The Church Calendar and Yearly Cycle in the Life of Medieval Reval

The Church Calendar and Yearly Cycle
in the Life of Medieval Reval
Tiina Ka/a
The following contribution is not meant to give a systematic picture of the mental structures,
deriving from the organisation oflife in medieval town, but rather to present some problematic
points using the example of medieval Reval that could make a connection with different fields
ofthe history ofthe mentalities ofmedieval society.
In the case of a medieval merchant town it can be discussed whether the principal
organising power was religion or econorny. lf one presumes that the main characteristics of an
average rnedieval city’s life [the observing of religious habits and the clerical time schedule,
public assistance, connected with religious structures and their activities, the uniting structures
of citizens (corporations) and the observation of religious habits) were mainly under the
control of the clergy, one can narne religion as the main organising power. but without denying
the organisational power of the clergy, one cannot identify the clergy and the church with
religion. In addition the relations between trade and religion and their interdependente must be
specially considered.
One starting point for describing the life of a pre-Reformation citizen of Reval could be
the time schedule, the habits arising from that time schcdule, the influence of the time-schedule
on the organisation of life and vice versa.
Until now the number of modern research contributions to the history of the medieval
mentality of Livonia has been rather small. The Iiterature concerning medieval culture in Old
Livonia dates mostly back to the second half of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the
twentieth. 1 Due to the great self-interest characteristic to the works of the Baltic German
historians, comparisons, even with Germany, leave alone other European countries, are rare.
1 Fr. Amelung, ßr•lusche Culturstud􀂌en aus den v1er Jnhrh;mderlen der Ordenszell (1/8􀈹-156:!). Dorpat. 188􀏽;
L.Arbusow, Die Einfit hrung der Reformation in Liv-. Est- und Kurland Le1pt1g. 1921 ; G.v.Hansen. D􀅸e K􀂌rche
und ehemaligen A:Joster Reva/s. Reval. 1885; M.Lipp, hOdumaa kmku JO haruluse lugu [The Historv of
Estonian Church and Education]. Jul)ev, 1895: O.Pohn. Zur FronumgkeusgeschlChte Livlands. Sonderabdruck
v. Abhandlungen des Herder-Instituts zu Riga I. 4. Riga, 1925; O.Sild. Kinkuvis1tntsioomd eestlaste maal
vanemast njast kum olel’ikuni [Church Visitations in the Land of Estonians From Earliest Tirnes to the Present
Day) Tanu. 1937: O.Sild. Eesll kmkulugu vanimnst ajast olewkum [History of the Estonian Church From
Earllest Times 10 the Present Da) ) Tanu. 1938.
1 03
Among the first Baltic German authors to deal with cultural topics ofOid Livonia were
Fr. Amelung and L. Arbusow sen., the latter being one ofthe key figures among his generation
ofBaltic historians Fr. Amelung was not a professional historian, and many ofhis works suffer
from exaggerated Kulrurlrdger-ideas. The works by E. v. Nottbeck and W. Neumann, Ed.
Pabst and Fr. Koehler2 are usually devoted to specific matters. The following first period of
Estonian independence ( 1920-1940) remained too short to fill this gap.
After the Second World War the emphasis has mostly been on economic and art history
with quite a narrow interpretation of sources, although during recent years some new trends
can be observed in the diploma-theses ofthe graduates ofTartu University.
The possibilities for approaching the everyday religiousness through everyday sources
are quite wide and the range of the sources in case of medieval Reval – as compared to the
Iiterature – is relatively wide.
There is no doubt that the church was the most intluential organiser of an official timeschedule
for the medieval citizen. Nevertheless, it is difficult to say, whether this schedule
should oe qualified as religious or not – the solution could lie in the attitude, according to
which there was no strict line between the religious and the secular from the modern point of
view. The different approach to time-schedule according to the time of the year and to
economic activities forrn a special field for research.
There are many problems in representing a pre-Reforrnational calendar of a Revalian as
no written precise calendars have been fully preserved (like in Riga\ therefore one can make
only presumptions, especially conceming the gradation ofthe feasts according to the system of
the church. The religious texts preserved were originally written down mostly in France or
Gerrnany and give no evidence as to the local peculiarities.
One way to present a medieval time schedule without using any official calendar is to
ooserve the dating system, consisting of the feast days of saints and other church-feasts in the
sources where records have been made during a Ionger period – different town magistrate
register-books etc. In the case of Reval these sources are quite revealing. Every single source
of this kind enables us to forrn a separate calendar which need not be the same as that one of
some other source. The Iist of the feasts named and their occurrence could be different but
there are certain tauehing points. Nevertheless, some very important feasts could be left out, so
one cannot fully rely on this kind of calendar.
In the sources covering a Ionger period the amount of entries differ from month to
month and from year to year In the book of burghers (1426-1525)
4
the calculated mean value
of entries per month would be 35-45. Summing up the number of entries in a particular month
during this period. there are 71 inscriptions in March compared to 41 in February, 44 in April,
25 in June, 43 in May, July and September, 42 in August, 67 in October, 57 in November, 5 1
in December and again only 3 5 in January.
2 Ex.Nottbeck. W.Ncumann. Geschichte und Kunstdenkmäler der Stadt Reva/. Re\·al. 1899. Fr.Koehler.
Ehstltmdtsche Klosterlekttire. Rcval. 1892, Ed.Pabst. Der Almgrafund seine Feste. Reval. 1864.
3
Hx.Bruiningk. Messe und kanonisches Stundenf!.ehet nach dem Brauche der Rigaschen Kirche im späteren
/1/wela/ter. R.iga. 1904. 4
Das Revaler Bürgerbuch 1409-1614. Hrsg. v. O.Greiffenhagen. Tallinna Linnaarhiivi v!iljaandcd nr. 6.
Tallinn. 1932.
104
In the book of burghers Easter is never used in dating, although in the other sources it
is (!Uite usual. There are no entries !Tom the weeks before and after Easter (again the other
scurces do not show cessation of activities during that period).
The largest number of entries in the account-books ofthe town magistrate !Tom 1432-
1 5075 one can find in August and October (the sum of entries for each month is 286). The
decrease in September (248) cannot be fully explained. The least active time of the year ( 1 2 2
entries) i s February .
I n the inheritance-books !Tom 1 3 12-14586
the largest number of entries have been
marle in March (21 I). during mirlsummer and at the turn of the year considerably less ( I OS in
Ju!y, 108 in August, I 09 in December, 1 1 5 in January) For the parchment rent-roll !Tom 1382-
1 5 1 8 the most active month was April (229 entries). the least active one was January (60
entries).
Thus, according to the sources observed, the least active time of the year is
approximately from December to January, the most active from March to April. Whether there
is any reason to connect these figures with the rise and fall ofreligious tension or whether they
should be analysed only as an expression of the intensity of economic activities, can be left a
matter of dispute, although according to V. Turner the first point of view should be seriously
considered, as the rise of economic tension in society has always been connected with the rise
of religious tension. staning from mystical cults in agrarian societies
7
The charactcristics of feasts and feasting periods appear different in different sources.
Some sources have „concentrated“ on some kind of feast, like the account-book of the
magistrate on Christmas, Shrove Tuesday, Pentecost and All Souls‘ Day. These trends are
mostly connected to the significance of one or another feast to the group of people whose
activities this source represents. If the roJe of this group of people and its connections with
clerical and secular institutions could be estimated, one could also comprehend the imponance
ofthe feast.
Religiously active periods were also the time for the fulfilling of many economic
ob!igations (paying taxes, rents etc.). In all the sources taken into consideration one can find a
great number of records near Palm Sunday throughout the founeenth and fifteenth centuries.
This is presumably the result of the role of Easter which was one of the most popular dates for
fulfil!ing obligations If a time was set, it was usually Easter, if two or more, Easter often was
one of them. The obligations that had to be fulfilled twice a year were usually fulfilled by
Easter and Michaelmas, which corresponds to similar data conceming Western Europe.
After Easter the tension fell for a shon time only to rise again during Pe:11ecost but it
remained lower than during Easter period. After Pentecost there was a decrease again,
although smaller than the previous one, because the tension remained high throughout the
summer to become still higher and almost reach its peak at Michaelmas – the main time for
5 Ktlmmereihuch der Stadt Re.,al. Quellen und Darstellungen zur hansischen Geschichte, bearb. v.
R.Vogelsang. Bd. 22/1 u 22/2. Köln Wien 1976. Bd. 27/1. u. 27/2. Köln Wien 1983.
6 L.Arbusow, Das ti/teste fl“iuschopbuch der Stadt Rel’ai ‚/J/2-13601. Revaler Stadtbacher /. Archiv für die
Geschidne Liv-. Est- und Curlands. 111. Folge, I. Bd. Rcval. 1 888. E.\“.Nonbcck. Da.< drtualteste Erbebuch der
Stadt Revnl f/3X3- /.JJ􀁥J Acluv fiir die Geschichte Liv-. Est- und Curlands. lll. Folge. 111. Bd. Rcval, 18\12.
7 V Turner. Smrl’ol r rttua/ Moscow. 1983.
lOS
fulfilling obligations in autumn. The number of inscriptions show the lessening of tension
du ring December. although the Christmas cycle should have made this period active.
Moving from the generat time-schedule itself to the habits of the institutions regulating
the calendar, several illuminating details can be added concerning single feasts and week days.
ln St. Brigit’s monastery near Reval each year before All Saints‘ Day the needs of the
monastery were calculated and the remaining goods were given to the needy 8 In the wills of
the fifteenth century it was quite usual to leave some money (usually I farthing) to every poor
man or woman in every church and churchyard in Reval seven successive Saturdays in the
memory ofthe seven sorrows ofVirgin Mary.
These actions were closely connected with the commemoration of the dead, which was
often officially organised. The decree of the town magistrate fi“om January 1425 erdered the
remembrance of the deceased twice a year in the parish church of the deceased person. 9 In
practice this regulation would have left the other churches without the possible income !Tom
those proceedings.
The commemoration of the dead formed usually a part of some bigger feast period,
contributing in some way to the tension of the general atmosphere. On the fourteenth of June
1457, the priest ofthe Holy Ghost church in Reval, Ludeke Karwel, gave the rent of200 Riga
marks for several religious purposes, for example for holding a mass for the sake of the souls
of the sisters and brothers of the Great Guild on Easter, Pentecost and Christmas
10
By
comparison, it can be pointed out that the statutes (schrag) of the Tafelgilde in Riga
prescribed the commemoration of the deceased brothers and sisters and the supporters of the
guild with vigils and masses on a Monday once a year
1 1
.
The statutes of Virgin. Mary’s guild
12 in Reval from the end of the fifteenth century
erdered the reading of thirty Pater Nosters and thirty Ave Marias in the memory of every
deceased sister or brother. The same guild also took responsibility for holding a mass three
times a week in the Cathedral Church of Reval and paid on assumptio Marie for each priest six
Riga marks a year At the funerals the members of the guild had to carry the catafalque
covered with a canopy that was believed to have been belonged to Virgin Mary (bodecke dat
vnßer leuen vrouwen to horel). At the end ofthe fifteenth century the guild possessed quite an
expensive Virgin Mary’s canopy which could also be hired for the funerals of those who were
not members ofthe guild.
8 G.\ .Hansen. Die Ktrche und ehemaligen Klt>ster Revals, p. 172.
9 LECUB. Bd. VII., Nr. 237.
10
LECUB. Bd. XI.. Nr. 524. The brother of Ludcke Karwel was probably the abbot of the Dominican
monastery in Re,·al. their father could have possibly been a tailor from Reval Claus Carwelcn. and grandrather
Hinko Karwelcyne from the ,·iJiage Karla near Reval (see. P.Johansen, „Eestikeelsed märkmed kahes
dominiiklaste kloostri raamatus Tallinnas“ [Estonian Notcs in Two Books of the Dominicans in Reval]. In:
Ee.<tt 1-:ee/ !929 Nr. 5-6. lk. 95-96).
11
H.v.Bruiningk, Messe und kanomsches Stundengebet, p. 335.
12 The Virgin. Mary’s guild was initially founded as a purely rcligious inslitution in the beginning of the
fiftccnth century b) thc canons Diderick Todwin and Diderick Toyß. In the middle of the fifteenth ccntury the
acti\“ities of thc guild probably dicd out and it must have bcen re-established in 1496. when mentioned as
frnternitas sancte .\lar􀂩e virigims, que noviter in summo Revaliensi auetoritote apostoltca m.<tttua et fundata
est (LECUB. Zwenc Abt.. Bd. I.. Nr. 335). After the Reformation the guild became an Organisation of thc
craftsmen of the Dome hill and its suburbs.
106
The major festival in the guild was assumptio (in the Statutes „vnßer Ieuen vrouwen
dage Kruthewmge „), which was celebrated with a procession where the sisters carried an icon
w::h a depiction of Virgin Mary, and the brothers followed them with candles. Such
processions were also organised in the guild on Corporis Christi and on the Friday before St.
John’s Day Before assumptio an obligatory drinking feast (Dnmke) was held which was
followed by a yearly obligatory session ofthe guild on the next day. 13
The Statutes of the blacksmith joumeymen from the first half of the fifteenth century
prescribed the commemoration of the dead with vigils on the Tuesday after Pentecost and
Christmas. The participation of all the brothers and sisters was obligatory, those who were
absent were fined I pound ofwax. 14
The Great Guild ordered three masses for every dcceased member at the Blasius‘ and
Christophorus‘ altar in St. Nicholas‘ Church. 15
The Blackheads (the fraternity of young unmarried merchants) who patronised St.
Ca:herine’s Church of the Dominican monastery paid for one silent mass a day in St.
Catherine’s Church. The bigger festivities of the corporation ended with an obligatory high
mass (the absentees were fined). The participation in the mass was obligatory also during
Christmas and Easter. assumptio and St. Catherine’s Day.
For the daily silent mass the Blackheads usually gave the Dominicans a tun of meat, a
tun of cod and a tun of peas by Advent. After the reform of the Dominican order which was
carried through in Reval during 1475-1 476 by Nicolaus Lundensis, and later by Albertus Petri,
the friars were prohibited to eat meat, and got instead of meat more fish (two tuns of cod) and
money instead of food for Trinity Day_ 16
The Christmas drinking-feast in the corporation ofthe Blackheads began on the Friday
before St Lucia’s Day (the thirteenth of December) and ended on the tenth of January with an
obligatory session. 17 The chronicler Balthasar Russow describes with great disgust the revelry
that took place on Shrove Tuesday and during the fast, as weil as the drinking during
Christmas and Shrove Tuesday when people used to dance and enjoy themselves araund a fir
tree set up in the market-place. 18 To a !arge extent his disgust must have been the etfect of
Lutheran strictness, because the people of those times necd not have considered such kind of
activities irreligious at all (comp. risus paschali.l‘ or the burning ofa doll – a syrnbol offasting in
the Netherlands).
As it was usual for a guild or corporation to take care of the altar of their own patron
saint in some church and to celebrate the saint’s day, the feast calendar could ditfer in details in
different corporations. The St. Antonius corporation had to give two rnarks a year for bread
13
Fr.Stillmark. „Der alteste Schragen der Dom- oder Manengilde zu Rc,·al •· ln· Bellrage zur Kunde Es1/ands,
Bd. XVIII. Heft 1-5, Reval. 1932-3􀄠. pp 25–16.
14
„Alter Schragen der Bruderschaft der Schmiedegesellen zu Re,·al “ ln: B􀂣llrtlg􀂣 zur Kunde Ehst-. Liv- und
J..’urlnnd,_ Bd I Reval. 1868-72. p 390.
15 L.ArbusO\•. Dtc Emfiihrung der Reformation, p. 109.
16
Fr. Amelung. Geschichle von Revaler Schwar::enhtiupter von threm Ursprung bts auf dte Gegenwart_ Reval,
1 885. P- 35-39.
17
lbid .. p. 2 1 .
18 Balthasar Russo“ ’s Chronica der Prouint7. Lyfllandl. RC\·al. 1857. p. 􀚽6.
107
and wine to St. Antonius‘ altar in St. Nicholas‘ Church, 19 the stone-masons who regarded St.
Reynold as their patron saint gave one mark every year to celebrate St. Reynold’s Day in the
same church. The shoemakers Iook care ofthe Crispini and Crispiniani altar in St. Nicholas‘
Church. St. Victor’s corporation ofthe town servants celebrated St. Victor’s Day on the tenth
ofOctober.
The obligatory drinking-feasts took usually place twice a year mostly at Christmas and
on Shrove Tuesday or at Christmas and at Easter.
Although the data concerning religious donations should express the degree of
religiousness of the generat atmosphere, it is difficult to estimate it in reality. There are several
cit:Z.ens during the second half of the fifteenth century (Heise Patiner, Hans Lippe, Hans
Potgeter, Ludeke Karwel, Reynold Korner) whose names appear very often among the
religious donors, but as they belonged to the wealthy upper dass of the city or were
clergymen, one can not really judge their devoutness as religious donations were obligatory to
keep a high reputation 20
The religious habits of the citizens had naturally a direct impact on the economic
we!fare of the clergy. For example according to the records of the parchment rent-roll ( 1382-
1 5 18) the priest in The Holy Ghost Church could have the donations affered before the mass.
The donations affered after the mass (during offertorium) were meant to support the Holy
Ghost workhouse 21
The misunderstandings between the mendicants and the town clergy were generally
similar to the circumstances of weslern Europe: people preferred the masses and sermons of
the Dominicans to the masses in their parish churches and accordingly brought their donations
to the monastery 22
ln the supplementary part of the resolutions of the provincial church council of Riga
( 1 428) by Henning Scharpenberg, the archbishop of Riga23 from the year 1 43724 the
Dominicans and other mendicants were ordered to start the singing oftheir canonical hours on
the sixth hour to finish the proceedings before the beginning of the high mass in parish
19 TLA (Tallinn City Archives). f 3 1 . n I, s 2 1 6 (Rechnungsbuch der St.-Nikolaus Kirchenvormünder 1465-
1 53 5), fol. 13a.
20 As an example of a genuinely rcligious person one can name the widow of the above mentioned Hans
Potgeter. After thc death of her husband. Catharina Potgetcr donated 150 marks for mass to be held in St.
Barbara·s chapcl on Mondays for the sake of thc soul of her late busband (LECUB. Z\\eite Abt .. Bd. lll .. Nr.
302). Later. du ring thc stormy events of the iconoclasm and the Reformation at the end of the year 1524 and
thc bcginning of I 525. shc took some of the books from the dtssolved Dommican monastery to kcep them in
her ccllar. although it \\35 forbidden b􀈙 the reformation3f) regulations of the town magtstratc (TI..A. f 230, n
I. s Bk 3).
21
L.Arbusow. Das t!lte.<te Wittschopbuch der Stadt Reval (131 2-1 360). p. 73.
22 TLA. f 230. n 1-1. p. 577.
23 Hcnning Scharpenberg ( 1424-IHS). before becoming an archbishop. was the provost of Rlga. a rclati\“e of
thc bishop of Osci-Wick Christian Kubandi. who. in turn. had bcen the father confessor of 􀈚1artin V (Eesti
n;alugu II [Histol)· of Estoma]. toim. H. Kruus. Tartu, 1937. lk. 176-177).
24 LECUB. Bd. IX. Nr. 1 3 1 .
108
churches (this was not obligatory on the feast-day of the patrons of the order – the fourth of
February – according to the additions to the martyrologium of 1 509)
25
As an exarnple of a regulation setting the terms for fulfilling religious obligations one
can refer to one of the indulgence letters, given by twelve cardinals of Rome on the sixth of
September 1 3 6326, according to which the religious activities frorn the visitors of St. John’s
leprosarium were requested on the following days·
Natahs Domuu, Circumcisio, Dies Cmerum, in jesto Rames Palmarum,
Parasceves. Pasche, Ascensioms, Pell/ecostes, Trmitatis, Chorpans Christi,
lnvenuoms et Exaltationis sancte Cmcis, Nativitatis et Decollationis beati
Johanms Baptiste, heatorum Pem et Pauli aposto/omm et omnium apostolorum
et evanf!elistarum, in jesto ommum sanetarum et in commemoratione mortuorum
ac in dtcti hospitalis dedicatioue et per octavas omnium jestivitatum predictarum
octa1•as hahemium sancrommque Stephani. Laurentii. Vincentii. Blasii, Martini,
Nicolai, Autotm, Georgii, Clementis, Crt’goni. Ambrosti, Augustim, /eronimi,
sanctorumque Marie 111agdalene, Marthe. Margarethe, Amu!, Agneus. Agathe,
Katherme. Cecllte, Lucie et Bnf!ide. smgulisque diebus Dannniets et sabbatis.
All these days usually occur in secular sources also Although Virgin Mary’s days are not
mentioned here, they are added (in omnibus jesltvllattbus beatissime virgmis Mane) Iogether
with the days of Barbara and Dorothea in the indulgence Ietter given to St. John’s leprosarium
by bishop Heinrich of Reval from the seventeenth of August of 1449
27
which repeats almost
word for word the one frorn 1363. As one can see. hcre hardly any local peculiarities which
deviate from western catholic tradition can be observed.
If one Iooks at some other sources, there is one particularity that concems All Souls‘
Day. This day is usually not very prominent in ofticial church calendars and is of little use in
dating Nevenheless, one can find it on the Ionger lists of the indulgence letters in German
cultural traditions the habits of All Souls‘ Day are similar to the habits of All Saints‘ Day
28
The
f:’\ing of the date on the second of November comes of course from the Catholic tradition but
the habits of the day itself are largely of local pre-Christian origin This can be also the reason
for the consequent use of the Estonian name of the day (Hmkepeve, Henkepeve) in Middle
Low German texts, produced in Reval. For example, in the account-books from the years
1432-1 507, this day is never used in dating. Nevertheless, the text itself often shows, how
much was spent by the town magistrate to celebrate this day (usually three-four pounds of
candle wax and about thirty geese) According to Gem1an popular customs, the geese were
eaten during Michaelmas and St Martin’s Day. the same custorn is not known in connection
with All Souls‘ Day
Besides Christmas, Shrove Tuesday, Easter and St Martin’s Day. the All Souls‘ Day is
the onlv one which was mentioned in the account-books in connection with the celebrations
organised by the town magistrate.
25
TLA. fBO. n I. lnc 2 1 . fol. 12.
26
LECUB. Bd. II . Nr. 997
27
LECL’B. Bd. X. Nr. 649.
28
1/nndwörterbuch der Sn􀃑e. Hrsg. v. Peuckcrt. W.-E . . I. Göttingen. 1962. p. 354.
109
As for the local peculiarities in the habits of the Church itself in Reval. there are very
few sources which enable us to identify them. The only possibility for compiling a Iist of the
church festivities of the highest rank (fowm Duplex) is in the handmade inscriptions in the
above-mentioned Martyrologium of Belinus de Padua (printed in Venice in 1 509). These
inscriptions have a certain Dominican and Scandinavian influence According to them one can
speak of55 days of Tohml Duplex in the beginning ofthe sixteenth century in Reval·
Circumcisio (Jan. I). Epyphanie (Jan. 6), Anthonii (Jan. 1 7), Vincelllii (Jan. 22),
Translatio Thome de Aquino (Jan. 29), Hypopanti domini (Feb. 2), Dorothee
(Feb. 6), Mathie ap. (Feb. 24), 111ome de Aquino (March 7), Anmmciatio
dominica (March 25), Depositio Ambrosii (Apr. 4), Marci ev. (Apr. 25), Petri de
ordine predicatorum (Apr. 29), Philipp1 et Jacobi (May 1 ), Joannis ante portam
latinam (May 6), Translatio Pem (May 7), Apparatio Michaelis archangeli (May
8), Translatio Dominici (May 24). Barnabe ap. (June I I ), Decemmilium milium
(June 22), Joannis baptiste (June 24), Petri et Pauli (June 29), Commemoratio
Pauli (June 30), Visitatio Marie ad Elisabeth (July 2), Divisio apostolorum (July
I 5), Marie Magda/ene (July 22), Jacohi ap. (July 25), Anne (July 26), Dominici
(Aug 5), Transfiguratio domim nostri (Aug. 6), Assumptio Marie (Aug. 1 5),
Bartholomei ap. (Aug. 24), Augustini (Aug. 28), Nativitas Marie (Sept. 8),
Michaelis (Sept. 29), Depositio Hieronymi (Sept. 30), Dionysii (Oct. 9), Luce ev.
(Oct. 1 8), Undecim milium virginum (Oct. 21 ), Simonis et Thadei (Oct. 28),
Omnium sanctorum (Nov. I), Martini (Nov. I I ) , Ehsabeth (Nov. 19), Presentatio
Marie in templo (Oct. 2 1 ), Catherme (Nov. 25), Andree (Nov. 30), Barbare (Dec.
4). C’onceptm Marie (Dec. 8), ‚JJ1ome (Dec. 21), Nat1vttas Chnsll (Dec. 25),
Stephani (Dec. 26). Joannis ap. (Dec 27).
In comparison to the other Dominican calendars and those of the other religious orders, 29 it is
a relatively big number. Thus, adding to the movable feasts and Sundays, the calendar of the
medieval citizen of Reval appears to have been quite elaborate in spite of the late
christianisation ofthe territory.
The expression of religiousness, which can be observed in this connection, faded away
gradually during Lutheran times. In the case of Old Livonia the shift towards early modern
mentalities starts to be formed by Lutheran ideology, which introduced a whole complex of
new economical, politic and cultural structures.
29 H.Grotefcnd. Ze11rechnung des deulschen Millelalrers und der Neuze11. Zweiten Bandes 7.\\Cite Abtheilung.
Hanno\·er und Leipzig. 1898.
1 1 0
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON GERHARD JARITZ
SONDERBAND V
QUOTIDIANUM ESTONICUM
ASPECTS OF DAIL Y LIFE IN MEDIEV AL
ESTONIA
EDITEDBY
JÜRI KIVIMÄE
AND
JUHANKREEM
KREMS 1996
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER
KULTURABTEILUNG DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Cover lllustralion: Compilation from sketchcs in the margins of accoum books
of the Town Magistrate of Rcval (TLA. Ad. 26 and 32)
– ISBN 3 901 094 08 3
© 1996 by Medium Ae\1Jm Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kuhur des Millclallers,
Körnennarkt 13, A – 3500 Krems. Austria – Printcd by Kopitu Ges.m.b.H.,
Wiedncr Hauptstraße 8-10. A-1050 Wien
Inhaltsverzeichnis!fable of Contents/Sommaire
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . …. . . . . . . ….. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Jüri Kivimäe, Medieval Estonia. An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . … . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Juhan Kreem, „ultima germonorum & christianomm prouintia“. Outlines ofthe Image
ofLivonia on Maps from the Thirteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century … 14
Marek Tamm, Les miracles en Livonie et en Estonie a l’epoque de Ia christianisation
(fin XIIeme- debur Xllleme siecles) …………… ……… . . ………………………… 29
Erik Somelar. Va n des keisserlichen Liibischen Rechtes wegen. Circumstances of
Criminality in Medieval Reval. ……………………………………………………………………. 79
Tiina Kala, The Church Calendar and Yearly Cycle in the Life ofMedieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . 103
Mihkel Tammet, Some Aspects ofHerbal Medical Treatment on the Example
of Medieval Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Inna Pöltsam. Essen und Trinken in den livländischen Städten im Spätmittelalter . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Katrio Kukke, Les lois somptuaires de Reval. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
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Preface
The idea to publish a special Estonian or Baltic issue of Medium Aevum Quotidianum has been
discussed already for a couple of years with Gerhard Jaritz and Christian Krötzl. lnitially the
idea was based on the first experience of studying medieval everyday life and mentalities in a
small seminar-group at Tanu University. This optimistic curiosity of discovering a new history
or actually a history forgotten long ago, has been carried on. The research topics of Katrin
Kukke, lnna Poltsam and Erik Somelar originate from this seminar. However, all contributions
of Quolidianum r:.womcum were written especially for this issue.
Besides that, this collection of articles needs some comments. First, it must be admitted
that the selection of aspects of everyday life published here is casual and represents only
marginally the modern Situation of historical research and history-writing in Estonia. The older
Baltic German and Estonian national scholarship has occasionally referred to the aspects of
everyday life. Yet the ideology of ‚histoire nouvelle‘ has won popularity among the younger
generation of Estonian historians only in recent years. These ideas are uniting a srnall informal
circle of historians and archivists around Tallinn City Archives, represented not only by the
above mentioned authors but also by the contributions of Tiina Kala, Juhan Kreem, Marek
Tamm and Mihkel Tarnmet Secondly, we must confess the disputable aspects of the title
Quolldianum Eswmcum Medieval Europe knew Livonia but not Estonia and Latvia which
territories it covered over 350 years There may be even reproaches tOwards the actual
contents that it is too much centralised on Tallinn/Reval, but it can be explained with the rich
late medieval collections available at Tallinn City Archives.
We wish above all to thank Eva Toulouse, Monique von Wistinghauscn, Hugo de
Chassiron, Tarmo Kotilaine and Urmas Oolup for the editorial assistance. Our greatest debt of
gratitude is to Gerhard Jaritz, without whose encouragement and suppon this issue could not
have been completed.
Jüri Kivimäe, Juhan Kreem, editors
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