The Importance of the Spoken Word in the Public Affairs of Carlo Tocco (from the Anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia)

Ae􀁥tc; YAUlcda
The Importance of the Spoken Word
in the Public Affairs of Carlo Tocco
(from the Anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia)
Nada Zecevic
The words spoken by Carlo Tocco (c. 1375- 1 429)1 are among the subjects
highlighted by the anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cephalonia.2 In this
narrative-in-verse of Epirotic demotica from the first half of the fifteenth century,
the Tocco ruler ofthe westem Greek Ionian islands and Epiros was described as „a
man able to make honey sweet sugar ofhis words,“ and „sweeter than sugar.“3 The
words of sweetness, but also of flattering, promise, rumor and deception,4 are frequently
found in the chronicler’s reference to the political affairs of Carlo Tocco.
„Archonts and my youngsters, you who Iove me,“ was the way in which Carlo
reportedly used to begin encouraging his soldiers before battles.5 Carlo’s „words of
greeting and respect“ were also frequently mentioned as a part of his diplomatic
1 The Toccos were originally from Benevento in southern Italy. The first Tocco mentioned in
Greece was Guillelmo (d. 1 336), the govemor of Ccrcyra on behalf of Philip of Taranto. The
Toccos‘ prestigious status was based on privileges of administrative and military service to the
Angevins of Naples, as weil as on marriage alliances with other prominent Italian families
who ruled some parts of Greece (the Orsini, thc Buondelmonti, the Acciauoli). Carlo l, lhc
„duke“ of the islands of Leukas, Cephalonia, lthaka and Zakynthos, further spread the family’s
interests to Epiros and Peloponese; in 1 4 1 5, the Byzantine emperor bestowed on him the
imperial title of despotes of Epiros. After his death ( 1429), his bastard sons and his nephew
started a fierce inheritance dispute. which, on several occasions turned into actual wars. This
facilitated the final Ottoman conquest ofthe Tocco domains in 1479.
2 Cronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia di Anonimo, ed. and trans. into ltalian by ltalian Giusepe
Schiro (Rome: Accademia nazzionalc de Lincei, 1975) (hcnceforth: CroToc). A detailed
critical analysis ofthe Chronicle in Giusepe Schiro, „Prolegomeni II,“ in CroToc, pp. 1 23-142,
(henceforth: ‚·Prolegomeni“, II). According to ‚·Prolcgomeni, ll,“ pp. 137-139, the Chronicle is
an autograph text which must have been written until 1429. Schiro‘ s chronology is adopted by
Donald Nicol, The Despotale of Epiros 1267-1479 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1984), p. 165. Elisabeth A. Zachariadou, „Oi x\.),.IQl OtOlXOl otT)v apxi] tOÜ Xpovucoü twv
T61<1<o.“ ‚Hm:zpr..JnKri ;cp6v1Ka, 25 ( 1 983), pp. 1 5 8- 1 8 1 , on the other hand, considers the
chronicle a work by several authors, continuously expanded until the mid-fifteenth century.
3 CroToc, 5, 5, 1360; ibid., 5, 10, 1473.
4 E.g., CroToc, 2, 5, 572; ibid., 3, 15, 907-908; 3, 30, J 130; ibid., 4, 2, 1 1 77; 10, 2, 2695.
s E.g., CroToc, 7, 14, 2054-2057.
Al\l;tc; yA.t>K&ia 109
protocol.6 On several occasions, the Tocco chronicle even distinguished them as
expressions of some hidden diplomatic agenda. For instance, we know that Carlo
spoke to a neighboring Iord, Muriki Spata, with „sweetened words“ (1-Le
(axapchouc; Aöyous) not because of his joy about their newly concluded alliance,
but because he wanted Muriki to agree to send troops to support him against
another neighboring Iord, Sguros; an additional reason to use the „sweetened
words“ on thls occasion seems to have been Carlo’s desire to keep this meetin􀁤
secret from the Ottomans, who were frequent „visitors“ in the region at the time.
Not only Carlo, according to the chronicler, was referred to as skillful in words,
other Toccos were presented by the chronicler in a similar light. Carlo’s bastard
sons, Ercole and Memnon (Menuno), were mentioned as „sweet with people,“ and
„of extraordinary sweetness, educated in eloquence.“8
The image of Carlo Tocco and his family as unique for sweetness and polite
language stands in contrast to the picture attributed by the chronicler to most of
their neighbors. Some of these were remernbered because of their „concealed
words;“9 if they were the fierce enemies of the Toccos, the chronicler depicted
their oral communication as words of lying and hypocrisy. 10 In addition, the
chronicler connected the practice of cursing only with the Tocco enemies, although
his verses show that it was common among some of the Toccos as well.1 1 Among
those frequently mentioned for the habit of saying rude and indecent words in
public were the most important Tocco adversaries, namely the neighboring
Albanian kindreds and forrner rulers of loannina. 12
The public significance of the Toccos‘ oral expression might, however, turn
out to be a debatable subject. The first reason to believe this comes from several
pieces of documentary material, namely documents issued by the Venetians, the
Angevins of Naples, and Carlo Tocco himself, which attest that in his political
affairs Carlo relied to a considerable extent upon written communication. 13 The
6 CroToc, 5. 13, 1507; CroToc, 3, 10, 8 1 2-817; CroToc, 5, 10, 1466- 1473. CroToc, 5, 9, 1442-
1445, for a suggestion that oral expression was an important part of protocol in the diplomacy
of Carlo Tocco.
7 CroToc, 2, 14, 840-852.
8 CroToc, 7, 2, 1 94 1 , for Ercole, and 7, 4, 1952, for Memnuno. CroToc, 4, 8, 1272, sometimes
refers to the oral expression in diplomacy as to a „polite language’· (y Äwooav natÖEUilEVllv).
9 CroToc, 4, 8, 1 270-1274.
1° CroToc, 6, 2, 1625-1626; ibid., 6, 14, 1779.
11 CroToc, 9, 5, 2267.
12 CroToc, 10, 1 4 , 2908, describes how Carlo was kind to a relative of Yakub-pasha, who had
reportedly said „bad words“ against him. Cf. CroToc, 6, 14, 1 779; ibid., 9, 5 , 2267
13 Cf. Documents inedits relarifs a I ‚hisroire de Ia Grece au Moyen Age, ed. George Sathas
(Paris: Maisoneuve 1 8 8 1 ), (henceforth: Sathas), Il, 296 (April 1 3 , 1402): quod ad scribendum
ralia passione motus est. Among thc documents there are several pieces partly or entirely
written by Carlo Tocco in person, cf. A’ta Albaniae Venera saeculorum XIV et XV, ed. Joseph
Valentini (Palermo, ltaly: Centro Internationale di Studi Albanesi, 1967-1977) (henceforth:
AAV), 2 : 7, 747 q (c. May 23, 1 399); ibid., 76lb (August 16, 1399, of the seventh indiction):
ibid., 761 t; ibid., 847b (October 26, 1400); ibid., 8471 (October 28, 1400); ibid., 847q (October
3 1 , 1400). Although some of these letters arc rare direct attestations of Carlo’s real knowledge
1 1 0 NADA ZEGEVIC
second reason to doubt the reference of the Chronicle to Tocco’s spoken words is
based on the suspicion that some of the chronicle’s references might have been
only a fabrication of the Tocco family historian. The author never used negative
attributes for any of the Toccos; neither did he hide his intention to ignore events
that proved unpleasant for Carlo.14 In addition, he was probably among Carlo’s
close supporters or officers;15 consequently, he might have referred to the ruling
family of the Ionian islands with a primary intention to panegyrize them. The
chronicler might also have attempted to present the Toccos in the best possible
light because of certain literary rules of his time. 16 His reference to the Toccos is
sometimes identified as a literary topos; in addition, although the events were
presented in a chronological order, they were narrated as a series of episodic sequences,
most ofwhich illustrated Carlo’s success. 17
Furthermore, the reference to Carlo’s sweet words might have also been a
part of the common public image of the Tocco, generally shared by most of his
subjects or by some particular circles of his audience.18 The notions of oral
of the Venetian dialect, they say almost nothing about his view ofthe impact his words might
have had on bis political affairs.
14 Glorifying the Toccos, CroToc, passim, used terms such as „wonderful,“ „splendid,“
„glorious,“ „blessed,“ „genuine master“ ( 3«Uf.ICXOt6􀁥. ÄCXf.lltpÖ􀁥, ö6Klf.IO􀁥, t ltlÖE􀁦 10􀁧,
<XQ>tvöl)􀁂 cxuetvtl)t:;). When the chronicler could not avoid recalling some unpleasant
occasions, he would suddenly turn to fate and God’s will, e.g. CroToc, 3, 25, 1082: „0 my
friend, Iisten about the great power of God“ C AKouoov, q>O.e, toü E>eoü ÖUVCXf.llV t􀁃v
f.ICy<ihJv), or CroToc, 3, 30, 1 1 55: „And Iisten what happcned and what fate brought“
C AKouoe t( tyfvetov Kcxl ti fiq>epev iJ tUXl)t:;“).
15 „Prolegomeni, II,“ 139-142, concluded tbat the author was eilher from the circle of
administrative oflicers or from Carlo’s military entourage.
16 Cf. Gabrielle M. Spiegel, The Past as Text: The Theory and Practice of Medieva/
Historiography (Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp. 178-
194. Regarding the presentation of the chronicle, the author seems to have perceived it both as
a narration and a written work, cf. CroToc, 4, 4, 1 2 14: „I cannot narrate this, nor can I write
about it“ (Ou öUvcxf.!CXl tÖ E􀁦T)Yl)6w, <i.U.‘ oüte v& tö yp<iq>w). For an introduction to
various aspects of orality and the significance of oral communication these works were of
particular help: Michael Richter, The Oral Tradition in the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout:
Brepols, 1 994); P. N. Johnson-Laird, „lntroduction: what is communication,“ in Ways of
Communicating, ed. D. H. Mellor (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univcrsity Press,
1 990), pp. 1 – 1 4 ; David Lodge, „The Novel as Communication,“ in Ways ofCommunicating,
pp. 96- 1 1 3 ; Noam Chomsky, „Language and Mind,“ in Ways of Communicating, pp. 56-8 1 ;
Jack Goody, The Interface Between the Wrirten and the Oral (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1987; repr. 1 993); Spiegel, The Past, pp. 20-23.
17 An example of a topos of another work, in CroToc, 5, 1 3 , 1 507 „Tlf.ll)’tlKtX tout; xcxlpet􀁨,
yÄUKECX ‚tOUt:; eOltACXYXVi03l)“, cf. „Tö Xpovn:öv tOÜ Moptwc;,“ in The Chronicle of
Morea: a history in politica/ verse relating the establishment offeudalism in Greece by the
Franks in the thirteenth century, ed. lohn Schmitt (London: Methucn & Co., 1 904) (henceforth:
CroMor), v. 3492-3494.
18 An indication of the chroniclc’s distribution are its two copies, found in the Vatican archives,
Vat.Gr. 1 8 3 1 and Vat. Gr. 22 1 4 (the second most probably the work by Nicola Sofianos).
Further on the manuscripts see „Prolcgomeni,“ ll, 1 4 3 – 1 59. As for the questions of its per1
1 1
communication were mentioned in the Chronicle en passant, with no additional
explanation or definition for the audience. Finally, the references about the Toccos‘
special skills in oral comrnunication might have come from the most common
perception of communication practices, not only of the Toccos, but of the medieval
society in general.19 The sweetness of speech is one of those references that can be
found in many written works across all medieval epochs and regions. Yet most of
these works refer to dulcia verba and dulcetudo in the light of their sacral
meanings.20 Some, such as the writings of Dante, the humanism of which could
have reached the Tocco region easily from Italy, mention the sweetness of speech
not as a pragmatic political method, but rather as an indication of the elevated
Status ofthose who used it.21
The idea that the reference of the Tocco chronicle to Carlo’s special way of
oral comrnunication was a part of a shared knowledge of oral communication is
seen in two works close in time and place to the Tocco chronicle. The anonymaus
Chronicle of loannina, a local narrative of the end of the fourteenth century, similarly
to the Tocco chronicle refers to oral communication en passant, as weil as to
the importance of public speech of masters to their subjects, and eloquence in
general.22 Like the Tocco chronicle, this work makes clear distinctions between
various tones of words spoken in public.23 The next similarity between the two
chronicles is their vocabulary – words denoting a special way of speaking or a performance
in public, and of ils audience, no definite answer can be reached at this poinl due to
the Iack of evidence.
19 Cf. „Tö xpovtKÖv twv · Iwavv(vwv Kat‘ ä.veKÖotov Öl)f.IOÖl) btttof.Li)v,“ ed. Leandros
Vranoussis, ‚Em:n]pi􀀭 wü Mcuat6JVIKOÜ ‚Ap;rdou, 12 ( 1 962) (henceforth: Croloan), II,
86, 24-26, on how one of the rulers of loannina spoke in the manner of a wise man ( wc; ooq>öc;
npool)y6peuocv A6yov). Some suggestions that Carlo’s oral expression might have been in
accordance with a „humanistic“ background are found in Jean Froissart. Les chroniques de
sire Jean Froissart: qui traitent des mervailleuses emprises. nobles aventures et faits d’armes
advenus et son temps en France, Angleterre, Bretaigne. ßourgogne, Escosse. Espaigne,
Portugal et autres parties, 3 vols. (Paris: Desrez, 1835), 16, pp. 53-54, and AAV, 2 : 7, 849b
(December 3 1 , 1400). The „humanism“ of Carlo Tocco might be argued from the basis of his
origin, family, frequent contacts with Ita1y, or his education as suggested by his ability to write
in several languages. CroToc, 7, 4, 1 95 1 , about the education of one of his sons.
2° Cf. „Adelmannus Lcodiensis, Rythmus de uiris illustribus sui temporis,“ in Oeuvres de Julien
Havet, ed. Julien Havet (Paris: Leroux, 1896), col. 98, v. 7; Actus beati Francisci et sociorum
eius (Collection d’etudes et de documents sur l’histoire religieuse et Iiteraire du Moyen-äge,
IV) (Paris: Fischbacher, 1 904), passim, e.g. cap. 74, 4; „lodocus Badius Ascensius, In
Parthenicen Catarinariam Baptiste Mantuani expositio,“ ed. A. P. Orban, in Corpus christianorum,
continuatio mediaevalis, I I 9A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1 992), lib. 3, In. 858.
21
Cf. „Dante Alighieri, De uulgari eloquentia, in Dante: Opere minori,“ ed. Pier Vincenzo Mengaldo
(Milano and Napoli: Ricciardi, 1979), II, I, 2, 10, 84, I .
22 Croloan, I, 28, 94, I 0-1 1 , refers to the practice of Magdalena Tocco to deliver her speeches in
public. Croloan, I, 15, 85, 4-5, and I. 1 5, 85, 9-10, distinguished some people from the others
as „decorated in their word and their deed“, or, ibid., II, 8, 79, 16-17, as „educated to speak
words“, or, ibid., II, 10, 80, 9 „widely known for their words and deeds“, or. ibid., I, 16, 86,
24-26, as „wise for speaking words“.
23 Cro!oan, I!, 4, 76, 1 8 – 1 9; ibid., I, 1 6, 86, 26; ibid., II, 10, 9, 24-26.
1 1 2 NADA ZECEVIC
son skilled in words are almost the same.24 The variety of the tones of oral
expression was also similarly presented in the second work, the Chronicle of
Morea. However, this chronicle was written at least a century before the Tocco
chronicle, and as such must have reflected different political and social realities.
Therefore, it might be that the similarities between the two accounts were a result
of the direct influence of the Chram·cle of Morea on the Tocco chronicler, rather
than the resemblance of communication practices.25
Apart from the similarities, all three chronicles share knowledge of how oral
communication was highly evaluated in regions with low Ievel of literacy. 26 The
predominance of the spoken word is found in other source material for almost all
aspects of public life. We know of oral expression at local councils, public
proclamations of concessions, announcements of edicts, orally made pleas, oral
diplomatic messages.27 Such a situation must have easily dictated the use of oral
expression even i f one – like Carlo Tocco – had preferred more sophisticated ways
of communication.
Yet despite the similarities, the other chronicles compared with the Tocco
account, as weil as some other regional sources, do not directly mention the
political pragmatism of the sweetness of words. Could it be possible that the
Chronicle of the Toccos still correctly referred to the Toccos as to the masters of
oral expression for their political needs? The evidence of regional affairs seems to
suggest such a probability. From the beginning ofhis rule (c. 1 394), Carlo Tocco, a
Greek of Italian origin, a „westemer of Roman (= Greek) culture“ or a „Roman (=
24 Croloan, l, 12, 83, 32, for A.aJ..w; ibid., I, 15, 85. 9, for AallllPO􀌯.
25 „Prolegomeni,“ II, p. 170, considers the Tocco chronicle an original work, strongly influenced
by the Chronicle of Morea. Negative results of my comparison of adjectives referring to rulers
in the Chronicle of thc Toccos and the Chronicle of Morea seem to confirm Schiro’s as26
sumption.
At this point it is important to remernher that oral expression was differently practised by the
Tocco surroundings. The illitcrate local chieftains and most of the population predominantly
relied upon oral expression, while some Greeks of Epiros, educated in the most sophisticated
manner, Iogether with some weslern merchants and intellectuals, relied also upon the written
form of communication. Moreover, the letters of Demetrius Cydones, in Demetrius Cydones:
Correspondance, ed. Raymond-Joseph Loenertz (Vatican City: Biblotheca apostolica Vaticana,
1 960), II, ep. 201, 1 7-20 (henceforth: Cydones), mention that some Greeks of this epoch
viewed their spoken and written 1anguage not just an ordinary method of communication, but
also a va1uable method of elevated expression. A similar reference to the elevated meaning of
the written expression among the Greeks, is found ibid., ep. 333, ln. 45, suggesting that „Latin“
westemers‘ knowledge of letters was commonly not regarded as serious by the Greek
educated elite.
27 Cf. „Adabo1dus U1traiectensis, Uita Henrici imperatoris,“ ed. G. Waitz, in Monumenta Germaniae
Historica. SS, 4 (Hannover: Hahn, 1841), p. 685, ln. 44: sed rex erat prouidens . . .
leniter e t blande respondit; Dante, I , 5 , 1 7 , 1 34, 1 sq: Nonne domestici sui reges marchiones,
comites et magnates quolibefama vincunt?; AAV 2: 8, 2 1 83 (July 9, 1 4 1 7); CroMor, 2926;
Michael Attaliates. Historia, cd. lmmanuel Bekker (Bonn: Weber, 1 853), p. 159, ln. 1 3. Also,
cf. CroToc, 2, 2, 537-538; ibid., 2, 5, 583-585; ibid., 1605-1606. The words perceived as food,
in CroToc, 3, 30, 1 1 54; ibid., 5, 1 8 , 1 605- 1 607.
i\􀃫􀃬 yA.uKEia 1 1 3
Greek) of westem origin,“28 was challenged on several fronts, which suggests that
his skillful use of oral expression might have been one of his tools to overcome
these challenges. In shortest, the land he inherited was poor and devastated through
frequent incursions by the neighboring Albanian kindreds and Spanish or local
pirates. At the same time, it was exposed to various offensive activities of the
Venetians who laid territorial claim to it. Besides, unlike other parts of Greece, divided
in 1204 among the French princes and the Venetian Republic, where there
was a „co-ordination of the Greek social networks with the political, socia1, and
economic superstructures instituted by the Latins,“ 29 the factual independence of
Epiros between 1 2 1 5 and 1 259 laid the ground for a more aggressive separatist
attitude of its nobility with which Carlo must have counted.30 Moreover, fragments
from the reports of Venetian officers hinted that even the villici of Carlo, escaping
from his territory, contributed to a generat instability,31 as weil as his army which
often lacked discipline.32 At the same time, many external problems were in sight.
Arnong the significant ones was Carlo’s hostility with Theodore Palaiologos (from
1 395), the brother of the Emperor and the despot of Morea, as well as certain
problems with his own suzerain, king Ladislas of Naples (noted in 140 I ).33
28 Cf. Laonici Chalcocondilae historiarum demonstrariones, ed. Eugene Dark6 (Budapest:
Akademiai Kiad6, 1922) (henceforth: Chalcocondiles), I, 194, 22-195, 3. for various
identifications of the westemers as the “Franks“, the „Celts“ and the „Celtibers“. These and
many other similar identifications by the Greeks of the time all indicate !hat Carlo Tocco was
still considered a foreigner despite the fact that hc was bom in Grecce and !hat he took part in
the Byzantinc structures ofpower.
29 David Jacoby, „From Byzantium to Latin Romania: Continuity and change,“ in Latins and
Greeks in rhe Eastern Mediterranean after 120./, eds. Benjamin Arbe!, Bernard l lan1ilton and
David Jacoby (London: Cass, The Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies and the
Society for the Study ofthe Crusades and thc Latin East, 1989), p. 33.
3° CroToc, 5, 4, 1 390, and ibid., I 0, 5, 3 1 13, mcntions how loannina was considered the „root of
the Greeks“ (pf(cx <wv Pof!cx(wv). About the power of the citizens of Ioa1mina, CroToc, 5, 1 ;
CroToc 4, 10, and 4, 6; „Mihailos Nepotes Ducas, De rebus Epiri fragmenta,“ in Historia
politica et patriarchica Constantinopoleos: Epirotica, ed. Immanuel Bekker (Bonn: Weber,
1834), fr. 2, 230.
31 Sathas, Il, 4 1 6 (July 25, 1 407); Regestes des deliberations du Senat de Venise concernant Ia
Romanie, ed. Freddy Thiriet 2 vols. (Paris and La Haye: Mouton, 1958-1972) (henceforth:
Thiriet, Reg.), !, 782, – 2; – 4 (December 12, 1 390); AA V, 2: 6, 1600 (September 27, 1 410);
Croloan. I, 41, 1 0 1 . About the claims of the Venetians to these people and the territory,
Thiriet, Reg., l, 829 (April 15, 1393, of the first indiction), and Thiriet, Reg., II, 1345 (March
15, 1409).
32 CroToc, 3, 25, 1085-1090; ibid., 6, 15, 1 81 7 – 1 8 1 8.
33 For various inforrnation on the instability ofthe Tocco domain during the first years of Carlo’s
rule, or even later, CroToc, I, 5, 74: ibid., I I , 4, 3 1 10; A.T. Luttrell, „The Principality of
Achaea in 1377,“ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 57 ( 1964), p. 342; the notes by Nico1o de Martoni
(1395) as from the referencc in W. Miller, The Latins in the Levant: A History of Frankish
Greece (1204-1566) (London: Murra:r, 1908), p. 352-353; Acta et diplomata graeca medii
aevi sacra et profana, eds. Franz Miklosich and Joachim Müller (Vienna: Gerold, 1 862), li,
no. 413, 2, 139; Notes et extrairs pour servir a I ‚histoire des croissades au XYe siecle, ed.
Nicolae Iorga (Paris and Bucarest: Leroux 1 899), Il, p. 1 0 1 ; Chalcocondiles, l, 1 96, 1 -15;
Thiriet, Reg., I , 905 (March 23-27, 1 396); Sathas, I!, 244 (Ju1y 7, 1401 ); Sathas, I!, 4 1 4 (July,
1 14 NADA ZECEVJC
A confinnation of Carlo’s pragmatism in his use of the spoken words comes
from the Venetian documentary material. A document from the Venetian Secret
Archives, dated April 1 8 1423, instructs the Venetian baiulus and the captain ofthe
island of Corfu to find an expert and skillful subject who would go as an envoy to
Carlo Tocco.34 The Venetian Senate, deeply involved in both the political and
economic affairs of westem Greece and the Peloponesos,35 needed a Iegate who
would know how to negotiate with Carlo „in appropriate words.“36 Another
Venetian emissary was instructed in this manner: „regardless of what words Carlo
uses,“ he should try to gain the attention of the Tocco duke, even if this meant his
own use of“sharp words“.37 An instruction from 1 4 1 7 confinns that the Venetians,
themselves masters of the spoken word, knew weil the range of tones in Carlo’s
verbal expressions: „you shall present [the case], with adequate and selected
words;“ if Carlo accepts the proposal, „you shall say that you had expected such a
decision from Carlo;“ but, if Carlo does not say anything alike, „you should say
that Venice shall do everything necessary to protect its honor.“38 The Venetians,
furthennore, also seem to have known Carlo’s preferences for certain words. In
instructions to find adequate and necessary words, their commissions were usually
adamant to avoid provoking the Tocco duke and despot. On several occasions the
Iegates were strongly advised to start their missions first with casual conversations
with Carlo, and thus create a more relaxed atmosphere for the presentation of their
cases.39 There were also situations when the Yenetians recorded that verba
excusatoria, transmitted orally to them by some envoys of Carlo Tocco for the
frequent robberies and other injuries his men did to Venetian merchants, did not
mean anything more than just empty explanations.4° Finally, on several occasions,
they called the spoken words of Carlo Tocco a „deception“ and „lie.“41
Although the Venetians gave rather neutral information, the account they
provided might turn out to be only a picture viewed through their own eyes. Therefore,
another question arises: what did Carlo hirnself think about the use of his
spoken words? To answer this question is almost impossible because his personal
correspondence, consisting of a few remairring autograph pieces, does not contain
any direct information about his personal view on this subject. Even when the
1407); Thiriet, Reg., II, 1498 (July 28, 1 4 1 3); AAV, 2: 5, 1265 (July 25, 1407); ibid., 1286
(September 1 4 1407); AA V, 2:6, 1530 (March 15, 1 4 1 0). Nicol, Epiros, 169, seems to have
disregarded some of these references while describing the region under the Tocco rule as rich.
34 AA V, 2: I I , 2712 (April !&, 1423).
35 On the situation aftcr the partition of the Byzantine Empire by the Crusaders of the Fourth
Crusade, see G. Ostrogorski, History of the Byzamine State, transl. J. Hussey, (New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press, 1 969), p. 422-434.
36 AA V, 2: I I , 2712 (April !&, 1423).
37 AA V, 2: I I , 2689 (February, 28, 1423).
38 AA V, 2: 8, 2 1 83 (July 9, 1 4 1 7). For a similar instruction, see AA V, 2: I I , 2610 (July 22, 1 422).
39 AAV, 2:7, 1839 (September 1 5, 1 4 1 3).
40 AAV, 2: 7, 1935 (February 6, 1 4 15); ibid., 2: I I , 2 7 1 2 (April 18, 1423).
41 Sathas, II, 296 (April 13, 1402). About Carlo’s flattery words to the Venetians, AA V, 1 : 886
(July 7, 1401).
1 1 5
spoken words were mentioned in documents issued by his chancellery, they might
easily have been only the product of the correspondence postulates of the time or,
equally, of Carlo’s official presentation. Still, Carlo’s correspondence reveals two
cases of the reference to his spoken words that deserve more detailed attention.
The first one comes from Carlo’s Ietter to the Venetian Republic ( 1 423) mentioning
his kind words to the Ottomans. These words of kindness, as he wanted the
Venetians to believe, were expressed in order to avoid being attacked by the
Ottomans.42 In other words, Carlo Tocco hinted at having deliberately spoken in a
kind manner in order to ease his inferior position with the Ottomans. Another example
ofhow Carlo referred to his own spoken words as to a method ofhis politics
comes from his autograph Ietter to the Venetian doge on August 15, 1425, of the
third indiction. In it, Carlo described his words exchanged with a Venetian envoy
j ust prior to this Ietter as „simple“ and „reasonable“ (quod quidem dixi
ratiocinando sipliciter), but also not as final (Nec credo quod tales colloquutiones
debent summi pro lege). 43 In his attempts to persuade the envoy to accept his
proposal for the solution of the case of Dragomesto, Carlo referred to having
spoken out hidden threats: why not have the case arbitrated, suggested he, by the
Angevins ofNaples or even by the Pope instead ofby the Venetians? 44
To summarize, there seem to be many indications that the spoken word
mentioned by the Tocco chronicle to describe the politics of Carlo Tocco was not a
mere fabrication of the chronicler. The chronicle’s comparison with other sources
of various genres, epochs, and places indicates that the reference to the Tocco’s
spoken word might have been a part of a common regional or even wider practice
of communication. ln addition, the evidence of the Venetian documents and of
those issued by Carlo Tocco suggest that the spoken word in the public affairs of
Carlo Tocco, particularly in his diplomacy, was indeed considered a special method
of communication. „Sweet“ persuasive oral communication seerns to have
been a manner in which Carlo avoided conflicts unnecessary and dangerous for his
ruling position. Any more detailed direct testimony of what Carlo Tocco thought
42 AA V, 2: 1 1 , 2807 (August 1 3 , 1423). Another interesting conclusion coming out of this Ietter is
Carlo’s obvious awareness of the persuasive effccts of his written words. As seen in the Ietter,
Car1o used extraordinary superlative written words to address the Venetians as weil as he
stressed his devotion to the Republic high1ighting thus his sincerity in the confession about the
nature of his talks with the Ottomans. The reality was different, say the reports of the Venetian
officers in the region, e. g. AA V, 2: 1 1 , 2 7 1 2 (April 18, 1423), indicating that they knew weil
about Carlo‘ s factual and deliberate co-operation with the Ottomans against the Venetian
territory.
43 K. D. Mertzios, „Mfa aveKÖoroc; EltlOtoÄTj tOl Kap6Äou A . roii T6KKOU npoc; tOV 􀁥OYTJV
BEvEtlac. ypaq>Eiaa t􀁦 Iwavv(vwv ro 1425,“ Akten des IX Byzantinischen Kongresses
Thessalonike 1953, (Athens, 1 956), II, p. 557-558, presents the Ietter written in Latin, kept in
the Archivio di Stato, Venice, Archivio della Scola di S. Maria del Rosario, busta 29, Commisaria
Girardi, Processo No. X, with the translation into Greck.
44 Mertzios, „M(a aveKÖotac;,“ p. 58: . . . cum in mundo sint plurimi judices. apud quos dicta
causa possei discerni; experimendo Sacram coronam Neapolis et Curiam Romanam
Pontificis.
1 16 NADA ZECEVIC
about his own words will make the Tocco chronicle not only a reliable historical
source, but also a contribution to depicting an interesting strategy in the Eastern
Mediterranean on the eve ofthe Ottoman conquest.
ORAL HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES
THE SPOKEN WORD IN CONTEXT
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
SONDERBAND XII
=
CEU MEDIEV ALIA
VOLU1vfE 3
Oral History of the Middle Ages
The Spoken W ord in Context
Edited by Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter
Krems and Budapest 200 1
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER ABTEILUNG
KULTUR UND WISSENSCHAFT DES AMTES
DER NIEDERÖSTERREICIDSCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
niederästerreich kultur
copy editor: Judith Rasson
Cover illustration: The wife of Potiphar covets Joseph: “ … erat autem Joseph pulchra facie et
decorus apectu: post multos itaque dies iecit domina oculos suis in Ioseph et ait donni mecum.“
(“ … And Joseph was (a] goodly fperson], and weil favoured. And it came to pass after these
things, that his master’s wife cast her eyes upon Joseph; and she said, Lie with me. „), Gen. 39:
6-7 (KJV). Concordantiae Caritatis, c. 1350. Cistercian abbey of Lilienfeld (Lower Austria), ms
151, fol. 244v (detail). Photo: Institut fiir Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit
(Krems an der Donau).
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
– ISBN 3-90 Hl94 15 6 (Krems)
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
form or by any means, without the permission of the Publishers.
Published by:
and
– ISBN 963 9241 64 4 (Budapest)
-ISSN 1587-6470 CEU MEDIEVALIA
Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-
3500 Krems. Austria,
Department ofMedieval Studies, Centrat European University,
Nador utca 9, H-1051 Budapest, Hungary.
Printed by Printself, Budapest.
Table of Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ……………………….. 7
Michael RICHTER, Beyond Goody and Grundmann ………. . . . . . . ………. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I I
Tom PETTIIT, Textual to Oral: the Impact ofTransmission
on Narrative Word-Art …………………………………………………………………….. 1 9
Elöd NEMER!<.ENYI, Fictive Audience. The Second Person Singular in the
Deliberatio ofBishop Gerard of Csanäd …………………………………………….. 3 9
Katalin SZENDE, Testaments and Testimonies. Orality and Literacy
in Composing Last Wills in Late Medieval Hungary ……………………………. 49
Anna ADAMSKA, The Kingdom of Po land versus the Teutonic Knights:
Oral Traditions and Literale Behaviour in the Later Middle Ages …………… 67
Giedre MICKÜNAITE, Ruler, Protector, and a Fairy Prince:
the Everlasting Deeds of Grand Duke Vytautas
as Related by the Lithuanian Tatars and Karaites ………………………………… 79
Yurij Zazuliak, Oral Tradition, Land Disputes, and the Noble Community
in Galician Rus‘ from the 1440s to the 1 460s ……………………………………… 88
Nada ZECEVIC, Ai􀃭tc; yA.uKeia. The Importance ofthe Spoken Word
in the Public Affairs ofCarlo Tocco
(from the Anonymous Chronaca dei Tocco di Cefalonia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 108
lohn A. NICHOLS, A Heated Conversation:
Who was Isabel de Aubigny, Countess of Arundel? …………………………… 1 1 7
Tracey L. BILADO, Rhetorical Strategies and Legal Arguments:
‚Evil Customs‘ and Saint-Florent de Saumur, 979- 1 0 1 1 …………………….. 1 28
Detlev KRAACK, Traces of Orality in Written Contexts.
Legal Proceedings and Consultations at the Royal Court
as Reflected in Documentary Sources from l21h-century Germany ……… 1 42
6
Maria DOBOZY, From Oral Custom to Written Law:
The German Sachsenspiegel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
Martha KEIL, Rituals of Repentance and Testimonies
at Rabbinical Courts in the 151h Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 64
Michael GOODICH, The Use of Direct Quotation
from Canonization Hearing to Hagiographical Vita et Miracula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 77
Sylvia ScHEIN, Bemard of Clairvaux ’s Preaching of the Third Crusade
and Orality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ….. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Michael BRAUER, Obstades to Oral Communication in tbe Mission
offriar William ofRubruck among the Mongois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
Elena LEMENEVA, From Oral to Written and Back: A Sermon Case Study . . . . . . . . 203
Albrecht CLASSEN, Travel, Orality, and the Literary Discourse:
Travels in the Past and Literary Travels
at the Crossroad of the Oral and the Literary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 217
Ulrich MÜLLER and Margarete SPRJNGETH, “Do not Shut Your Eyes
ifYou Will See Musical Notes:“ German Heroie Poetry
(„Nibelungenlied“), Music, and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
Jolanta SZPILEWSKA, Evoking Auditory Imagination:
On the Poetics of Voice Production in
The Story ofThe Glorious Resurrection ofOur Lord (c. 1580) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
Jens T. WOLLESEN, SpokenWords and Images
in Late Medieval Italian Painting . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 257
Gerhard JARTTZ, Images and the Power of the Spoken Word . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Preface
Oral culture played an instrumental role in medieval society.1 Due to the
Iack of any direct source evidence, however, research into the functions and
importance of oral communication in the Middle Ages must confront a number of
significant problems. Only indrect traces offer the opportunity to analyze phenomena
that were based on or connected with the spoken word. The ‚oral history‘ of
the Middle Ages requires the application of different approaches than dealing with
the 201h or 2 151 century.
For some decades Medieval Studies have been interested in questions of
orality and literacy, their relationship and the substitution of the spoken by the
written word2 Oral and literate culture were not exclusive and certainly not opposed
to each other.3 The ‚art of writing‘ was part of the ‚ars rhetorica‘ and writing
makes no sense without speech.4 Any existing written Statement should also be
seen as a spoken one, although, clearly, not every oral Statement as a written one.
Authors regularly wrote with oral delivery in mind. ‚Speaking‘ and ‚writing‘ are
not antonyms.
It is also obvious that „the use of oral conununication in medieval society
should not be evaluated … as a function of culture populaire vis-a-vis culture
savante but, rather, of thc communication habits and the tendency of medieval man
1 For the late Middle Ages and the early modern period, cf. Willern Frijhoff, „Communication et
vie quotidienne i1 Ia fin du moyen äge et a l’epoque moderne: reflexions de theorie et de
methode,“ in Kommunialion und Alltag in Spätmillefalter und fniher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut
Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p.
24: „La plupart de gens vivait encore pour l’essentiel dans une culture orale et !es procedes
d’appropriation des idCes passaient de prefcrence par Ia parolc dite et ecoutee, quand bien
memc on ctait capable d’une Ieelure visuelle plus ou moins rudimentaire.“
2 See Marco Mostert, „New Approaches to Medieval Communication?“ in New Approaches to
Medieval Communication. ed. Marco Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 15-37; Michael
Richter, “Die Entdeckung der ‚Oralität‘ der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft durch die neuere
Mediävistik,“ in Die Aktualität des Miue/alters, ed. Hans-Werner Goetz (Bochum: D.
Winkler, 2000), pp. 273-287.
3 Peter Burke calls the constrnct of „oral versus literate“ useful but at the same time dangerous:
idem, „Mündliche Kultur und >Druckkultur< im spätmittelalterlichen Italien,“ in Volkskultur
des europäischen Spätmittelalters, eds. Peter Dinzelbacher and Hans-Dieter Mück (Stuttgart:
Alfred Kröner Verlag, 1987), p. 60.
4 Michael Clanchy, „lntroduction,“ in New Approaches to Medieval Communication. ed. Marco
Mostert (Tumhout: Brepols, 1999), p. 6.
8
to share his intellectual experiences in the corporate framework.“5 Oral delivery
was not „the sole prerogative of any socioeconomic class. „6
For all these reasons, it is important to analyze the extent of and context, in
which ’speech acts,‘ auditive effects, and oral tradition occur in medieval sources .7
Research into the use of the spoken word or references to it in texts and images
provides new insight into various, mainly social, rules and pattems of the communication
system. 1t opens up additional approaches to the organization and
complexity of different, but indispensably related, media in medieval society, and
their comparative analysis.8
The spoken word is connected with the physical presence of its ’sender.‘
Speech may represent the authenticity of the given message in a more obvious way
than written texts or images. Therefore, the use of ’speech acts‘ in written or visual
evidence also has to be seen in context with the attempt to create, construct, or
prove authenticity. Moreover, spoken messages contribute to and increase the lifelikeness
of their contents, which may influence their perception by the receiver,
their efficacy and success. Being aware of such a situation will have led to the
explicit and intended use and application of the spoken word in written texts and
images- to increase their authenticity and importance, too.
lf one operates with a model of ‚closeness‘ and ‚distance‘ of communication
with regard to the Ievel of relation of ’senders‘ and ‚receivers,‘ then the ’speech
acts‘ or their representation have to be seen as contributors to a ‚closer‘ connection
among the participants of the communication process.9 At the same time, however,
Speech might be evaluated as less official. One regularly comes across ‚oral space‘
5 Sophia Menache, The Vox Dei. Commwzication in the Middle Ages (New York and Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 19.
6 Ibidem, p. 21. Cf. also Jan-Dirk Müller, „Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schrifilicher Sicherung
von Tradition. Zur Kommunikationsstruktur spätmittelalterlicher Fechtbücher,“ in
Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Helmut Hundsbichler
(Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1992), p. 400: „Offensichtlich
sind schriftliche und nichtschriftliche Tradierung von Wissen weiterhin relativ unabhängig
voneinander, nachdem die Schrift längst dazu angesetzt hat, lnseln der Mündlichkeil
oder praktisch-enaktiver Wissensvermittlung zu erobem. Die Gedächtnisstütze kann die Erfahrung
nicht ersetzen, sendem allenfalls reaktivieren. Sie ist sogar nur verständlich, wo sie auf
anderweitig vermittelte Vorkenntnisse stößt.“
7 􀆿f. W.F.H. Nicolaisen, ed., Oral Tradition in the Middle Ages (Binghamton: Center for Medieval
and Renaissance Studies, 1995).
8 See, esp., Horst Wenzel, Hören und Sehen, Schrift und Bild. K ultur und Gedächtnis im Mittelalter
(Munich: C.H. Beck, 1995), passim.
9 See also Siefan Sonderegger, „>Gesprochen oder nur geschrieben?< Mündlichkeil in mittelalterlichen
Texten als direkter Zugang zum Menschen,“ in Homo Medietas. Aufsätze zu Religiosität,
Literatur und Denkformen des Menschen vom Mittelalter bis in die Neuzeit. Festschrift
for Alois Maria Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. Claudia Brinker-von der Heyde and
Niklaus Largier (Bem e\ al.: Peter Lang, 1999), p. 665: „Jedenfalls darf man sich bewußt bleiben,
daß auch in den Texten des deutschen Mittelalters die Reflexe gesprochener Sprache eine
bedeutende Schicht ausmachen, die besonders dann immer wieder hervortritt, wenn es um
einen direkten Zugang zum Menschen geht, um einVerstehen aus unmittelbarer Partnerschaft
heraus … “
9
that has become institutionalized or more official by the application of ‚written
space.‘ 10 Simultanous employment of such different Ievels and qualities of
messages must often have had considerable influence on their efficacy.11
The papers in this volume are the outcome of an international workshop that
was held in February, 2001, at the Department ofMedieval Studies, Central European
University, Budapest. Participants concentrated on problems of the occurrence,
usage, and pattems of the spoken word in written and visual sources of the
Middle Ages. They dealt with the roJe and contents of direct and indirect speech in
textual evidence or in relation to it, such as chronicles, travel descriptions, court
and canonization protocols, sermons, testaments, law-books, literary sources,
drama, etc. They also tried to analyze the function of oral expression in connection
with late medieval images.
The audiovisuality of medieval communication processes12 has proved to be
evident and, thus, important for any kind of further comparative analysis of the
various Ievels of the ‚oral-visual-literate,‘ i.e. multimedia culture of the Middle
Ages. Particular emphasis has to be put on methodological problems, such as the
necessity of interdisciplinary approaches,13 or the question of the extent to which
we are, generally, able to comprehend and to decode the communication systems
of the past.14 Moreover, the medievalist does not come across any types of sources
in which oral communication represents the main concem.15 lnstead, she or he is
confronted, at first glance, with a great variety of ‚casual‘ and ‚marginal‘ evidence.
We would like to thank all the contributors to the workshop and to this
volume. Their cooperation made it possible to publish the results of the meeting in
the same year in which it took place. This can be seen as a rare exception, at least
in the world of the historical disciplines. The head, faculty, staff, and students of
the Department of Medieval Studies of CentTal European University offered
various help and support. Special thanks go to Judith Rasson, the copy editor of
10 This, e.g., could be weil shown in a case study on thc pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela:
Friederike Hassauer, „Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeil im Alltag des Pilgers am Beispiel der
Wallfahrt nach Santiago de Compostela,“ in Wallfahrt und Alltag in Mittelalter und früher
Neuzeit, eds. Gerhard Jaritz and Barbara Schuh (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften, 1992), pp. 277-316.
11 Cf. Bob Scribner, „Mündliche Kommunikation und Strategien der Macht in Deutschland im
16. Jahrhundert,“ in Kommunikation und Alltag in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed.
Helmut Hundsbichler (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1992), pp. 183-197.
12 Wenzel, Hören rmd Sehen, p. 292.
13 Cf. Ursula Schaefer, „Zum Problem der Mündlichkeit,“ in Modernes Miuelalter. Neue Bilder
einer populären Epoche, ed. Joachim Heinzle (Frankfurt am Main and Leipzig: Insel Verlag,
1994), pp. 374 f.
14 Frijhoff, „Communication et vie quotidienne,“ p. 25: „Sommes-nous encore en mesure de
communiquer avec Ja communication de jadis?“
1􀅄 Michael Richter, Sprache und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter. Untersuchungen zur mündlichen
Kommunikation in England von der Mit te des elften bis zu Beginn des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts
(Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1979), p. 22.
10
this volume, who took particluar care with the texts of the many non-native
speakers fighting with the pitfalls of the English language.
Budapest, Krems, and Constance
December 200 I
Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter