Perturbations of the SouI : Alexander of Ashby and Aegidius of Paris on Understanding Biblical Obscuritas

Perturbations of the Sou I :
Alexander of Ashby and Aegidius of Paris
on U nderstanding Biblical Obscuritas
Greti Dinkova-Bruun
The mystery of the Bible and the significance of its deeply encoded messages
have shaped Christi an discourse from the earl iest days of its existence.
The brightest patristic, Carolingian, pre-scholastic and scholastic
minds strove tirelessly to understand the meaning of God’s creation and
the place of humanity in it. They were guided in this endeavor by Holy
Scripture, which however often challenged them with perplexing, Contradietory
and obscure testimonies. From the time of Augustine
throughout the entire Middle Ages the inherent obscurity of the divine
word was considered an integral part of God’s message. lt was universally
believed that the true meaning of Scripture was concealed from the
reader in order to encourage a multipl icity of interpretations that could
only enrich and strengthen the faith of the believer.1 Because of the great
i ntellectual effort expended in this search for understanding, the truth
uncovered at the end would be even more highly valued, while pride
would be subdued by toil and the i ntellect freed from disdain towards
what has been discovered without difficulty.2 By devising this learning
strategy God proves to be l i ke the best of teachers who never give their
students easy answers and whose lessons are intricate but memorable.
While this brief description of the inherent nature of b i b l ical obscuritas
may be fairly weil known, I w i l l show in the following pages how
these thoughts are exemplified in the writings of two thirteenth-century
authors, whose works have not been examined from this perspective.
See Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos. ln Psalmum 1 26, 1 1 , ed. D. E. Dekkers and
I. Fra1pont, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 40 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1965),
1 865. See also Jan Ziolkowski, „Theories of Obscurity in the Latin Tradition,“ Mediaevalia
1 9 (1996): 101-67. esp. 1 46-4 7.
„ad edomandam Iabore superbiam et intelleeturn a fastidio reuocandum“ (Augustine,
Oe Ooctrina Christiana libri IV 2.6, ed. Joseph Martin, Corpus Christianorum
Series Latina 32 [Turnhout: Brepols, 1965], 35).
76 GRETI DINKOVA-BRUUN
The authors i n question are the Augustinian prior Alexander of Ashby in
England (d. August 6, 1 208 or 1 21 4) 3 and the Parisian master and poet
Aegidius (fl. 1 200),4 who take two different but complementary approaches
in explaining the perplexing nature of the biblical narrative.
Alexander and Aegidius are examined together in this study because
they both treat the topic of biblical obscuritas i n the context of biblical
versification, thus adding a new pedagogical d imension to the theological
significance of the q uestion.
l n the prose prologue to his poem, the Breuisssima comprehensio historiarum,
s a text addressed to one of his younger followers, Alexander of
Ashby outlines three principal turbationes that confuse the carnal soul in
its early attempts to understand the meaning of sacred scripture. They
are obscuritas significationis, uarietas expositionis, and mutatio personarum.
S Let us examine more closely what Alexander means by these turbationes
and what solutions he proposes for dea l i ng with the cognitive
difficulties created by them.
Alexander was the second prior of the small Augustinian house of Canons Ashby
in Northamptonshire. For details on his life, an edition of his epitaph, and the
date of his death, see Greti Dinkova-Bruun, „Aiexander of Ashby: New Biographical
Evidence.“ Mediaeva I Studies 63 (2001 ): 305-22. According to his epitaph,
Alexander died at the age of sixty. which means that he was born in 1 1 48 or
1 1 54.
Little is known about Aegidius of Paris, expect for what he teils us himself. He is
known mostly for revising Peter Riga’s poem the Aurora, but he also wrote a versified
life of Charlemagne entitled the Karotinus, which he presented as a gift to
the future King Louis V I I I , on 3 September, 1 200. For some recent studies on Aegidius,
see Greti Dinkova- Bruun, „Aegidius of Paris and the Seven Seals: A Prose
Prologue to the Gospels in Peter Riga’s Aurora,“ Mediaeva I Studies 73 (2011 ) :
1 1 9-45; Greti Dinkova-Bruun, “ Corrector Ultimus: Aegidius of Paris and Peter
Riga’s Aurora,“ in Modes of Authorship in the Middle Ages, ed. Slavica Rancovic
(Toronto: PIMS, 2012). 1 7 2-89; and Greti Dinkova-Bruun, „Charlemagne as a
Model Ruler in the Poem Karolinus by Aegidius of Paris (ca. 1 2 00)“ (forthcoming).
For further information on Aegidius’s life and I iterary activity, see Paul
Beichner, Aurora Petri Rigae Versificata, 2 vols. (Notre Dame: University of Notre
Dame Press, 1965), 1 , xx-xxvi, and Histoire litteraire de Ia France (Paris: lmprimerie
nationale 1 832), 1 7 : 36-69.
For the critical edition of this prologue, see Alexandri Essebiensis Opera Poetica,
ed. Greti Dinkova-Bruun. Corpus Christai norum Continuatio Mediaevafis 1 88A
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 5-13.
„Carnalis autem animus in inicio sacre erudicionis tripliciter turbari solet. Prima
turbacio est de obscuritate significacionis, secunda de uarietate exposicionis, tercia
de mutacione personarum“ (Aiexander of Ashby, Breuisssima comprehensio,
Prologus, 7.52-54). See also Ziolkowski, „Theories of Obscurity,“ 1 50-51.
ALEXANDER OF ÄSHBY AND AEGIDIUS OF PARIS 77
According t o Alexander, obscuritas significationis o r obscurity of
meaning causes consternation and bewilderment among the i nexperi·
enced readers of the Bible because they fail to grasp why God expresses
hirnself allegorice et obscure, as though wishing to hide from them the
path to salvation.7 Would God not want the flock of the faithful to acquire
true understanding of his message? if so, why does he obscure and hide
it in d i fficult and perplexing figurae and a l l egories? i n order to dispel this
confusion Alexander uses three quotations from Augustine’s Enarrationes
in Psalmos: one from the exposition on Psalm 1 40, and two more
from the expositians on Psalms 1 46 and 1 47.8 These quotations may
have been borrowed d i rectly from Augustine but it is also possible that
Alexander took them from Peter Lombard’s treatise on the Psalms,
which contains the same passages from Augustine and which by Alexander’s
time had become the commentary of choice in scholastic circles.
in either case. according to Augustine (and Lombard), the profound
mysteries of scripture are veiled for three reasons: first, in order to retain
their value (ne uiiescant); second, in order to exercise the mind (ut
exerceant); and third. in order to provide spiritual nourishment for the
reader once their hidden meaning is uneavered (ut pascant).9 in this
d i fficult journey of understanding, one should not be arrogant and accuse
God of expressing hirnself badly. After a l l , the patient does not ob·
ject to the medications prescribed to him by his doctor; in fact, he accepts
them without complaining. Love of God, faith in his good intentions
and humi lity will Iead to sublime peace of mind, pax summa, as Alexan·
der calls it. if one respects the divine law, one should honor it, even if one
does not camprehend everything in it. if something that is written in the
Bible seems absurd. one should consider it too elevated for one’s imper·
fect human intellect and thus embrace it in faith.10 in this way, the anxi-
Breuissima comprehensio, Pro/ogus, 7-8.55-79.
Breuissima comprehensio, Pro/ogus, 7-8.59-75. See Augustinus, Enarrationes in
Psalmos, in Psalmum 1 4 0, 1-2; ln Psalmum 1 4 6, 1 2; in Psalmum 147, 2, 2026,
2 1 3 1 . 2147.
„Sunt in scripturis sanctis quedam profunda misteria que ad hoc absconduntur
ne uilescant, ad hoc queruntur ut exerceant, ad hoc aperiuntur ut pascant.
Scriptura enim sacra, si nusquam esset aperta, non te pasceret, si nusquam
occulta, non te exerceret“ (Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus, 7-8.59-61;
quotation from Augustine, in Psalmum 140.1-2).
lO „Qui enim legem diligit, si quid in ea non intelligit, honorat; quod absurde sonare
uidetur, iudicat esse magnum et se nesci re“ (Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus,
8.77-79).
7 8 GRETI DINKOVA-ßRUUN
ety created by the First turbatio w i l l be chased away.
The second difficu lty stems from the so-ca lled varietas expositionis or
variety of exposition.11 What Alexander means by „variety of exposition“
is actually the multipl icity of explanations proposed by the various catholic
i nterpreters and theologians in their scholarly treatises on the Bible.
l s i t really possible, some people ask, that the Holy Spirit truly intends
for the same words of scripture to contain a m u ltitude of different
meanings? Alexander’s answer to this question is „yes,“ each Statement
in the Bible is divinely precond itioned to sign ify many different things
and the task of the reader is to find these hidden layers of sign ification.
This intellectual pursuit is meant to enrich the word of God and to provide
worthy occupation for a l l men who have dedicated their lives to the
service of the Lord. Al l the meanings (omnes sensus) that are found in the
Bible by the Christi an exegetes are supposed to be uncovered.12 The process,
however, is gradual and complex, resulting in a mu ltitude of d iverse
opini ons. This process is captured in the prophetic words of Daniel 1 2:4,
which Alexander did not quote, but which seem to exempl ify perfectly
the tenor of his second turbatio: „Many shall pass through and knowledge
shall be manifold.“13
The final d i fficu lty that confuses the carnal soul when it attempts to
understand the meaning of the Bible is what Alexander calls mutatio personarum
or the change of speaker.14 This problern seems to be encountered
most often in the Psalter, where the speaker is sometimes Christ
himself, sometimes various parts of his body, and sometimes the reader.
Alexander i nsists that it is easy to explain this apparent confusion of expression
as long as one remembers that it is a lways Christ who speaks,
despite what appears at first glance. Christ is the head (caput), and the
head a lways speaks for the other parts of the body, the membra, be they
physical limbs or the members of the Church. Thus there is no mutatio
personarum really; the speaker is a lways only one. This understanding of
1 1 Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus, 9.80-94.
12 „Omnes autem sensus, quos catholici expositores in scriptures sacris
apposuerunt, spiritus sanctus, quo ipse scripture sacre sunt, apponi et intelligi
uoluit et adhuc plures, qui a te uel a quolibet alio catholice dici possunt“ (Breuissima
comprehensio, Prologus, 9.90-94).
13 „Pertransibunt plurimi et multi plex erit scientia.“ On the meaning of Daniel 1 2:4,
see Jefferey R. Webb, „Knowledge will be manifold: Daniel 1 2:4 and the ldea of lntellectual
Progress in the Middle Ages“ (unpublished LMS paper, P I MS 2012; deposed
in the PIMS Library).
14 Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus, 9-1 0.95-1 10.
ALEXANOER OF ASHBY ANO AEGI OIUS OF PARIS 79
the head-body union as representing the relationship between Christus
and Ecclesia is a very old exegetical principle advanced as early as the
fourth century by the North African Donatist theologian Tyconius. lndeed,
Tyconius’s first rule in his textbook on biblical interpretation
called the Liber Regularum („The Book of Rules“) deals precisely with the
issue of the unity between Christ and h1s body the Church.15 These ideas
were widely dissemi nated in the Latin West through their inclusion i n
Augustine’s Oe doctrina Christiana and lsidore’s Sentences.16
The mutatio personarum concludes the section of Alexander’s prologue
that outlines the three turbationes faced by the carnal soul when it
first tri es to decipher the messages of the B i b le. Being a preacher and a
teacher, Alexander proceeds to give practical advice to his reader on how
the afore mentioned d i fficulties can be overcome. The answer is simple:
serious dedication to learning. ln fact, Alexander proposes a program of
study saying that in order to understand the four senses of scripture one
must begin by mastering the historical or I itera I Ievei. For this purpese it
is best to start with Hugh of Saint Victor’s Oidascalicon, which Alexander
calls lsagogas magistri Hugonis theologi, or with some other short introductory
texts.17 Second, after identifying the right books, one needs to
find the right teachers. They can be located in the peace and si lence of
the cloister where the student w i l l encounter
many masters, extremely skilled in both divine and secular knowledge, who
can expound the theological arguments better than anybody eise, because they
know them not only through reasoni ng. bLt also through experience.1s
1 5 See The Book of Ru/es of Tyconius. Newly Edited from the MSS with an lntroduction
and an Examination into the Text of the Bib/ical Quotations, ed. F. Crawford
Burkitt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1894), 1-8. Burkitt’s Latin text
was reprinted and translated in Tyconius: The Book of Rufes, trans. William S.
Babcock (Atlanta: Schalars Press. 1989).
16 See Pamela Bright, The Book of Rufes of Tyconius: lts Purpose and Inner Logic
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. 1 9 88). and Pierre Cazier. „Le Livre
des regt es de Tyconius. Sa transmission du Oe doctrina christiana aux Sentences
d’lsidore de Seville,“ Revue des tltudes augustiniennes 1 9 (1973): 241-61, esp.
245. For Augustine’s text, see his Oe doctrina christinana 3.30-37, CCSL 32. 102-
06. Rute 1 is discussed in chapter 31. p. 104. Augustine dea\s with the same issue
m Enarrationes in Psalmos, ln Psalmum 140, 3, CCSL 40, 2027-2028.29-30 („Si
ergo ille caput, nos corpus. unus homo Joqu1tur; siue caput loquatur, siue membra,
unus Christus loquitur.“
17 Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus, 9-10.95-1 10, 10. 1 1 5-16.
18 „Habes tecum magistras plures, tam in diuinis, quam in secularibus literis
peritissimos, qui theologicas raciones eo melius poterunt exponere, quo eas
uerius nouerunt non so\ um per scienciam. sed eciam per experienciam“ (Breuis80
GRETI DINKOVA-BRUUN
And finally, one has to develop good learning habits. Here Alexander
quotes from the Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei attributed in the Middle
Ages to Bernard of Clairvaux, but now known to be the work of William
of St. Thierry.19 The point made herein is that the student has to make a
clear distinction between reading (lectio) and study (studium). The two
are definitely not the same; indeed, they are as different as friendship is
different from hospitality and amiable affection from casual greeting.zo
Study needs to be closely connected, fi rst, to understanding what one is
reading; second, to memorizing what one has read; and third, to meditating
upon the true significance of the memorized material. The ultimate
purpese of the study of Scripture is to d iscover the glory of the
abundant goodness of God which is laid up for those who fear him.21 This
aim w i l l make the effort (Iabor) of the student a delightful (delectabilis)
process rather than a d i fficult one or, as Alexander puts it hirnself at the
beginning of his prologue: „The consideration of the benefits of this
study turns toil into play.“22
The somewhat pragmatic and completely demystifying way in which
Alexander presents and solves the problems of biblical obscuritas may
seem somewhat unexpected at first. However, his prologue is representative
of the changed environment of scholastic study at the beginning of
the thirteenth century, an environment i n which conscious attempts are
made to render the study of scripture and theology a rational and manageable
academic process.23 Alexander’s own versification of the Bible,
which was preceded by the prologue discussed here, is an excellent example
of this new approach to contemporary pedagogical concerns and
methods. As a result, the Brevissima comprehensio historiarum is a verse
digest of the historical books of the Bible that is meant to serve as a
sima comprehensio, Prologus, 1 1 . 1 34-37).
19 See Guillaume de Saint- Thierry. Lettre aux freres du Mont-Dieu (Lettre d’or), ed.
and French trans. Jean Dechanet, 2 ed., Sources chretiennes 223 (Paris: Editions
du Cerf. 1985); English translation in The Golden Epistle: A Letter to the Brethren
at Mont Dieu, trans. Theodore Berkeley, 2 ed. (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications.
1 980).
20 „Et in omni scriptura, tantum distat studium a leccione quantum amicicia ab hospicio,
socialis affectio a fortuita salutacione“ (Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus.
1 2.1 52-54).
21 Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus, 1 3.1 74-75, which is a quotation of Ps. 30:20. 22 „Laborem in ludum vertit fructus consideratio“ (Breuissima comprehensio, Prologus.
5.1). 23 Gillian R. Evans, Old Arts and New Theology: The Beginning of Theology as an Academic
Oiscipline (Oxford: Glarendon Press, 1980), 27-37.
ALEXANDER OF ASHBY AND AEGI DIUS OF PARIS 81
mnemenie aid to the student who is striving to master the Iitera I Ievei of
biblical study. The l i nguistic and theological obscurity of scripture is
temporarily put aside by Alexander, not because the poet denies its existence
but because he considers the clarification of the hidden meaning of
the sacred page to be the next step in the program of study his reader is
advised to follow.
Aegidius of Paris, the second author under discussion, represents this
next Ievei. ln his prose prologue to Peter Riga’s Evangelium, Aegidius
I inks the obscurity of the B i ble to the Book of Revelation and the seven
seals mentioned in it. Scripture is sealed by God with signacula and can
be unlocked (so/uenda) only by those who know how to uncover the secrets
of its symbolic language.
Aegidius of Paris and Alexander of Ashby were near contemporaries
but their approaches are somewhat different, even though both wrote
prose introductions to verse renditions of the Bible. lf Alexander’s text,
as we a l ready saw, was mainly concerned with the Iitera! sense of the
biblical narrative, Aegidius’s preface is deeply embedded in a long trad ition
of prefigurative exegesis which is concerned primarily with the allegorical
Ievei of understand ing or, as he calls it himself, the altior intelligentia.
24
ln the open i n g paragraph of his preface Aegidius com pares hirnself to
John the Evangelist who cries b i tterly i n Revelation 5 because there is
nobody worthy to open the book sealed with the seven seals. He conti n ues
to say that the sealed book is, of course, the B i ble, which could not
truly be called sacred or holy, if it talked simply about the mundane
deeds of men and contained no divine mysteries. lt is shameful and absurd,
insists Aegidius, to believe the foolishness of the Jews who hold the
view that the authority and power of scripture are based on some insign
i ficant historical tales (historicas narratiunculas) that are to be understood
literally. Samething more sublime has to be hi dden and searched
for in the letter.25 l n deed, Jesus hirnself says as much in the Gospel of
24 Ed. Dinkova-Bruun, in „Aegidius of Paris and the Seven Seals,“ 1 37.18.
2s „liber iste est sacra scri ptura continens diuinam preordinationem et eiusdem
promissionem antiquis patribus factam de filio Dei mittendo in carnem a d con summandum
nostre redemptionis misterium per ipsius passionem et mortem.
Neque enim uere sacra aut diuina scriptura dici passet uel deberet, si tantum de
hominibus ita quod de puris eorum gestis ageret et nulla diuina misteria contineret.
Turpe satis est fatuis Iudeis et absurdum credere quod propter quasdam
quantu m ad litteram hystoricas narratiunculas tanta auctoritate scri ptura ista
polieret, ni si in ipso corpore littere aliquid querendum sublimius latitaret“ (in
82 GRETI DINKOVA-BRUUN
John, chapter 1 6, verses 1 2-1 3:
I have many more things t o say t o you b u t you cannot bear them now. But
when he, the Spirit of truth, comes, he will guide you into all the truth.26
U n t i l that moment the mysteries of the Bible w i l l remain „not fully expressed
but veiled and obfuscated by figurative imagery and enigmatic
testimon ies.“27 The Jew cannot read the Book because it is sealed (signatus),
and the pagan philosopher is unable to understand it because i n
Jerome’s view h e is ignorant of its sacred letters,ZB but even the Christian
cannot have a clear and perfect knowledge of its secrets before they are
revealed to him by Christ, „the lion from the tribe of Judah, who is our
teacher in humi l ity and the harbinger of our salvation.“29
Aegidius dedicates the rest of the prologue to showing his reader
how the secrets of the Bible can be understood. His exegetical method is
trad itional, meaning that each enigma fulfilled in the New Testament is
exemplified and corroborated by a passage or passages from the Old
Testament, all quoted in rapid succession and without lengthy explanations.
Aegidius thus proposes the following clusters of solutions of the
biblical mysteries: First, each of the seven seals of Revelation represents
one sacramental mysterium related to Christ, that is, his incarnation, nativity,
passion, resurrection, ascension, the sending of the holy spirit. and
the lastjudgment;30 second, the seven seals can be i nterpreted as symbols
of the seven ecclesiastical sacraments, that is, baptismus, eucharistia,
confirmatio, ordo, coniugium, penitentia and extrema inunctio. Again,
scriptural testimonies from the Old Testa ment are presented as i l l ustrations
of these solemn religious occasions; and finally, scriptural examples
are presented as Statements anticipating the Christian beliefs in the
general resurrection and the lastjudgment at which the righteous w i l l be
„Aegidius of Paris and the Seven Seals,“ 1 37.21-29)
26 „Adhuc multa habeo vobis dicere sed non potestis portare modo. Cum autem venerit
i l l e Spiritus veritatis docebit vos i n omnem veritatem.“
27 „non ad plenum expressa sunt sed figuris et enigmatibus adumbrata“ ( i n
„Aegidius o f Paris and the Seven Seals,“ 1 37.32).
28 See H i eronymus, Commentariorum in Esaiam libri 1-/X, Prologus, ed. M. Adriaen,
CCSL 77 (T urnhout: Brepols, 1 953), 2.34-40.
29 „Libro ergo sie remanente clauso et nemine aperiente eum nec soluente signacula
eius, uenit tandem ‚leo de tribu luda‘ (Apoc. 5:5) Christus, scil icet Dauid secundum
carnem filius, qui uenit nobis magister esse humil itatis et auctor nostre
salutis“ (in „Aegidius of Paris and the Seven Seals,“ 1 38.50-53).
30 For a similar way of interpreting the seals, see E. Ann Matter, „The pseudo-Aicuinian
De septem sigillis: an early Latin apocalypse exegesis,“ Traditio 35 (1980):
1 1 1 -37.
ALEXANDER OF ASHBY AND AEGI DIUS OF PARIS 83
rewarded and the wicked punished.
None of this is new or original as such. Christian exegetes had been
making these connections for centuries. What is unusual is the context in
which these ideas are placed. While Aegidius’s a l l egorical approach to
understanding the Bible differs from Alexander of Ashby’s, it exemplifies
a similar desire to organize, clarify and versify the ava ilable interpretative
knowledge for d i dactic purposes. lf Alexander’s teaching method
was to el iminate scriptural obscurity, Aegidius’s approach was to propose
a way of unlocking its meaning. ln this he follows the example of
Peter Riga, whose poem he is revising and expanding and to which he
also adds the prologue under discussion here. Aegidius’s interest in the
a l l egorical meaning of the sacred page is exemplified by such accretions
to the Aurora as the Misterium de Tobia a correctore appositum, the Allegoria
de libro ludith. and the Allegoria de libro Hester.31 l n his own words,
Aegidius seeks to uncover the h idden flavor of the bibl ical text by cracking
open the bone of the Ietter and tasting the sweet marrow inside. The
scent of typology. continues Aegidi us, adds taste to the Ietter of the text.
and the figure in the words delights l i ke the aroma in the herbs:
I proceed by appending a short addition to the Bock of Tobit about the flavor
which words possess through their figurative meaning; for the Ietter of the
text, though bony on the outside, preserves this flavor inside, so if one sucks on
it (i.e. the Ietter), its marrow will taste sweet to him. The plam narrat1on of
events is dry as bone on the outside, but the figurative scent, being strenger,
flavors the words.J2
This vivid sensory imagery of pleasant aroma and sweet taste hidden inside
the Ietter captures perfectly Aegidius’s exegetical approach which is
exemplified also i n his prologue to Peter Riga’s Euangelium. l n addition,
the way in which the text of the prologue is constructed reveals another
Ievei of signification that is not immediately apparent. The seven seals of
scripture represent first the mysteries of Christ’s incarnation, or in other
words, the past; then they are l i nked to the ecclesiastical sacraments,
thus encompassing the present; and finally. the beliefs in the second
coming of Christ and the lastjudgment invoke the prophecies about the
future. ln this way. without saying so explicitly, Aeg i d i us rei nforces the
3 1 See Beichner, Aurora, 1 :334-38, 383, and 396-98, respectively.
3Z „Tobie libro breuiter subscribere pergo, I Quid typico sensu uerba saporis habent;
I Intus enim retinet foris ossea l ittera textus I Quam qu i suggit ei dulce
medulla sapit. I Aret ut os extra rerum narratio pura, I Ac typicus potior uerba
saporat oder“ (Beichner, Aurora, vol. 1 :334, Misterium de T obia a correctore appositum,
vv. 1-6).
84 GRETI DINKOVA-BRUUN
idea that the Bible contains the entire span of human history as predetermined
by God’s master plan. Hence the meaning of history is of paramount
i mportance for both Alexander and Aegidius, even though they
approach the concept differently.
Like Alexander, Aegidius is also concerned with memory, which is
closely connected to the idea of historical process. Thus towards the end
of his prologue Aegidius says that „it is easy to find in scripture the mysteries
locked within it and the sacraments hidden inside, but it is not
easy to remember a l l of them.“33 Unl ike Alexander, however, who gives
deta i led practical advice about how the Student should train his memory
and who produces a verse compend ium to help him do so, Aegidius relies
fully on Christ. „Christ, who is our Lord and master,“ says Aegidius,
will reveal the secrets and will grant us understanding in everything we need
to know i n order to be saved. Then, once we have been instructed. he will redeem
us; once we have been redeemed, he will keep us i n his faith, and finally
he will save and bless us.l‘
Through his incarnation and m i nistry, death and resurrection, Christ has
made humanity part of his heavenly kingdem and the task of every
Christian is to learn about a l l the major events in his life, which are narrated
in the Gospels. Poetic works like the Aurora prove to be very useful
for this purpese because they offer memorable digests of an enormous
quantity of medieval exegetical schalarship on the Bible. As a result, even
though only Christ can grant true knowledge, the believer is encouraged
to learn the basics hirnself in order to be prepared for the revelations
which w i l l eventually be granted to him. Again, although his starting
point was different from that of Alexander, Aegidius arrived at the same
conclusion: learning to the best of one’s l i m ited human abil ities is an important
step towards dispelling scriptural obscurity and unveiling the
meani ng of the sacred page.
From an exegetical point of view, the two authors discussed in this
article represent the two major approaches to biblical interpretation: the
33 „Hec sunt que recipit fides catholica, quorum sunt in scripturis signata misteria et
abscondita sacramenta, que facile est in scripturis reperire, sed non facile est
omnia ad memoriam reuocare“ (in „Aegidius of Paris and the Seven Seals,“
1 43.1 94-96).
l• „Ad hec et alia in hunc modum uenit Christus Dominus et magister noster, ut ea
nobis reuelaret et in his nobis intelligentiam aperiret, quatinus de his tanquam de
necesariis ad salutem instructos nos redderet, instructos redimeret, redemptos
in sua fide conseruaret, postea saluaret et beatificaret“ (in „Aegidius of Paris and
the Seven Seals.“ 143.1 96-200).
ALEXANDER OF ASHBY AND AEGI OIUS OF PARIS 85
Iitera! (linguistic and immediate) and the a l l egorical (symbolic and delayed),
even though, as was shown above, Aegidius does not Iack historical
sensibil ities. in fact, the two approaches are complementary and represent
the averarehing belief clearly held in the Middle Ages that scriptural
knowledge and divine truth will be revealed gradually and in
various ways to the one who is searching for them. Mysteries are not explained
easily; in fact, they are revea led only to the initiated who in this
case are the Christian bel ievers.35 However, d i l igent study and mental
discipline are required as wei l, if one hopes to reach spiritual enlightenment.
i n this difficult process, the faithful need to progress from I itera I to
allegorical understanding using a l l the tools available to them: books and
teachers, memory and meditation, faith and patience. Despite their differences,
both Alexander and Aegidius are early-thi rteenth-century
teachers who exemplify the scholastic methods of study and who strive
to bring order and clarity to the vast field of theological thought inherited
from previous centuries in order to make it useful in the classroom.
This common purpose, as weil as the concern with memorability expressed
by both authors, can be readily explai ned by the fact that their
prologues, as a l ready mentioned, were written to accompany verse B i bles.
After a l l , the main reasons for versifying the biblical narrative i n the
later Middle Ages were first didactic and second mnemonic.36 ln order
for these aims to be achieved successful ly, biblical obscuritas had to be
dealt with in one way or a nother. Thus, Alexander of Ashby removes obscure
and confusing passages from his poem, postponing their elucidation
to the moment when the basics have been learned, memorized and
internal ized. Peter Riga and his reviser Aegidius of Paris, in contrast, take
the student to the next Ievei, where obscurity and symbolic language are
confronted and clarified to the best abil ity of the poet. The Student,
JS Ziolkowski, „Theories of Übscurity,“ 1 4 1-43.
36 See, for example, G reti Dinkova-Bruun, „Biblical Versification and Memory i n the
Later M1ddle Ages.“ i n Culture ofMemory in Easc General Europe in ehe Late Middle
Ages and ehe Early Modern Period, ed. Rafal Wöjcik, Prace Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej
30 (Poznan: Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, 2008), 53-64; Greti DinkovaBruun,
„Why Versify the Bible in the Later Middle Ages and for Whom?: The Story
of Creat1on in Verse.“ in Dichten als Stoff-‚lermittlung: Formen, Ziele, Wirkungen.
Beitrage zur Praxis der Versifikation lateinischer Texte im Mittelalter, ed. Peter
Stotz, Medienwandel – Medi enwechsel – Medienwissen, Band 5 (Zürich: Chronos
Verlag, 2008), 41-55; and Greti Di nkova-Bruun, „The Verse Bible as Aide-memoire,“
in TheMaking of Memory in the Middle Ages, ed. Lucie Dole􀖶alova (Leiden:
Brill, 2010), 1 1 5-31.
86 GRETI DINKOVA-ßRUUN
meanwhile, is expected to exercise d i l i gence and persistence because the
hidden truth of Scripture is so multifaceted and the paths to uneavering
it so manifold that, with God’s help, every Christian is bound to find the
understanding that w i l l enrich his faith and make h i m worthier of grace
and salvation.
Obscurity in Medieval Texts
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
SONDERBAND XXX
Obscurity in Medieval Texts
edited by
Lucie Dolezalova, Jeff Rider,
and Alessandro Zironi
Krems 2013
Reviewed by
Tamas Visi
and Myriam White-Le Goff
Cover designed by Petr Dolezal with the use of a photo of the interior of
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (photo Lucie Dolezalova)
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG
DER
CHARLES UNIVERSITY RESEARCH DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS
„UNIVERSITY CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF ÄNCIENT AND MEDIEVAL
INTELLECTUAL TRADITIONS“
UND
„PHENOMENOLOGY AND SEMIOTICS“ (PRVOUK 1 8)
80TH AT THE FACULTY O F HUMANITIES, CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE
UNDDER
CZECH SCIENCE FOUNDATION
WITHIN THE RESEARCH PROJECT
„INTERPRETING AND APPROPRIATING ÜBSCURITY
IN MEDIEVAL MANUSCRIPT CULTURE“
(GACR P405/1 0/Pl 1 2)
A l l e Rechte vorbehalten
-ISBN 978-3-901094-32-13‘.3
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen
Kultur des Mittelalters. Körnermarkt 1 3. 3500 Krems, Österreich. Fur den
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Acknowledgements
List of Figures
T able of Contents
Textual Obscurity in the Middle Ages (lntroduction)
Lucie Dole2alov􀭟. Jeff Rider. and Alessandro Zironi
„Ciarifications“ of Obscurity:
Conditions for Proclus’s Allegorical Reading of Plato’s Parmenides 1 5
Florin George Cäl ian
Lucifica nigris tune nuntio regna figuris. Po!!tique textuelle de I‘ obscuritas
dans I es recueils d‘!!nigmes latines du Haut moyen Age (V He-V I I I • s.) 3 2
Christiane Veyrard-Cosme
The Enigmatic Style in Twelfth-Century French Literature 49
Jeff Rider
Mise en abyme in Marie de France’s „Laüstic“ 63
Susan Small
Perturbations of the Soul: Alexander of Ashby and Aegidius of Paris an
Understanding Biblical Obscuritas 75
Greti Dinkova-Bruun
Versus obscuri nella poesia didascalica grammatocale del X I I I sec. 87
Carla Piccone
Disclosing Secrets: Vorgil on Middle High German Poems 1 1 0
Alessandro Zironi
Obscuritas tegum: Traditional Law. Learned Jurisprudence, and Territorial
Legislation (The Example of Sachsenspiegel and fus Municipale Maideburgense) 124
Hiram Kümper
Ta Be Born (Aga in) from God:
Scriptural Obscurity as a Theological Way Out for Cornelius Agrippa 1 45
Noel Putnik
Obscuritas in Medoeval and Humanist Translation Theories 157
R!!ka Forrai
The Darkness Within:
First-person Speakers and the Unrepresentable 1 72
Päivi M. Mehtonen
Contributors 1 90
Index nominum 1 94
Index rerum 197
Acknowledgements
This volume grew out of a conference held in Prague in October 6-8. 201 1 .
The conference and the book were supported by a post-doctoral research
grant from the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic, “ l nterpreting and
Appropriating Obscurity i n Medieval Manuscript Culture“ no. P405/1 0/
P1 1 2 undertaken at the Faculty of Arts at the Charles University in Prague,
by The Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports through l nstitutional
Support for Longterm Development of Research Organizations to the
Faculty of Humanities of the same university (PRVOUK 1 8 and UNCE
204002), and by the European Research Council under the European
Community’s Seventh Framewerk Programme ( FPJ/2007-2013) I ERC
grant agreement No. 263672. We are much grateful to these i nstitutions.
Further thanks goes to the individual contributors to this volume who have
been very quick and patient during the process, as weil as to Petr Dolezal
for the cover design and Adela Novakova for the index.
List of Figures
Figure 1 : Scene from one of the Saxon Mirror’s codices picturati (Wolfenbuttel, HerzogAugust-
Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf. 3.1 . Aug. 2°, fol. 34r).
Figure 2: Index for a manuscript of the Richtsteig Landrecht (Göttweig, Sti ftsbibliothek,
Cod. 364rot, fol. 526r).
Figure 3: Printed text of a Saxon Mirror with Gloss (Christi an Zobel, Leipzig, 1 569).
Figure 4: A remissorium from a Saxon Mirror edited tn 1536 by Chistoph Zobel (Leipzig).
Figure 5: Editorial report for a Saxon Mirror pri nted in 1545 by Nikolaus Wolrab
(Leipzig).
Figure 6: Sebastian Stelbagius, Epitome sive summa universae doctrinae iusticiae legalis
(Bautzen, 1 564 ).
Figures 7 and 8: Melchior Kling, Das Gantze Sechsisch Landrecht mit Text und Gloß in eine
richtige Ordnung gebracht (Leipzig 1 572).