Research Possibilities into the History and Material Colture of Eating, Drinking, and Hospitality during the Period of the Hungarian Conquest

Research Possibilities
into the History and Material Colture
of Eating, Drinking, and Hospitality
during the Period of the Hungarian Conquest
J6zsef Laszlovszky
Research into the Period of the Hungarian Conquest has a long
tradition. Studying the material culture of this epoch has achieved
significant results as weil. This review is far too short to surnmarize them
even briefly. 1 Therefore, an attempt was made to present the types of
sources and methods available to help us better understand the topics
mentioned in the title of this paper. Consequently, this article serves as an
introduction for the following studies: Detailed information on individual
methods and areas of research are presented in the respective specialists‘
reports. Meanwhile, it seemed necessary to tackle questions which are not
possible to research on the basis of documented sources since written
information is not available from the discussed period, but which belong to
the subject outlined in the title.
The topic was therefore elucidated using the logic developed during
my research into later medieval periods. This methodological approach is
justified by the scarcity and indirect nature of documentary sources dealing
with eating and drinking habits as weil as hospitality. On the other hand,
during the later centuries of the Middle Ages, a rich source material is
available from other areas of Europe.2 Surveying this information and
surnmarizing its results is also instructive since it may help in the
1 The most important summary of the recent literature: The Ancient Hungarians 1996. See
also: di Cave 1995.
2 Adamson 1995; Bitsch – Ehlert – Ertzdorff 1990; Borst 1983, 323-335; Bosman 1976;
Desportes 1987; Dyer 1993, 77-133; Hagen 1989, 1995; Henisch 1976; Laurioux 1989;
Montanari 1988; Scully 1995. For the medieval Hungarian sources and secondary
Iiterature see: Kubinyi 1991, 1992.
44
identification of both the potentials and limitations as weil as pitfalls
inherent in such investigations.
This chain of thought can be illustrated with an analogy which is
unquestionably relevant to the subject of hospitality. Investigations in
gastronomic history may be looked upon as preparing a complex and
elaborate meal that consists of a multitude of elements and involves a
number of techniques. In an ideal case, one has raw material of the highest
quality, that is, detailed sources for this work. We also possess all the
culinary equipment that is necessary for preparing this sophisticated meal.
Moreover, we also have expert helpers, each experienced in different areas,
always at hand when it is their turn to take part in the cooking process.
Finally, we also have a chef who oversees the entire operation, and whose
directions coordinate raw materials, equipment and specialists in the
production of a most delicious meal. It is possible, however, that the
situation falls far short of this ideal. We have a meager pool of raw
materials, many ingredients required in the recipe are missing. Therefore we
must be satisfied with the use of substitutes. Some of the raw materials may
even turn out to be barely usable which may force us to abandon our
original plan. In addition, some of the experts may actually be less helpful
than expected or their contributions are useless, often defective. Under such
harried circumstances the chef may consider quitting, saying that he cannot
take responsibility for the end product. However, the guests are here and
they are certainly hungry so something must be done. Nevertheless, a real
chef can prepare something tasty even in such desperate circumstances
unless all the raw materials are absolutely rotten, and his helpers are
complete imbeciles. Naturally, any prepared meal made this way will be a
far cry from what was originally planned, however, at least something can
be served to the guests.
Facing an analogous problern, the situation of historians and
archaeologists is very similar. They know what raw materials, sources they
need, however, these are either not available or are „spoiled“. They know
the areas in which external help would be indispensable, however, their
helpers have either disappeared or are ill-prepared to carry out their tasks as
planned. Although historical reconstructions can be carried out even under
such difficult circumstances, one should clearly see what ought to be done
given an ideal situation and what can actually be done in an optimal case. 1t
is only in this manner that we can appraise how our meal differs from the
ideal recipe that the master chef would have realized under the best
circumstances.
45
This comparative review represents an attempt to carry out such a
task. However, the standard will not be an ideal, imaginary situation, but the
later Middle Ages which is much better understood than the Period of the
Hungarian Conquest.
First, our „raw materials“, that is the sources, must be inventoried.
The traditions of historical research dictate that the written sources should
first be accounted for. Such documents may be classified into various
groups, but the type best suited for our current study is in the form of coeval
cook books in which both the raw materials for foods and drinks, as weil as
their modes of preparation are properly listed.3 Another excellent source
may be an authentic eyewitness account of a feast, which in addition to
describing the food and drink in the order in which they were served, may
offer additional details on how people behaved, what customs were
characteristic of that period.4 Similarly, a traveler’s diary may be a valuable
source in which he/she describes the produce seen in the market, or the food
offered during the visits paid to local homes, not to speak of comprehensive
sources which provide inforrnation on what food certain social strata
consumed, including data on the frequencies and customs at meals, sometimes
even through Ionger periods.
Although such texts are at least sporadically available from the
Middle Ages, they do not concern the food habits of conquering
Hungarians.5 Cookbooks are known only from the 13th century onwards, and
even those are relevant to the westem regions of our continent.6
Descriptions of feasts are also numerous such as the famous account of
Attila’s feast.7 No written sources are available, however, conceming the
celebratory meals of the chieftains and social elite of conquering
Hungarians. Although some travelers‘ accounts are available even from the
pre-conquest habitation areas of the ancient Hungarians, they are of little
help in reconstructing foods, drinks and the traditions ofhospitality.8 Eating
regimens and regulations of particular social groups have also survived,
3 For the roJe of cookbooks : Montanari 1 996, 79. The interpretation of these texts is also
problernatic, particularly the reconstruction ofthe raw materials and the measures.
4 Ethnographie studies are important in this context, but they can only be used for a much
later period: Valonen – Lehtonen 1975, Kisbän 1975.
5 Traveller’s accounts can be used for the later period in Hungary, but even these are not
dealing with drinking and eating very often.
6 See note 2.
7 B6na 1993, 63-73. See also Peter Tomka’s article in this volume.
8 Pauler – Szilägyi 1900; for the new sources and for the recent discussions of
interpretations: Koväcs – Veszpremy 1996.
46
especially those of monks from the concemed periods. These are, however,
largely irrelevant to eating customs habits during the period of the
Hungarian Conquest.
1t must be stated therefore that practically no such direct documentary
evidence is at hand for research on our topic. Sporadic written sources
relevant to the problern are either poor in information content or are difficult
to interpret. One of these is the undoubtedly authentic account of how
marauding Hungarians behaved during an incursion to the monastery of
Sankt Gallen.9 The only problern with this precious piece of writing is that,
as will be detailed by Mikl6s Takacs in this volume, it is not possible to tell
how much may be generalized from this description. Should we believe that
the behavior of a group of drunk soldiers during a military campaign was
characteristic of all strata of Hungarian society during the Conquest Period?
Was it only the intoxicated warriors who amused themselves by throwing
around the gnawed bones during the meal? Could the Iack of proper
drinking cups mean that they were not used by Hungarians at the time, or
was this characteristic only for the marauding hordes? It is obvious that
although this source is authentic, one should not draw generalized
conclusions from it.
The same can be said of another westem account of how Kursan, one
of the Hungarian military Ieaders was killed during a feast held by the
Bavarians. This source is not only fundamentally discredited by the fact that
another source describes Kursan’s heroic death in the battlefield. From our
point of view, it is more of a problern that even this laconic description of
the meal is not relevant to Hungarian eating and drinking traditions.
Although there is little doubt that high-ranking Hungarians organized
similar feasts at the time, it is clear that in this documented case it was the
Bavarians who prepared for the celebration of tbe peace talks which
ultimately offered an opportunity for the assassination of Kursan.10
This modest Iist of written sources is traditionally further expanded to
include another piece of documentary evidence. According to Anonymus,
during the course of the conquest, the military commanders Ond (Ound),
Ketel and Tarcal (Turzul) rode to the top of a hill following tbeir battles in
the Bodrog river area (actually, the hill was named after the last of tbese
warriors). At that spot, they held a great celebratory feast (magnum aldamas
9 Pau1er – Szi1ägyi 1 900, 335-342.
10 Aventius and the Anna/es Alemannici. See Gombos 1937, 341 -387, Györffy 1959, 127-
160.
47
fecerunt) i n which a horse was sacrificed as weiL 1 1 Within the Latin
expression it is easy to recognize the Hungarian wo rd, aldomas, that has
survived unmodified until the present. Anonymus hirnself again used it in
another part of his otherwise Latin text. Acco rding to h im, when Chief
Arpad received good news he „held a reception“, that is “facerunt
aldumas“. 12 The pagan rite of horse sacrifice as weil as the celebration o f
special o ccasions i n this manner was definitely characteristic of the period
of the Hungarian Conquest. Mo reover, there is linguistic evidence that the
word aldomas was part of the ancient Hungarian vocabulary.13 It is another
question as to which sources were available to the royal notary Anonymus
who prepared his text some three centuries after the Hungarian Conquest,
and to what extent the author’s fantasy li nked this authentic form of
celebration with geographical names and imaginary events. Thus, with these
descriptions it is not only the general nature of phenomena which may be
called into question. One must also follow the rigorous rules of critical
analysis o f sources and treat the information available with a measure of
prudence.
In summary, it may be said that practically no direct sources are
available concerning food and drink in the period of the Hungarian
Conquest. The number of indirect written sources is somewhat greater. Such
documents i nclude any text with the discussion of raw materials for
foodstuffs, that is, lists of plants and animals that may have served in food
provisioning. Although some of such descriptions were not directly related
to the period of the Hungarian Conquest, they may with great certainty
apply to that time as weil. For example, land cultivation is mentioned from
several regions that were inhabited by Hungarians preceding the period o f
the Hungarian Conquest. 14 This means that domestic plants definitely played
a role in nourishment. In the story of Ajtony, which has survived as a
document of power struggles during the 1 1th century, as weil as in the
somewhat later legend of St. Geliert, vas t herds of free- ranging livestock are
mentioned which may be indicative of the considerable role played by meat
consumption. 15 Unfortunately, these sources are not only later than the
period of the Hungarian Conquest , but their information content is also
very tangential. Therefore, they can be u sed only when complemented with
1 1 Gesta Hungarorum 1991, 62-63. For the word aldamas ibid. 158.
12 Gesta Hungarorum 1991, 72-73.
13 Meszöly 1 956, 75-82.
14 Gyulai I 994, Balassa I 994.
15 SRH li. 471 -506.
48
other sources. Namely, it is unknown how fields were tilled, what plants
were cultivated and what was the stock of free-ranging animals like.
Another important pool of direct documentary evidence comes from
normative sources. Most of these are Iaws or resolutions brought by the
synod which regulated society and various aspects of human conduct. More
exactly, these are the data that were most frequently recorded and are thus
available for modern research. Naturally, rules and regulations that define
social norms had existed long before this time, however, those customs were
not codified in a written form. This situation is typical for the period of the
Hungarian Conquest as weil. Everyday life at the time was certainly ruled
by strict customs, however, no documentary evidence has survived. Written
laws and resolutions by the clergy first appeared at the beginning of the I I th
century.16 Paradoxically, however, their appearance was aimed at
significantly changing customs that must have been most characteristic of
the preceding period ofthe Hungarian Conquest. Not only were laws drafted
during the reign of the first Christian king St. Stephen, or Ladislaus I and
Coloman at the end of the same century chronologically distant from the
period under discussion here.17 They must be considered unusually indirect
as weil, since they were set out to defining the norms of a new and different
social structure. Their roJe in reconstructing the period of the Hungarian
Conquest , therefore, must be considered extremely limited. Nevertheless,
some elements of these sources can prove useful from the perspective of tbis
topic, especially those which were aimed at prohibiting customs
incompatible with the new social order and Christianity. The existence of
such customs, which had to be banned by law due to their importance, can
be used in indirectly characterizing earlier periods. From the viewpoint of
this volume prohibitions of pagan rituals may to some extent be useful,
since some of them must have been sacrifices related to food and drink as
weiL18 Yet again, however, the sources themselves reveal only a few details
so their evaluation must be carried out in conjunction with the use of other
sources as weiL
Another traditional means of investigating medieval material culture
and everyday life is the study of the pictorial evidence. Murals, paintings
and miniatures have preserved many details, and beyond the mere depiction
of objects they often irnmortalized actions and gestures as weiL A special
characteristic of these sources of information is that they are based on sights
16 zavodszky 1904.
17 Ibid.
18 For the religious background ofthese sacrifices: Di6szegi 1 967.
49
coeval with their actual creation, even if they are intended to illustrate
events that happened sometimes centuries earlier. Most typically, medieval
biblical iconography is not relevant to reconstruction of attire or objects
used at the time of Christ but to that of the typical environment in which the
picture was painted. This makes tbe systematic use of pictorial sources
especially important.
Unfortunately, iconographic data from the period of the Hungarian
Conquest are even more scarce than written sources. It is not only eating
and drinking that have not survived in at least approximately coeval
pictures. More basic efforts in trying to recognize the conquering
Hungarians themselves have consistently failed as weiL Some pictures used
in tentative identifications do not originate from the period of the Hungarian
Conquest while others cannot be linked with any certainty to Hungarians.19
Although such representations may be of significant help, they still remain
on the Ievel of analogies and parallels which raises further methodological
problems to be discussed later.
Traditionally, the Hungarian language has been considered one of the
most important sources in the study of the period of the Hungarian Conquest
and even for the preceding historical times. 20 Linguistic studies already
played a prominent role in the 1 91h century when „our relatives“, the
Hungarian ancestral territory and the routes of their westward migration
were being mapped. Since language undergoes continuous change, many
phenomena affecting a group of people are reflected in the structure of the
language as weil as in the evolution of its vocabulary. Thus, in the
nomenclature of plants cultivated and domestic animals kept by the ancient
Hungarians, several linguistic strata have been distinguished and this
method is of great help in determining the characteristics of various
historical periods. More recently, this research has been neatly
complemented by the results obtained by natural sciences (botanics, zoology
etc.) which help in identifying the plants and animals once exploited by the
ancient Hungarians, and whose names are preserved in the linguistic record.
Following this logic it is plausible that one should get similarly good
results by studying food habits within the context of various linguistic
strata. Unfortunately, the method appears much less promising from this
19 Later depictions of the Hungarian conquest are not relevant for these questions, see
Kubinyi – Laszlovszky 1991, front page illustration (Die Sieben der Ungarn. Holzschnitt
aus J. Thur6czi, Chronica Hungarorurn. Brünn 1486.) The most important summary of
the literature: Györffy 1986, 3 1 9-323.
2° Koväcs – Veszpremy 1997.
50
point of view. On the one hand, a typical form of linguistic change is that
words lose their original meaning and often change substantially. For
example, the Hungarian equivalent of butter, „vaj“, belongs to the most
ancient stratum of our language. One could therefore conclude that dairying
was among the more important activities pursued by conquering
Hungarians. Unfortunately, however, comparative linguistic, etymological
and linguistic-historical studies have shown that today’s usage of this word
cannot be considered as evidence of such activities, since it has turned out
that „vaj“ was used in a significantly broader sense, meaning just about any
kind of fatty substance?1
Another difficult element in linguistic-historical studies is that it is
difficult to link their Observations to precise time periods. This is not only
the case because the first occurrence of certain words can be detected only
following their en masse appearance in written documents. Many of our
words are evidently older than their first mention in documents. The other
time-dependent source ofbias is that words have been constantly introduced
into and continuously disappear from the language. The surfacing of a new
word by no means proves that the object or concept referred to was
previously unknown. Very often, simply a new term enters the language and
this phenomenon may have a nurober of explanations. lt is for this reason
that expressions related to nutrition and gastronomy must be treated with
appropriate caution as weil, especially when it is concluded that something
first appears in a given period on a purely linguistic basis. Undoubtedly, it is
the combined use of archaeological, scientific and linguistic evidence that
may yield the newest conclusions in this area of research.
The fourth group of sources at our disposal in food and drink
reconstruction is that of the objects which can be linked to food habits,
modes of preparation and consumption. In the case under discussion here,
such materials consist almost completely of archaeological finds. Therefore,
during the discussion of material evidence it is worth reviewing
archaeological sources as a whole.
A few years ago the only archaeological finds available for this type
of study would have been almost exclusively ceramic vessels, especially
those found in burials. However, due to the development of archaeology
related to the period of the Hungarian Conquest, increasing numbers of
Settlement remains have been at least partially excavated.22 It is
21 A magyar nyelv törteneti etimilogiai szotara. (Historical-etymological dictionary of the
Hungarian Language). Ed. Benkö, L. Budapest 1967.
22 Revesz – Wolf 1996.
5 1
predominantly tbese Settlement excavations tbat yielded botanical and
zoological remains whose scientific analysis provides sufficient direct
information on the period concemed. This is clearly illustrated when the
process of cooking is looked at in detail as would be the case with the
reconstruction of any other craft-activity.
During previous studies of various crafts, archaeologists have devised
a methodological system which helps in reconstructing the entire process by
combining various steps in it. First, the raw materials required by the end
product (in our case food or beverage) must be reviewed. This is the area in
which we have most of the new, reliable, coeval and directly applicable
information at our disposal. The transfonnation and refinement of
excavation techniques has made the retrieval of those plant and animal
remains possible which served as raw materials in the preparation of
foodstuffs. Similarly to ceramies or meta! artifacts, these materials are
archaeological finds which often survive only under particular soil
conditions. Their recovery and analyses require target-oriented, special
excavation techniques. Two papers in this volume discuss the methods, and
results of this type of research.
In addition to the raw materials, the remains of by-products also
provide information on the preparation processes involved in making food
or drink. Such finds are relatively rarely encountered since by-products may
also have been consumed, at least by animals. Some types of leftovers have,
however, survived such as the residue from Roman period grape marc from
the town of Aquincum. The discovery of such remains shows which byproducts
were not processed any further, in addition to offering direct
evidence on the preparation process itself.
Archaeological find assemblages which contain defective products
from the manufacturing process should be considered similarly useful. Such
useless specimens offer a snapshot of a particular stage in the preparation
continuum. A good example of such phenomena is a kiln which collapsed
during firing, and the half-made vessels in it were not worth retrieving for
the craftspeople of the time. In fortunate cases, such assemblages survived
in their original state until the time of the archaeological excavation.
However, during the course of food preparation this type of interrupted
process is virtually unknown. Although a baking oven may have temporarily
preserved food remains after its collapse, it is easy to see that such fortunate
finds providing infonnation on both the potential end-product as well as the
process of preparation, would be extremely special.
52
Studying the end product is one of the most important stages in
research on medieval craft activities. These objects and products have a
nurober of traits which can be used in the characterization of their
manufacturiug. Unfortunately, this traditional method of investigation is not
applicable in the case of food and drin.ks siuce, although the end product
would iudeed be characteristic of many stages in its production, as an object
of consumption it survives only in exceptional cases. Chances emerge only
with well preserved, lucky finds or foods prepared for special functions. The
first group of such finds will be discussed within the context of
macrobotanical remains. The second group is best represented by finds
recovered as grave goods from cemeteries of the period of the Hungarian
Conquest. Researchers have long noticed that in addition to arms, meta!
mounts and vessels, animal bones were also euterred in the hurials of the
conquering Hungarians.23 Horses buried alongside warriors have raised the
greatest interest. When the first such graves were discovered during the last
century, scholars presumed that warriors bad been buried on horseback, as if
they reflected some post-Colombian native American rite from the Wild
West. Since then, following the excavation of numerous graves with horses,
it became clear that a special form of Migration Period horse hurials may be
observed in the cemeteries of the conquering Hungariaus. Instead of the
entire horse, only some of its specially selected parts were placed in the
grave. These include the skull and, most typically, the bones of the feet.
Additional finds (stirrups aud saddle), however, may indicate that the thus
euterred parts represented the entire animal, since horse remaius are
frequently encountered in a fully hamessed state. In such cases, the head
and feet syrnbolized the complete horse.24 From the viewpoint of our topic,
however, anything that was not put into the grave is of even more interest.
One seems to be confronted with a form of the aforemeutioned pagan horse
sacrifices. It is likely that the horses not only served their master in the other
world, but also played a substantial roJe in the ritual mortuary feast. Food
and beverages placed into the burial as part of the grave furniture may be
classified as special gastronomic finds which have never beeu consumed.
Sometimes there is a possibility to observe certain food preparatiou
processes in such remains. Anima! bones found in burials, for example,
display signs of butchering and burning which show how the animal was
dismembered and which parts of its body were offered for the long, post
mortem journey of the euterred person. Naturally, our possibilities of
23 Tettamanti 1975.
24 Bälint 1 969, 1970, 1974., Vörös 1996.
53
Observation are very limited, since while burnt bones may at least indicate
roasting, bones usually provide no information on spices or other forms of
meat flavoring. Similarly, while some samples taken from vessels can be
used in reconstructing the chemical composition of beverages, they cannot
be used in establishing whether dairy remains, for example, originate from
milk or kumiss.25 It must also be taken into consideration that foodstuffs
enterred as burial goods may have been specialties, since they were prepared
for a ritual occasion. It is possible, therefore, that they do not reflect the
everyday eating habits of conquering Hungarians. Therefore, although the
phenomena observed in hurials indirectly characterize the diet and
celebratory meals, they can be fully elucidated only with the help of
historical and ethnographic analogies.
In the reconstruction of food preparation, utensils used during the
production process must also be taken into consideration. Thus, the remains
of cereal grinding stones and cooking ovens, as well as vessels are
indicative of the functional use of various types of equipment.26 Therefore,
even if indirectly, they also provide additional data concerning the
foodstuffs themselves as well as the ways such meals were served.
Other types of archaeological artifacts may contribute additional
indirect information. The rernains brought to light during the course of
excavations cannot only be interpreted as part of their contexts. They also
contain individual information in and of themselves. In relation to nutrition,
the physical anthropological examination of skeletons found in inhumation
graves is of primary importance. Beyond the age and gender of the
deceased, scientific analyses of the bones may reveal structural information
or deformations. Most of these traits are closely related to the nutritional
history of the person studied.27 It is weil known, for example, that
insufficient doses of some vitamins and trace elements in the diet can Iead to
nutritional deficiencies, which often effect the bones as weil. Relative
frequencies of, for example, defective nutrient absorption caused by chronic
high fever in early childhood can also be detected in the skeletal material.
Such methods can also be used in detecting anemia and malformations
caused by poor diets. To date, studies of most human skeletons from the
period of the Hungarian Conquest have shown that diets at that time
25 Duma 1 9 7 1 , 1980.
26 Meri 1970.
27 J6zsa 1 996.
54
contained balanced proportians of vegetable and animal nutrients and only
few of the deformations observed could be attributed to malnutrition.28
Indirect data are also available for answering even more complex
questions. It is well known that sweets, including honey, the number one
sweetener during the discussed period, as well as certain forms of food
preparation increase the incidence of tooth decay. In general terms it has
been observed that, somewhat paradoxically, this condition is more frequent
in tbe better nourished, richer segments of tbe population. Thus, tbe
frequency of dental caries within a social group may be indicative of tbe
average nutritional status of that group. Such investigations bave already
been carried out on skeletons from cemeteries of the Hungarian Conquest,
where antbropological materials from both high-ranking and comrnon grave
assemblages can be compared from this point of view?9 Undoubtedly, tbe
nurober of such methods will increase tbereby contributing additional
indirect data within the realm of food research.
Following this review of sources, tbe methods available for the
purposes of gastronomic investigations should also be mentioned. Among
others, these methods include the use of parallels, that is, historical
analogies. These become particularly important in our research, since only a
few reliable and direct examples are available in our own sources, as was
discussed previously. In such cases, on the basis of historical studies, one
may conclude that two different historical periods or ethnic groups may
display a number of similarities. While pastoral nomadic people of the
Migration Period were frequently different in terms of tbeir languages and
customs, several elements in their war tactics, weaponry and economic life
were identical or at least comparable. In connection with the use of
analogies, however, it should be pointed out that the applicability of such
parallels is limited. The scope of both similarities and differences should be
defined as precisely as possible and delineate the boundaries of relevance.
Some ethnographic parallels or historical sources distant botb in time and
space (such as the example of 131h century Mongolia), can be of
instrumental importance in reconstructions. However, one must carefully
distinguish between using parallels for simply elucidating details tbat would
be otherwise difficult to interpret and the full scale projection of complex
phenomena onto the period of the Hungarian Conquest. Thus, for example,
botb ethnographic analogies and historical parallels are important in
identifying and interpreting archaeological finds or excavation phenomena.
28 Ibid.
29 Pap 1986a,b.
55
Quite often, when the function and original usage of a tool or instrument
seems obscure, ethnographic observations are of great help in the
interpretation.
Meanwhile, using analogies can also direct our attention to another
important detail. Ethnographie investigations reveal, for example, why
certain objects never occur among the archaeological finds or in the written
sources, in spite of the important roJe they played in the material culture.
This problern is clearly illustrated by the example of vessels used in making,
storing and serving food and beverages. No written sources discussing the
period of the Hungarian Conquest mention these artifacts, while numerous
archaeological specimens of ceramic vessels have been brought to light by
excavations. On the other band, investigations carried out among the
pastoral or quasi-nomadic peoples of the 1 9th -20th centuries have
undoubtedly shown that the overwhelming majority of vessels were made
from wood, leather and other organic materials, rather than ceramics. The
objects of the exhibit held in conjunction with our scientific conference
clearly illustrated how important wooden cups, drinking bowls as weil as
the leather Kurniss container were. Such objects never survive Ieng enough
to be recovered by archaeological excavations in Hungary. The bone spout
from a Jeather container or the meta! mounts from a wooden vessel may
sometimes survive/0 however, they are known in significantly lower
numbers than they must have been used, even if only grave goods are taken
into consideration. Vessels made of leather, wood and other organic
materials were certainly more useful for people with mobile Iifestyles than
ceramics. In addition, quantities of their raw materials must have been
readily available at any time.
Analogies thus, both help in the interpretation of apparently obscure
phenomena in the archaeological record, and may also shed light on
elements of material culture that did not survive to become archaeological
finds. Using parallels, however, should be lirnited by strict rules, which
must be observed in the same way as the critical evaluation of historical
sources. Ethnographie Observations, for example, may direct our attention to
the fact that some segments of the material culture are little known to us
since trace of it rarely survived. This does not mean, however, that such
information gaps in the material culture of the period of the Hungarian
Conquest can be automatically filled in by just about any ethnographic
example. Farniliarity with food, beverages and eating habits observed
among the peoples of Central Asia, culturally related to the Conquering
30 The Ancient Hungarians 447-448.
56
Hungarians, may be of great help. However, they should not be directly
integrated within the heritage of conquering Hungarians since, for example,
many such peoples in Centrat Asia live under geographical and climatic
conditions completely different from those experienced by the ancient
Hungarians. Evidently, the natural environment directly influences the pool
of raw materials available for the purposes of human nutrition as weil as
some food preparation techniques. Prudence is justified even when
potentially parallel phenomena are observed in the local ethnographic scene.
Just because similarities may be discovered with distant cultures, it cannot
be presumed that the appearance of similar objects or customs can be
exclusively explained by a population group preserving its tradition for
centuries or even millennia.
All these thoughts should only serve as an introduction to the articles
of this volume which will elucidate various aspects of this problern using
concrete examples and analyses. Nevertheless, in my opinion, research
possibilities and methodology developed for the Iater centuries of the high
Middle Ages, a period rich in a variety of sources, provide a good
foundation for appraising the perspectives as weil as limitations of our
research possibilities.
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60
Tender Meat under the Saddle
Customs of Eating, Drinking and Hospitality
among Conquering Hungarians and Nomadic Peoples
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
SONDERBAND VII
=
STAMRA
(Studia archaeologica
mediae recentisque aevorum
Universitatis Scientiarum
de Rolando Eötvös nominatae)
ED ITED BY JOZSEF LASZLOVSZKY
VOLUME II
Tender Meat under the Saddle
Customs of Eating, Drinking and Hospitality
among Conquering Hungarians and Nomadic Peoples
In Memory of
GyulaUszl6
(1910- 1998)
Edited by J6zsef Laszlovszky
Krems 1998
The articles have been part of a conference organized by the College of
Commerce, Catering and Tourism, the Society of Old-Hungarian Culture,
and the Department of Medieval and Postmedieval Archaeology, Eötvös
Lorand University, Budapest (October 1 0- l l , 1 996).
Translated from Hungarian
by Alice M. Choyke and Läszl6 Bartosiewicz
Cover illustration: The seven chiefs of the Hungarians (detail),
J. Thur6czi, Chronica Hungarorum, Brünn 1486.
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
– ISBN 3-90 1094 1 0 5
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 1 3 , A – 3500 Krems,
Österreich. – Druck: KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8 – I 0,
A – 1 050 Wien.
Table of Contents
Preface …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 7
Istvän Fodor, The Culture ofConquering Hungarians ……………………………. 9
J6zsef Laszlovszky, Research Possibilities into the History
and Material Culture of Eating, Drinking and Hospitality
during the Period of Hungarian Conquest …………………………………. 44
Gabor Vekony, Feasting and Hospitality
among Eastem Nomadic Peoples ……………………………………………… 6 1
Peter Tomka, Customs of Eating and Hospitality
among Nomadic Peoples of the Migration Period …………………….. 75
Mik16s Takacs, How Did Conquering Hungarians Prepare and Serve
their Food? …………………………………………………………… ……………….. 98
Ferenc Gyulai, Archaeobotanical Sources in Investigating the Diet
of Conquering Hungarians . . . .. . . . . . . ….. …………. . . . . ……………………….. 120
Laszl6 Bartosiewicz, Mobile Pastoralism and Meat Consumption:
an Archaeozoological Perspective ………………….. ……………………… 1 57
5
Preface
1996 was the year of millecentennial celebrations of the Hungarian
conquest. Many scholarly conferences and popular programmes were
organised for this occasion. The theme of this volume was the topic of a
programme organised by the College of Commerce, Catering and Tourism,
The Society for Old-Hungarian Culture and by the Department of Medieval
and Postmedieval Archaeology, Eötvös Loränd University, Budapest. The
first part of the programme was the conference on the archaeological,
historical and natural scientific researches on the customs of food
consumption of the Hungarian conquest period. These papers are
representing a new approach as weil an upswing in the study of every day
life and material culture. Thus, the study of archaeological food remains and
the research on the culture of conquest period Hungarians were relevant
contributions for the organisers to the 1 996 millecentenary celebrations in
Hungary. The conference was not only lirnited to the 9th- 1 0th century
conquering Hungarians, but also was concemed with the pastoral nomads
from the Migration period and the Middle Ages. 1
The scholarly programrne of the conference was followed by an
exhibition on the archaeological food remains and finds, on the objects of
nomadic peoples from early modern period and on modern art objects
inspired by these ancient cultures.
The most exotic part of the programme was the dinner organised by
the college. This was an attempt to help this institution to create standards
for historical tourism and experimental programmes. The special feature of
this dinner was the cooperation between scholars of historical studies and
specialists of catering and tourism. Particular attention was paid to the
authenticity of ingredients (known from historical sources and
1 The first version of some of the papers presented at this conference was published in
Hungarian. „Nyereg alatt puhitjuk“. Vendeglatizsi es etkezesi szolaisok a honfog/a/6
magyaroknal es a rokon kultUraju lovasnepeknel. Szerk. Laszlovszky, J. 6magyar
Ku1tUra 10 (1997) különszarn. = Tudomänyos Közlemenyek II. Kereskedelrni,
Vendeglät6ipari es ldegenforgalmi Föiskola, Budapest 1997.
7
archaeological evidence), while the modes of preparation and serving were
obviously suited to modern equipment, conditions and contemporary tastes.
We regarded this experiment as an important step in the cooparation
between scholars and specialists of historical tourism, since dilettant
reconstructions of conquest period every day life were also present in the
programmes of 1996.
The title of this volume refers to that strange ancient, but often present
day, understanding of the customs of „barbars“ or nomadic peoples which
has also influenced scholarly studies for a long time. Ammianus Marcellinus
from the 4th century wrote: „the Huns . . . eat meat from all sorts of animals,
which they place on their horse’s back under their thighs thereby making it
tender and warm.“ A part of this observation is interesting for the ancient
history of food consumption or animal husbandry, either reflecting the
practice that horsemen took some sort of dried meat with them on long rides,
or recording another practice to eure the horses‘ back with pieces of raw
meat. The other part of this sentence is just an example for the topoi of
„civilised people“ as they misinterpreted some customs of the „barbars“.
We dedicate this volume to the memory of Gyula Laszl6, professor of
archaeology, who was the most important figure in Hungarian archaeology
to introduce a new approach: to see the people and their life in the
archaeological finds and objects. His pioneer work The Life of the
Conquering Hungarian People is regarded by the authors of this volume as a
Standard for those who want to reconstruct the past.
J6zsef Laszlovszky
8