adults, most non-specific games lost their playful character as weil. Among
others, dancing clearly exemplifies this process. Actually, the ethnographic material
may contain games which did not yet exist during the Middle Ages, but one must also
reckon with phenomena which started as medieval games but evolved into something
different through time. In the case of this study, ethnographic parallels and 17’h-18’h
centuries written sources were used for games which were equally weil known in the
Middle Ages and modern times. Skating is one of these games.
290 Marton Szepsi Csombor (1595- around 1623): world traveller, writer, Calvinist
preacher. Between 1616 and 1619 he travelled all around Europe and studied among
other places in Gdansk, Strasbourg and London. He returned to Hungary in 1619. His
travel book Eu1·opica varietas (Kassa, 1620) is one of the first such works written in
Hungarian.
291 M. Cs. Szepsi: Europica varietas (1620). Budapest, 1979, 165 (cited by EndreiZolnay:
130).
1 14
of the country in order to compete on a course for a prize set by the
magistrate. Skates made from hone or simple wood are tied to the
feet of men by the maids and on the feet of maids by men. However, it
is different here, from what I have seen in Hungary, where ice walkers
carry a long rod with an iron bit nailed to it in their hands. People
here start in front of a whole crowd of people by simply sliding their
feet to one side then flinging themselves ahead and moving forward.
They attain such a speed that no horse would be able to catch up
with them.)
In addition to skates, sled runners were also made out of bones. 292 The
lower part of sled runners is polished similarly to those of skates. Two
round holes may be seen near their ends which were drilled in a vertical
direction perpendicular to the bone’s long axis. Two types of sled runners
are known as well. On one of them, the hole is broadened on the lower
side intended for the runner’s sole. This accomodated the head of the
nail which was used to fasten the runner on the base of the wooden sled
(fig. XXXII).293 In the other case, the sole was not perforated, no special
sied base was prepared, but small pieces of wood were carved to fit directly
into the holes, thus supporting the sled’s little seat (fig. XXXIII).294 The
variety of sleds made from the mandible of horse and cattle was widespread
in medieval Europe,295 though no such objects have yet occurred in the
archaeological find material from H ungary. 296
Written information on sleds is available as well. Peter Bornemisza
wrote the following:
A z mi Maximilian Czaszarunkhoz egy Beczi polgar megyen, mid6n
hadba hirdetnec es iger tiz ezer forintot, csak 6 magat hon hadnac.
Mond az Czaszar: Mikor en szankaztam, vtannam senkinec nem volt
292 Sied runners are also known from Muhi, Esztergom, Romhany, Pusztacsev and the
northern part of historical Hungary, today Slovakia {Slivka: 345).
293 Herman: 21.
294 0. Herman: Halaszelet, pasztorkodas. Budapest, 1980, 42.
295 The most detailed study relevant to this topic was published by G. F. ljzereff:
A Medieval Jaw-Sledge from Dordrecht. In: Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het
Oudhedkundig Bodenonderzoek 1974, 181-184.
296 The picture would not be complete without mentioning that skates and sleds were
made from wood as weil. Such pieces may be seen on numerous paintings by Bruegel
the Eider and Bosch. They are also known from Hungarian ethnographic collections.
1 15
frisseb szankaia, mint teneked, azert ha velem egyfLtt szankaztal, egyfLt
i6y hadakoznijs, es az tiz ezer forintual, keszits tiz fegyuereseket.297
(A Viennese burgher went to the emperor Maximilian at the time
of mobilization and promised ten thousand ßorins if he was allowed
to stay at home. And the emperor said: When we went sied riding
nobody was doing it more briskly than you did. If you could go
sledding with me, you should go to war with me as well. Use the ten
thousand ßorins to prcpare an armed company.)
Peter Apor writes about the good manners of Transylvanians in the old
days. He teils that people long ago hardly swore at all while in his time
adults and children alike indeed said ugly things to each other. Among
other things he listed the following malediction: ördög szankazzek az szegeny
lelkeden. 298 (The devil should sledride on your miserable soul.) Winter not only provided extra time for playing, since constant working
was limited by cold and snow, but also offered opportunities for entertainment.
As is shown by the written299 and artifactual data, both adults
and children took advantage of these opportunities.
297 Bornemisza: 209. The text is ambiguous and the possibility may not be ruled out
that the sleds in question were in fact animal drawn sleighs.
298 Apor: 124.
299 A story is mentioned in Endrei- Zolnay based on a 1438 charter, according to which
a Dominican monk was bombarded with snowballs so intensely by a youth that he died
of his wounds after 52 days. It is, thus, not an accident perhaps that a 1507 law in the
city of Nördlingen warned: Schnee werfen3 halb. Ain erber rat alhie hat auch angesehen
und beslossen, das nu.nhinfüro niemantz den andern me1· mit schnee werfen soll kains
wege, denn wer das überfüre, es wern frawen oder mann, jung oder alt, der ieder oder
iedes soll aim rat dreissig pfennig zu. buss unablöslich zu betzalen verfallen sein und
würden jung knaben in disem bot ergriffen, so werden die straf ir eltern an ireT statt
darumb verbmsen. (The council considered snow throwing and decided that from now
on no one should throw snowballs at others under any circumstances. Whoever does
this, shall irredeemably pay a fine of 30 pfennig to the Magistrate whether the offender
was a woman or a man, young or old. Should a young boy be caught throwing snowballs,
the sentence has to be completed by his parents.) See G. Jaritz: Zwischen Augenblick
und Ewigkeit. Vienna-Cologne, 1989, 94. Oblivious snowballers were immortalized in
Bruegel the Elder’s painting entitled „Bethlehem Census“ and in the picture „Winter
landscape“ painted by Lucas van Valckenborch.
1 1 6
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120
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121
Summary
This work was not meant to encompass the task of providing a comprehensive,
encyclopaedic description of medieval games, since grasping the
topic has proven extremely difficult both in written sources and artifactual
asscmblages.
On the other hand, notes, references and descriptions relevant to play
were present in almost any type of document regardless of its character.
In spite of its small scope, the artifactual material shows a varied picture.
However, not even this information is sufficient to delineate a coherent
Image.
The scarcity of data is a major disadvantage, since the signifi.cant
amount of free time does not seem to be matched by a proportionately
rich repertoire of medieval pastimes, although entertainment must have
played an important role during the hours of leisure.
On the other hand, with the exception of the unanimous condemnation
of gambling, one may not speak of the homogeneous appreciation of
gaming throughout the Middle Ages. People did not give up playing in
spite of the uninterrupted and ever present moral pressure because it represented
an emotional outlet providing relief from the oppressive feeling
of an atmosphere loaded with evil forces from the other world and it helped
to temporarily free them from their everyday life loa<led with difficulties.
During certain holy days, as well as when playing games, people ignored
laws and customs of their official life, choosing a merry world in which the
rules different from those of everyday life were valid. Thus, games and holy
days were associated by their contents as well, not only by the practical
fact that holy days provided free time for playing. Naturally, this does not
mean that holy days which represent the complex system of religious, secular
and folk tradition should be seen exclusively as opportunities for play.
This multi-level system, however, accomodated games to varying extents
as well, depending on the actual nature of the holy days in question.
122
It is also important to note that the medieval term Iudus was not an
exclusive term maintained for games or specialized game objects, that is,
toys alone. It included the majority of activities described by the generic
term „entertainment“ nowadays. These two elements were not separated
from each other in that time. Consequently games, and the previously
detailed outlets for anxiety probably penetrated a broad spectrum of medieval
life.
Some elements of the Hungarian game culture had became apparent
before the time of the Hungarian conquest. The St. Gallen story of
Ekkehart shows that playing was not an alien idea to the Hungarians who
pilaged Europe. Following the foundation of the Hungarian state many
eastern connections survived from the old days. It is for this reason that
the origin of games first documented during the heyday of the Middle Ages
but also known in the east cannot be explained by western infl.uence alone.
During the discussion of game pieces it was found that in addition
to the previously published chesspieces from Di6sgyör and Nagyvazsony,
another specimen from Visegrad must be reckoned with, which is a knight
of Arabian type. Following the analysis of this specimen it became clear
that typological features may not be used in the dating of chesspieces.
Dice first occur in both the written and artifactual record in the first
quarter of the 13th century in Hungary. Playing dice was the most popular
and most fiercely persecuted game throughout the Middle Ages. The manufacturing
of dice is evidenced by numerous finds in Hungary and written
sources prove that a gang of gamblers was organized in 15th century Pozsony
(Bratislava). The earliest pictorial representation of any sort of game
to date is the pillar head with dice from Vertesszentkereszt which dates to
the 13th century.
A special group of archaeological finds is formed by hone tokens, which
facilitated gambling by helping to avoid the violation of declared moral
norms.
Eggs, rattles, pipes and whistles may be regarded as non-specialized
toys. It is most likely that the toy aspect originated from the closeness
of everyday life and play. It is for this reason that the game character
may not be separated from or contrasted with the other functions of such
artifacts.
The archaeological material contributed a rare type of whip propelled
spinning top to the all European inventory of toys. Another piece, a clay
copy of bronze figurines showing mounted knights from the end of the
123
15th and beginning of the 16th century was found in Buda. Kits of such
bronze fi.gurcs were used to irnitate tournaments, and the existence of the
clay model illustrates that, by the end of the Middle Ages, the fashion of
playing with tournarnent kits reached well beyond the social stratum of
aristocrats in our region.
The majority of horse fi.gurines found in Hungary form part of a Central
European stylistic group. During the analysis of these objects it became
clear that glaze had been applied on them earlier ( 1 3th century) than
on mundane hausehold pottery.
It was also observed that the small size in pottery does not in itself
mean the vessel functioned as a toy. Only pieces with special features may
be classifi.ed within this group.
On thc other hand, clay dolls may be unambiguously distinguished
from non-garne fi.gurines on the basis of their different execution, especially
concerning their clothing and hairstyle.
Play was not even inhibited by winter. This season even offered additional
possibilities as is shown by a number of paintings and the great
variety of skate and sied types.
lt is important to ernphasize that a major part of children games were
closely associated with the adult way of life and changes observed in it.
Children’s play followed these changes which in turn penetrated the games
themselves. This is why elements of ancient adult customs were preserved
in many children gamcs.
Finally, it rnust be pointed out that as a result of children of various
ages playing with each other a number of games maintained their continuity
up to modern times. It is for this reason that ethnographic data as
well as 17t11-18th century written records, under certain restrictions, may
bc utilized in the reconstruction of the medieval situation. This material
will possibly provide the firmest foundation for subsequent research.
124
List of Illustrations
Abbreviations: A: fabric, B: site, C : size, D: period, E: museuro and inventory
nurober.
Fig. I: Niche with stellar vault, gamblers on the keystone. B: Di6sgyör
Castle, southern wing, D: 14th c.
Fig. II.1: Chesspiece. A: antler, B: Nagyvazsony Castle, C: 4 x 2 cm, D:
late 1 5th_ 16th c., E: Bakony Muzeum, Veszpn!m 58.698.2.
Fig. 11.2: Chesspiece. A: antler, B: Nagyvazsony Castle, C: 5,2 x 2,4 cm,
D: late 1 5th-16th c., E: Bakony Muzeum, Veszprem 58.698.1.
Fig. II.3: Chesspiece. A: anti er, B : Nagyvazsony Castle, C: 4,4 x 2 cm, D :
late 15th_16th c., E: Bakony Muzeum, Veszprem 58.698.3.
Fig. II.4: Chesspiece. A: hone, B: Di6sgyör Castle, C: 2,8 x 1,6 cm, D: late
1 4th c., E: Herman Ott6 Muzeum, Miskolc.
Fig. II.5: Chesspiece. A: hone, B: Visegrad, Lower Castle, C: 4,4 x 2,5 cm,
D: 15th c., E: Matyas Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegrad 69.55.3.
Fig. II.6: Gaming disc. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 5,9x 1,8 cm, D: 13th c., E:
Budapest Historical Museum, 72.233. 10.
Fig. 111. 1: Die. A: hone, B : Buda, C: 1 x 1 x 1 cm, D: 13th c., E: Budapest
Historical Museum.
Fig. III.2: Die. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 0,8 x 0,8 x 0,8 cm, D: ? , E: Budapest
Historical Museum.
Fig. 111.3: Die. A: hone, B : Buda, C: 0,5 x 0,5 x 0,5 cm, D: 13th c., E:
Budapest Historical Museum.
Fig. 111.4: Die. A: hone, B : Visegrad, C: 1 x 1 x 1 cm, D: 15th c., E: Matyas
Kiraly Muzeum, Visegrad 68.3.1.
Fig. III.5: Die. A: hone, B: Visegrad, C: 1 x 1 x 1 cm, D: 1 4th_ 15th c., E:
Matyas Kiraly Muzeum, Visegrad 67.48.21.
Fig. III.6: Die. A: hone, B: Visegnid, C: 0,8 x 0,8x 0,8 cm, D: 15th c., E:
Matyas Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegrad 62.1.27.
125
Fig. III.7: Die. A: hone, B: Visegrad, C: 0,6 x 0,6x 0,6 cm, D: medieval, E:
1viatyas Kiraly Mlizeum, Visegrad 69.59.2.
Fig. III.8: Die. A: bone, B: Buda, C: 1,7x 2,2 cm, D: 15th-16th c., E :
Budapest Historical Museum 52.3117.
Fig. IV: Throwing the dice for the clothes of Christ. Quomodo Ponehat
Sortern Super Vestimenta. Out of: Magyar Anjou Legendarium. Budapest,
1973. fig. 69, D: 1 4th c.
Fig. V: Dice. Misericordia Domini. Out of: Magyar Anjou Legendarium.
Dudapest, 1973, fig. 64, D: 1 4th c.
Fig. VI: Dice. King Mattbias and the Misericordia Domini. Out of: Bihliotheca
Corviniana. Budapest, 1967, fig. 75, D: c. 1480.
Fig. VII: Detail of fig. VI: The arms of king Matthias.
Fig. VIII: Juggler and dice. Capital of a halfpillar; Benedictine abbey at
Vertesszent Kereszt, D: c. 1200, E: Hungarian National Gallery, Budapest.
Fig. IX. 1 : Token. A : hone, B: Buda, C: 2,9 x 2,3 x 0,8 cm, D: 14t h_1 5th c.,
E: Budapest Historical Museum 79.112.1
Fig. IX.2: Token. A: bone, B: Buda, C: 2,4 x 2, 4 x 0,6 cm, D: medieval, E:
Budapest Historical Museum 52.132.
Fig. IX.3: Token. A: bone, B: Buda, C: 2,5 x 2,5 x 0,8 cm, D: medieval, E:
Budapest Historical Museum 52.473.
Fig. IX.4: Token. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 2,1 x 2, 1 x 0,7 cm, D : 1 4th_15th c . ,
E : Budapest Historical Museum 8 1 .40. 1 .
Fig. IX.5: Token. A: bone, B : Buda, C: 2,9 x 2,3 x 0,8cm, D: late 13th_early
14th c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 52.30.
Fig. IX.6: Token. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 2,6 x 1 ,8 x 0,8 cm, D: 1 4th_15th c.,
E : Budapest Historical Museum 81.42.1.
Fig. IX.7: Token. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 3 x 3 x 0,7 cm, D: 1 5th c., E :
Budapest Historical Museum 52.369.
Fig. IX.8: Token. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 3 x 3, 1 x 0,7 cm, D: 1 4th_1 5th c.,
E: Budapest Historical Museum 79.113.1.
Fig. IX.9: Token. A: hone, B: Buda, C: 3,5 x 3,2 x 0,3 cm, D: 1 4th_15th c.,
E: Budapest Historical Museum 79.114.1.
Fig. IX.IO: Token. A: hone, B : Buda, C: 3,6 x 3,1 x 0,8 cm, D : 1 4th_1 5th
c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 81.41.1.
Fig. X: Nine-men’s morris. A: clay, B : Buda, C: 1 4 x 9,3 x 9 cm, D : 1 5th c.,
E: Budapest Historical Museum 82.375.
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Fig. XI: Nine-men’s morris. A: stone, B : Buda, C: 1 1 x 1 1 x 8cm, D: medieval,
E: Budapest Historical Museum 50.474.
Fig. XII: Nine-men’s morris. A: stone, B: Buda, C: 1 1 ,5 x 12,9x 9,8 cm ,
D: medieval, E: Budapest Historical Museum.
Fig. XIII: Nine-men’s morris. A: stone, B: Buda, C: 1 1 ,6 x 8,5 x 1 cm, D :
meclieval, E : Buclapest Historical Museum.
Fig. XIV. 1 : Rolling of eggs. Flemish margin drawing. Out of: R. M. C.
Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts. Berkeley, 1 966,
fig. 20, D: 14th c.
Fig. XIV.2: Small bells on the end of a sleeve and on the top of a hat.
Wladislaw Gradual, initial. D: c. 1500-1 510.
Fig. XV. 1 : Bird-shaped gurgling whistle. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 6,8 x 3,8 x 4,8
cm, D: 151″ c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 51.22.62.
Fig. XV.2: Bird-shaped gurgling whistle. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 4,1 x 3,9 x 5,2
cm, D: 15th c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 66.143.1.
Fig. XVIab: Horse-shaped gurgling whistle. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 8,4 x
2,9 x 4,2 cm, D: 15th_16th c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 65.182.
Fig. XVI I. 1 : Doll. A: clay, B: Visegrad, C: 1 0 x 6cm, D: 14th c., E: Matyas
Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegrad 67.47. 1 .
Fig. XVII.2: Doll. A : clay, B : Visegrad, C : 8,8 x 4 cm, D : 14th c., E : Matyas
Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegracl 61.6.9.
Fig. XVIII: Typical fashion of clothes of the 14th century. . . Chronicon Pie.
tum, m1tial . D : 14th c.
Fig. XIX . 1 : Doll. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 3 x 5 cm, D: seconcl half of the
15th_early 16th c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 52.574.
Fig. XIX.2: Doll. A: clay, B: Szecseny, C: 7 x 2,5 cm, D: 16th_17th c., E:
Kubinyi Ferenc Muzeum, Szecseny 72.22.23.
Fig. XX. 1 : Toy horse. A: clay, green glaze, B: Buda, C: 4,5x 4,5cm, D:
131″ c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 81 .245.
Fig. XX.2: Toy horse. A: clay, B: Visegrad, C: 7 x 6,6 cm, D: second half
of the 141h c., E: Matyas Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegrad 68.18.2.
Fig. XXI . l : Toy horse. A: clay, yellowish-brown glaze, B: Buda, C: 6 x 5,2
cm, D: 14th c., E: Budapest Historical Museum 52.813.
Fig. XX1.2: Toy horse. A: clay, yellow glaze, B: Visegrad, C: 4,2 x 5 cm,
D: 141h c., E: Matyas Kiraly MU.zeum, Visegrad.
Fig. XXI.3: Toy horse. A: clay, B: Györ, C: 4,5 x 5,5 cm, D: medieval, E :
Xantus Janos Muzeum, Györ 77.8.24.
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Fig. XXI.4: Toy horse. A: clay, B: Buda, C: 5,3 x 6 cm, D: 14th_15th c., E:
Dudapest Historical Museum 81.246.
Fig. XXII: Toy horse. A: bronze, B: -, C: 1 1 ,4 x 9,3x 6,5 cm, D : late
15th_early 16th c., E: Hungarian National Museum, Budapest 1972 . 1 1 5
(photo: Judit Kardos).
Fig. XXIII: Toy horse with rider. A: clay, B : Buda, C: 7 x 5 cm, D: 16th
c . , E: Budapest Historical Museum 51 .3006.
Fig. XXIV: Detail of Matthäus Zasinger: Turnierspiel, engraving. D :
c . 1500, E: Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest 17 (photo: Szepmüveszeti
Muzeum, Budapest).
Fig. XXV: Child riding a hobby horse. Wladislaw Gradual, initial, D:
c. 1500-1510.
Fig. XXVI: Spinning top. A: wood, B: Buda, C: 5 x 5,8cm, D: 14th c., E:
Budapcst Historical Museum 69. 1 1 .7.
Fig. XXVII: Fighting over marbles. Wladislaw Gradual, initial, D: c. 1500-
1510.
Fig. XXVIII: Fighting in relation with skittles. Wladislaw Gradual. D:
c. 150ü-1510.
Fig. XXIX: Skates. A: bone, B: Esztergom-Szentpalfalua, C: 24,5 x 3,5
x 2,3cm, D: medieval, E: Balassa Balint Muzeum, Esztergom 56. 781 . 1 .
Fig. XXX: Skates. A : bone, B: Esztergom-Szentpalfalua, C: 2 6 x 4 , 7 x 2,5
cm, D: medieval, E: Balassa Balint Muzeum, Esztergom 56.785. 1 .
Fig. XXXI: Skating technique at the beginning of the 20th century. Out
of: 0. Herman: Ironga, Kece, Szank6. Budapest, 1902, fig. 2.
Fig. XXXII. Sled runners. A: bone, B: Esztergom-Szentpalfalua, C: 18
x 7 x 3 cm, D: medieval, E: Balassa Balint Muzeum, Esztergom 56.778.
Fig. XXXIII. Sled runners. A: bone, B: Romhany, C: 32,5 x 6 x 3 cm, D:
Arpadian Age, E : Kubinyi Ferenc Muzeum, Szecseny 77.35.3.
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