Medieval Estonia. An lntroduction

Medieval Estonia. An lntroduction
Jüri Kivimäe
The medieval world never knew a kingdom called Estonia. All textbooks of Baltic, as opposed
to Estonian, history deal with Medieval Livonia ( German Liv/and, later Liejland)1 and not with
medieval Estonia. This Statement does not mean that there was no territory or region called
Estonia in the Middle Ages. The exact meaning of’Estonia‘ is the territory settled by Estonians,
where the Estonian language is spoken. This definition delineates a territory which has been
more or less stabile from the prehistoric times up to the modern period. A small comment must
be added – medieval Estonia did not know either people called Estonians or a common
Estonian language2 lnstead ofEstonians we can find several tribes and several dialects spoken
by them in this territory in the early 13th century. We cannot answer the question to what
extent these people acknowledged the relationship of the Estonian tribes and dialects in
general, in other words, whether they imagined the Estonian territory as an entity, but at least
they differentiated it from the territory of the Livic (Livonian) people, the Latgallians and other
neighbouring areas. Yet the medieval usage ofthe name ofthe region ‚Estonia‘ only referred to
Northern Estonia since it was under Danish rule. The Danish king (queen) was also titled ‚dux
Estoniae‘ (‚ducissa &ironiae‘) in the 13th century and the Danish possessions in Northern
Estonia were called ‚t.“stonia‘ or ‚terra Esroniae‘ (that way accepted in the peace treaty of
Stensby in 1238) 3 The German equivalent of the Latin ‚Estonia‘- ‚Estland‘- became the most
common synonym ofNorthern Estonia through the centuries4.
The modern political map of Europe, on the contrary, does not know a state called
Livonia. This is some sort of historical paradox that the Livonians or Livic people, who once
gave their name to the Eastern Baltic confederation offeudal states, are almost forgotten today
as a Finno-Ugric minority and eventually dying out by the end of this century. Medieval
1 Reinhard Wittrarn, ‚“Baltische Lande – Schicksal und Name. Umrisse der äußeren geschichtlichen
Wandlungen seit dem 13. Jahrhundert im Sp1egcl des Landesnamens.“ In: Baltische Lande. Hrsg. \On Albert
Brackmann und Carl Engel. Bd. I. Oslbaltische Frühzeit. Hrsg. v. Carl Engel. Leipzig, I \139. S. 􀄠80-􀂠8􀂠.
2
Even in the early 19th century 1hc Estonians rcferred 10 thernselves as ‚maarahvas‘ (coumry people) and lhe
Eslonian language as ‚maakeel‘ (native language).
3
Cf. Friedrich Georg \“On Bunge. Das Herzogthum Estland umer den Komgen von Donemnrk. Go1ha, 1877. S.
8􀂠; Thomas Riis. Les mslllutions polttiques centrales du Da11emnrk 1100-1332. (Odcnse Unh·crsily Studies in
History and Social Sciences. Vol. 􀈝6.) Odense University Press, 1977. P. 323.
4 In 1ha1 case ‚Estln11d excludcs lhc soulhern part of Eslonia. betonging actually 10 Northern Liefland in laler
hislory.
8
Europe was aware of Livonia as the common term of territories covering modern Estonia and
Latvia. Yet the meaning of the Livonian statehood was rather strange already in the Middle
Ages. The political structure of medieval Livonia consisted of the state of the Livonian Order
(or the Teutonic Knights; ca. 67 000 square kilometres), the archbishopric of Riga (c. 18 000
sqkm), the bishopric of Tartu/Dorpat (c. 9 600 sqkm), the bishopric of Saare-Lääne/Ösei-Wiek
(c. 7 600 sqkm) and the bishopric of Courland (c. 4 500 sqkm).l Medieval Livonia was a
typically feudal, fragmented confederation of statcs and the reasons for this political structure
go back to the period of the German-Danish conquest in the early 13th century.
The discovery of the Eastern Baltic coastal areas by German merchants (the so-called
At!(segelung Livlandi) eventually happened after the founding of Lübeck in 115911160. Of
course, the modern Estonian and Latvian territorics were known to the Scandinavians already
in the Yiking age and the survival of the people of Aestii and the place names Astlanda,
Rafala. Eysysla etc., in Nordic sagas and chronicles7 are remnants of these early medieval
communications. We cannot deny the existence of early medieva\ Estonian history with its own
political events. social order and original popular culture, but we are not able to bring it to the
light of written history. We also cannot deny the contacts and conflicts of Estonian tribes with
the Nordic world, Russian areas and even 􀅣vith Western tradesmen and Christian missionaries
in these centuries, but excluding some exceptional information, it all belongs to the
undiscovered world of history, which the collective memory has forgotten. This is the reason
why the traditional history-writing has used the following watershed: the period before 1200,
i e. the beginning of the Gerrnan-Danish conquest, belongs to the prehistory of Estonia and
medieval history (as written history) begins with the German-Danish conquest.8
We can hardly estimate the Ievel of the political organisation and social order of
Estonians on the eve of the conquest. Despile the fact that a centralised system, political unity
and a network of towns were missing, we can assume that the political and social life in general
was progressing towards the feudal system. This development was, however, then interrupted
by foreign conquest and violent christianisation in the form of a late crusade.9 The possible
alternative to this political turning point in Estonian history would have been the
christianisation of Estonian tribes by the incorporation of the territory into Russia, but the
realisation of this alternative was blocked by the Tartar-Mongoi invasion of Eastern Europe.
Du ring the Livonian crusade the territory of Estonia was conquered ( 1208 – 1227) and
divided among the Teutonic Knights, the Catholic church (the bishoprics of Oesei-Wiek and
Dorpat) and the Danish Kingdom (Northern Estonia). The majority of the Estonian elite
(seniores, meli01·es) was killed or assimilated, the people were baptised and turned into feudal
peasants. 10 The traditional peasant culture and popular beliefs remained under pressure from
5 Cf. Norbert Angennann. Gouhard Keil/er. OrdensmeiSier m Ln•land und Herzog von Kurland Bonn. 1987.
P.l.
6 Sec Paul Johansen. „Die Legende von der Aufsegclung LIVIands durch Bremer Kaufleute.“ ln: Europa und
Cbersee. Festschrift für Egmont Zechlin. Hamburg, 1961. P. 42-68.
7 Cf. Leonid Arbusow, „Die mittelalterliche Schriftüberlieferung als Quelle für die Frühgeschichte der
ostbaltischer Völker.“ In: Baltische Lande. Bd. I. Ostbaltische Frühzeit. P. 172.
8 Sec Toivo U. Raun. Es1oma and the Eslonians. (Studies of nationalities of the USSR). Stanford, Califomia,
1987. P. 15.
9 William Urban. The Bnfttc Crusade. DeCalb. 1975.
10
Harri Moora. Herben Ligi. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftsordnung der I <J/ker des Baltikums zu Anfang des I 3.
Jahrhunderts. Tallinn. 1970.
9
the official Christian culture. The dialectic ofthe conquest includes also the political integration
of this territory into Catholic Europe with respect to all elements of statehood and public law,
despite the fact that Estonia was only the colonial borderland11 of medieval Europe. Moreover,
the conquest was not only the turning point in Estonian political history, but it brought the
essential connection to Western European Catholic culture with all its principal componentsthe
Roman alphabet, medieval literacy and education were introduced, Christian churches and
abbeys were erected, – regardless of how unacceptable and strange it was for the pagan or
newly baptised Estonians. If we compare the historical fate of the Estonians with some other
territories conquered du ring the German expansion eastwards – the Slavic territories in Eastem
Germany, ancient Prussia – we must underline that the so-called Livonian crusade was not
followed by the colonisation of the German peasants. 12 This difference from the history of
Western Slavs and Prussians explains why the Estonians were not assimilated during the
Middle Ages and the Estonian language survived in its daily contact with Middle Lew German.
Typically of German colonial areas, a !arge number of local places were at the same time
referred to with different names, Estonian and German. We probably will never know what
was the oldest name for Tallinn as the greatest town in medieval Estonia. The Hanseatic world
had entirely accepted ‚Revaf which has Finno-Ugric roots (Räva/a), and the modern name
‚Tallinn‘, first mentioned in records of c. 1536, has also Estonian origin (Taanilinn or Danish
town). 13
The formation of the political and social structure was typical of a feudal society,
although the indigenous population (generally called in the Middle Ages as non-Germans,
‚Undeutsch‘) belonged almest entirely to the peasantry (c. 95 % of the total population in
Estonia, estimated for the 1550-ies to 250,000 – 280,000) as the lowest estate of the feudal
hierarchy and the Germans overwhelmingly formed the ruling dass. The great Estonian
uprising of 1343 – 134514 can be interpreted as the last effort of the aborigins to change the
political order, but it only resulted in the end ofDanish rule over its colony in Estonia, which
was sold to the Teutonic Knights in 1 346 and dehvered to the Livonian Order in 1347. So
medieval Estonia came entirely under German domination. The political structure of Old
Livonia has been usually classified as a confederation of small feudal states that can be treated
as parts ofthe Holy Roman Empire.
During the Hanseatic expansion towns were founded in Estonia and granted German
civic rights. Reval, Wesenberg (Rakvere) and Narva had been granted a Lübeck charter a1ready
under Danish rule The other Estonian medieval towns- Dorpat (Tartu), Old and New Pemau
(Pamu), Fellin (Viljandi), Hapsal (Haapsalu) and Weissenstein (Paide) received the civic rights
of Riga (based on a Hamburg-Riga charter). The urban population was recruited !Tom
immigrant merchants and craftsmen of German origin, as weil as Estonian peasants. Still in
1 1
Thc conccpt of colonialism has been strongly underlined by Hans Kruus. „L’Esprit du moycn äge estonien.“
ln: L1ber sneculnris. Litteramm Societas Esthonica 1838-1938. Tanu. 1938. P. 292-300.
12
Charles Higounet, Die deursche Ostsiedlung un Mille/alter. München, 1990. P. 224.
13
Andrus Saareste. „Tallinna praeguscst nimest“ lAbout the modern name of Tallinn]. ln: Eest1 Kirjandus
1934. nr. lk. 120-127. nr. 4, lk. 164-167. Forthis collection of articles the historical place namcs used in the
medieval period have bccn preferred to the modern names- Reval instead of Tallinn. Dorpa1 instead of Tarru
ctc.
14 P. Pcter Rebanc. ‚The Jüri66 MiJss (St. Gcorge’s Night Rebellion) of 1 343.“ ln: ArYids Ziedonis. Jr.,
William L. Winter. and Mardi Valgcmae, eds., Baltic History. Columbus. Ohio, 1974. Pp. 354l!.
1 0
terms of their organisation, architecture, Iifestyle and everyday culture the Estonian towns
were typically German, preserving some specifie non-German and colonial fe atures.
The three classic medieval centuries in Estonian history are sometimes collectively
called the Hansearie Age. These 300 years left a deep impact on the social, economic and
political life ofEstonia. 15 First, it must not be forgotten that medieval Livonia was not the final
station of the great East-West axis of the Hansearie trade. For the Hansears Estonia functioned
mainly as the transit area on their way to the Russian markets and first of all to Novgorod.
Riga, Reval and Dorpat as the three leading Hanseatic towns in Livonia played not only the
role of serving the Hansearie transit trade to Russia but they acquired rather independent
trading priorities during these centuries. The trivial truth is that Riga and Reval as Baltic
seaports and leading cities of their economic and commercial hinterlands acquired such sociopolitieal
importance that they have preserved the position of capital cities and metropolis until
this dayi6 We can even eonclude that the medieval towns in Estonia as weil as in Livonia had
the leading position in the infrastructure ofthe whole region.
The significance of the Estonian territory for medieval Europe was greater than du ring
its subsequent history. Reval as Hansearie town had a monopolistic position in the trade of the
Eastern Baltic and the Gulf of Finland region. Reval and Dorpat together controlled the
commercial relations of Western merchants with Novgorod and Pskov. The economie
hinterland of Reval included also the coastal areas of Southern Finland.17 In terms of its
commodity circulation, Reval surpassed Stockholm in the 15th and early 16th century. The
commercial contacts of the Hanseatic merchants of Reval and Dorpat reached not only Lübeck
in Germany but customarily also Bruges, Amsterdam, Antwerp, .London and even Lisbon. 18 A
great deal of Western merchandise was brought to local markets and, vice versa, the
commercial activities of the Hanseals brought some merchandise of Estonian origin to the
Western markets. This concerns first of all rye produced by Estonian peasants and Iransported
to the West where it was in great demand. 19 Of course, the Baltic grain-trade was not able to
provide all the overcrowded Dutch, Spanish or Portuguese cities with grain, but the local
exports of rye had a certain place in European Irade and in the late medieval and early modern
division oflabour.
The direct communications with Central and Western Europe were usual and normal
for medieval Estonia. Fresh information fr orn Western Europe reached Estonia in two-three
weeks during the navigation period20 The presence of Western merchandise such as salt,
IS Paul Johansen. ‚“Die Bedeutung der Hanse fiir Livland.·· ln: Hansische Ge;·chichtshläuer. 65.166 . Jg.,
1940/l941. Weimar. 1941. Pp. 1-55.
16
scc Jüri Kh·im􀆠e. ··Tallinn ja Hansa. Ühe aj aloolisc struktuuri piirjooni.“[Tallinn and the Hansa. The
margins of a historical structure J. in: l.ooming. 1988/3. Lk. 3 76-387.
17 Gum·or Kerkkonen. „Finnland- natürliches nördliches Hinterland Rc,·als.“ In: Wirtsclwfr/iche und soziale
Strukturen. Festschrift f. W. Abel. Göttingen. Hannover. 1974. P. 525.
18 Cf. Jüri Kivimäc. „Re,·a i-Lübeck-Amsterdam: The triangle of trade on the eve of the Livonian War ( 1554-
1557).‘. In: From Dunkirk to Danzig. Shipping and Trade m the .􀇺·orth Sea and the Baltic, 1350-1850. Essays
in honour of J. A. Fabcr. Hilversum, 1988. Pp. 299-3 15.
1 9
Jom1a Ah\’cnaincn. Der Getreidehandel Livlands im .Hillela/ter. (Societas Scientiarum Fennica.
Commcntationes Humanarum Litterarum XXXIV 2). Heisinki-Helsingfors. 1963. Pp. 112-1 I 7.
20 Gunnar Mickwitz . . ·lus Revaler Handelsbüchern. Zur Technik des Ostseehandels in der ersten Hälfte des 16.
Jahrhunderts. (Socictas Scientiarum Fennica. Commcntationes Humanarum Litterarum. LX. 8.) Hclsingfors.
I93S. P. 157.
ll
spices, cloth, wines, paper, later on printed books etc. affected not only urban consumption but
also the noblemen and peasants in the countryside. The most interesting research question is
what kind of impact these cultural contacts and items had left on Estonian peasants.21 We
believe that the language barrier between the Germans and the Estonians was at least in the
towns not so significant. The everyday communication required an elementary knowledge of
the other language both on the part of the Germans and the Estonians. The !arge number of
Middle Low German loan-words in Estonian date back to the Hansearie age21 All possible
influences ofthe Hanseatic trade on the mentalities and everyday life ofthis country should not
be positively overestimated. The political attitudes and decisions of the Livonian towns were
usually determined by the egoistic profit-motive, and their behaviour towards the Livonian
statehood was presumably confrontational.
The four major political forces of Livonia represented their interests on the Livonian
diets (I-andtag), established in the 1420ies,23 but these assernblies were not able to avoid the
political fragmentation and they even neutralised the Iendeneies towards political centralisation.
The weakness of the Livonian political system became important during the great political
changes in the Baltic region. The formation of the great centralised feudal monarchies of
Russia, Poland-Lithuania, Denmark and Sweden sharpened the question of the political
hegemony in the Baltic Sea region (the so-called Baltic question)24 The typically medieval
confederation ofthe Livonian states remained the only weak link but had an important Strategie
position and controlled trade routes between the East and West. These were the reasons why
Livonia became the object of territorial and political pretensions of the neighbour countries,
especially of Russia. The so-called ‚Russian threat‘ (Rusche gejahr) was a permanent item in
the public opinion of Livonia in the early 16th century. This can be attributed to the war
between Russia and Livonia in 1501-1503 which ended with the defeat of Russian troops and
guaranteed peace for Livonia for about half a century but Iet the feeling of uncertainty and
permanent danger in the minds of the Livonians at the same time. In spite of the favourable
commercial conjuncture, the medieval spirit prevailed in Livonia until the new winds from
Europe started to change the Livonian society.
The Reformation, which divided Germany into different confessions, spread directly
from Wittenberg to Livonia. Concerning the Livonian towns with their Hanseatic merchants
and craftsmen of German origin, the Lutheran Reformation was accepted in principle similarly
as it had been in the other Northem German Hanseatic towns. The meaning ofthe Reformation
was many-sided, far more than only the Reform of the Christian church – it also resulted in a
reform of the education, school system and social work, and caused changes in everyday
religiosity. Although we are not able to estimate how good Christians the Estonians or nonGermans
were during the Reformation era, the light against the Catholic church influenced the
cultural life of the Estonians. Following the introduction of Lutheranism and the evangelic
21
Paul Johansen. Heinz von zur Mühlen. Deutsch und Undeutsch im miuelalterlichen undfrühneuzeitlichen
Reval. (Ostcuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. Bd. 15.) Köln, Wien, 1973. Pp. 387-390.
22
Cf. Valcntin Kiparsky, Fremdes in Baltendeuesch. (Memoires de Ia Societe Neo-Philologique de Helsingfors
XI.) Helsinki-Helsingfors, 1936. Passim.
23 Priit Raudkivi. ,\/aapäeva kujunemine. Pcatükk Liivimaa 14. – 15. sajandi ajaloost. (The Formation of the
Landeag.) Tallinn, l ‚1’11.
24
Wallher Kirchner. The Rise of ehe Baieie queseion. (University of Dclaware Monograph Serics 3.) Ncwark,
1954: cf. David Kirby. Norehern Europe in ehe Ear!v Modern Period. The Baltic World 1492- 1772. London,
New York. 1993. Pp. 107-113.
12
liturgy, the Estonian congregations in the towns were granted with churches. The regular
service in Estonian required printed Estonian catechisms and other literature2s That way, the
Reformation impacted a direct impetus to the birth of literary Estonian which remained one of
the creative factors of the formation of Estonian national culture and identity The parallel
existence of a spoken language and a literary language. of popular culture and literary culture,
of the Protestant church and the Catholic church, as weil as of the knights of the Livonian
order and the Hanseatic merchants as potential international entrepreneurs in Estonia around
1 5 50 makes it possible to see the gradual Iransformation of the medieval society in Estonia
towards the new, early modern social and political order. The precondition of this
Iransformation was the fall of the political structure of Livonia which happened during the
Livonian War ( 1558-1583). Therefore the Russian invasion of the Estonian territories in 1558,
the establishment of Swedish power over northern Estonia and Reval in 1 56 1 as weil as the
capitulation of the southern regions to Poland in I 561 mark the collapse of medieval Livonia.
The early modern territorial state in Estonia was born through the purgatory of the long period
of wars (I 5 58-1625 )26 But even the new rulers of this country were carrying on the spirit of
colonialism and feudal order. These specific lines in Estonian history conserved many aspects
of medieval everyday life for subsequent centuries.
25 Jüri Ki\’mtäe. „Die kulturellen Einnüsse der luthcnschen Reformation in Estland im lli Jahrhundert“ In:
/lefimnation und \’atwnal. 1983/3-1.) Halle (Saale). 1981 Pp 59-82.
26 Da,id Kirb􀎩. Nonhcrn Europc P 107 where he callcd tlus thc penod ofthc Ll\·oman Wars (1558- 1621).
13
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
SONDERBAND V
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
ASPECTS OF DAIL Y LIFE IN MEDIEV AL
ESTONIA
EDITEDBY
JÜRI KIVIMÄE
AND
JUHANKREEM
KREMS 1996
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER
KULTURABTEILUNG DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Cover lllustralion: Compilation from sketchcs in the margins of accoum books
of the Town Magistrate of Rcval (TLA. Ad. 26 and 32)
– ISBN 3 901 094 08 3
© 1996 by Medium Ae\1Jm Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kuhur des Millclallers,
Körnennarkt 13, A – 3500 Krems. Austria – Printcd by Kopitu Ges.m.b.H.,
Wiedncr Hauptstraße 8-10. A-1050 Wien
Inhaltsverzeichnis!fable of Contents/Sommaire
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . …. . . . . . . ….. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Jüri Kivimäe, Medieval Estonia. An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . … . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Juhan Kreem, „ultima germonorum & christianomm prouintia“. Outlines ofthe Image
ofLivonia on Maps from the Thirteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century … 14
Marek Tamm, Les miracles en Livonie et en Estonie a l’epoque de Ia christianisation
(fin XIIeme- debur Xllleme siecles) …………… ……… . . ………………………… 29
Erik Somelar. Va n des keisserlichen Liibischen Rechtes wegen. Circumstances of
Criminality in Medieval Reval. ……………………………………………………………………. 79
Tiina Kala, The Church Calendar and Yearly Cycle in the Life ofMedieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . 103
Mihkel Tammet, Some Aspects ofHerbal Medical Treatment on the Example
of Medieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Inna Pöltsam. Essen und Trinken in den livländischen Städten im Spätmittelalter . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Katrio Kukke, Les lois somptuaires de Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
5
Preface
The idea to publish a special Estonian or Baltic issue of Medium Aevum Quotidianum has been
discussed already for a couple of years with Gerhard Jaritz and Christian Krötzl. lnitially the
idea was based on the first experience of studying medieval everyday life and mentalities in a
small seminar-group at Tanu University. This optimistic curiosity of discovering a new history
or actually a history forgotten long ago, has been carried on. The research topics of Katrin
Kukke, lnna Poltsam and Erik Somelar originate from this seminar. However, all contributions
of Quolidianum r:.womcum were written especially for this issue.
Besides that, this collection of articles needs some comments. First, it must be admitted
that the selection of aspects of everyday life published here is casual and represents only
marginally the modern Situation of historical research and history-writing in Estonia. The older
Baltic German and Estonian national scholarship has occasionally referred to the aspects of
everyday life. Yet the ideology of ‚histoire nouvelle‘ has won popularity among the younger
generation of Estonian historians only in recent years. These ideas are uniting a srnall informal
circle of historians and archivists around Tallinn City Archives, represented not only by the
above mentioned authors but also by the contributions of Tiina Kala, Juhan Kreem, Marek
Tamm and Mihkel Tarnmet Secondly, we must confess the disputable aspects of the title
Quolldianum Eswmcum Medieval Europe knew Livonia but not Estonia and Latvia which
territories it covered over 350 years There may be even reproaches tOwards the actual
contents that it is too much centralised on Tallinn/Reval, but it can be explained with the rich
late medieval collections available at Tallinn City Archives.
We wish above all to thank Eva Toulouse, Monique von Wistinghauscn, Hugo de
Chassiron, Tarmo Kotilaine and Urmas Oolup for the editorial assistance. Our greatest debt of
gratitude is to Gerhard Jaritz, without whose encouragement and suppon this issue could not
have been completed.
Jüri Kivimäe, Juhan Kreem, editors
7