Hydrology and Environment in the Southern Basin of Lake Fertö/Neusiedler Lake in the Late Middle Ages

Hydrology and Environment in the Southern Basin of
Lake Fertö/Neusiedler Lake in the Late Middle Ages
Andrea Kiss (Budapest)
After Lake Balaton, Lake Fertö/Neusiedler Lake is the second
Iargest natural Iake of the Carpathian Basin, located in the border region
of Austria and Hungary. Moreover, it is a very shallow, salt Iake with a
comparatively !arge, extensive water surface. Thus, the Iake is very
sensitive to changes in hydrology and precipitation; in dry years it could
almost totally dry up, while in wet years practically the whole basin of
the Iake was filled up with water. This is perhaps one of the main reasons
why – on the basis of the existing legends – many historians even at the
end of the 1 9th century strongly believed that certain villages bad „sunk“
into the Iake. Therefore, research on the past environment of such a
changeable Iake is of special importance.
In this study, the late medieval situation of the Iake and its close
vicinity will be discussed on the basis of written sources and the
available archeo1ogical evidence. Most data concerning the medieval
environment refer to the southem parts of the Iake and its immediate
neighborhood. Thus, this is an area which can be discussed in detail.l
Although the present study concentrates on late medieval (namely 14th_
early l 6th-century) conditions, in some cases, earlier ( 1 2th-1 3th century)
sources, if available, were used as weiL Moreover, in other cases it was
necessary to employ modern ( l 6th- 1 9th-century) parallels. As an analogy,
these sources may help us to understand some details of the late medieval
ecosystem of the Iake. While a significantly high nurober of medieval
I This study is a revised and extended version of a previous article: A. Kiss, „A
Fertöve1 kapcsolatos vitAs f6ldrajzi kerdesek közepkori okleveleinkben“ (Unsolved
geographical questions in connection with Lake Fertö in medieval charters), Soproni
Szem/e, 53/1 ( 1 999), 53-62.
In some points the article contains more details conceming the database (e.g. on the
problern of tributum Fertew), while in the present study rather an overall picture is
given on present research possibilities and latest results.
61
documents from this area have been preserved, there is a relative paucity
of direct contemporary written information that would refer to Iake
conditions ( connected mainly to Sopron and the area of the manors of
Sarvar and Kapuvar betonging to the Kanizsai family).2 In addition, due
to its location at the Austrian-Hungarian border, few archeological
sutveys or excavations were carried out in the region in the twentieth
century. Therefore, it has become necessary to examine the available
indirect evidence in more detail.
Source material and environmental conditions
The Iake and its near surroundings are special from both the
historical and geographical points of view. All the salt lakes, including
the most westerly one, are especially sensitive to environmental changes,
both human and natural.3 At present, the water supply of the Iake comes
predominantly from precipitation falling directly onto the surface of the
water. However, before regulation works, it was part of a much !arger
hydrological system (Fig. 14). Through the swampy area of the Hansag/
Wasen, located east of the Iake, the Iake was connected to the Raba/
Raab-Rabca/Rabnitz river-system, and, therefore, indirectly to the
Danube. When the waterlevel of the Danube was very high, the basin of
the Fertö-Hansag acted as its natural reservoir. Not only did the system
cease to exist because of the regulation works, especially from the m.id-
1 91h century, but the changes influenced the waterlevel, extent and
ecological conditions (e. g. rapid growth of the reed belt until recent
decades). This also means that the Iake has only an artifical outflow, and
at present – due to the dramatic changes of waterlevel – only half of the
basin of the Iake is filled with water. Most probably, the changing
environmental conditions have caused fundamental changes in the basin
morphology ofthe Iake, too.
2 From the mid-161h century, the property complex of the Kanizsai family passed to
the hands of Tarnas Nädasdy. Some letters of the Nädasdy-collection were
published, but most of the collection (thousands of letters from the 1520s up to the
1670s) is still unpublished and should be investigated in detai1 (MOL, Magyar
Orszägos Leveltär!Hungarian National Archives), Mierefilm Collection: 6876-
6926).
3 To the question of historical water1evel changes see: F. Kopf, „Wasserwirtschaftliehe
Probleme des Neusiedler Sees und des Seewinke1s,“ Österreichische Wasserwirtschaft,
15 ( 1963), 190-203; A. Kiss, „Changing Environmental Conditions and
the Waterlevel of Lake Fertö (Neusiedler See) Before the Drainage Work (13th -18th
Centuries),“ Annual ofMedieval Studies at CEU 1997-1998 (1999). 241-248 ..
4 MOL, S J 2 Div. XIII. No. I.
62
0\
V>
Fig. 1 . Map presentation of the Fertö-Hansag system in 1 78 1 ,
before the regulation works
From a historical point of view, the Fertö area is also significant: it
has one of the riebest original collections of historical sources in
Hungary. This wealth of material is the result of the early appearance of
written material and the fact that the Otternans never occupied the area
which in other parts of medieval Hungary caused a significant (in sorne
cases alrnost total) desctruction of charter evidence. Therefore, most of
the original sources have been preserved to the present day. Over the
centuries there have been several debates around the historical changes in
the extent of tbe Iake. One of the rnost critical of these discussions at the
end of the 1 9th century was related to the disappearance of some Settlements
that bad existed by the shoreline of the lake.s On the basis of
certain legends, atternpts were made to find medieval Settlements wbicb
bad „sunk into the water“ as the result of rising waterlevels.6 Moreover,
another interesting question of historical environrnental changes arose:
the low waterlevel of the Iake was in many cases connected with the still
uncertain ,,Fertö river“ phenornena, mentioned in some rnedieval
charters. This strong interest with regards to the Iake is partly caused by
its importance in the area.
Descriptive names given to the Iake
The Hungarian name of the Iake, ferto, is descriptive. As a
geographical terrn, it describes the condition of a (shallow) Iake with a
more or less extensive reed cover in sorne parts, and probably witb sorne
swamps at the edge. 7 Lake Velence, the third largest Iake in the
Transdanubian region, located northeast of Szekesfehervär, bad the same
5 For some significant milestones of the late 19’h- century debate, see for example: I.
Nagy, „A Fertö n!gi aradäsai“ (Former floods of Lake Fertö), Szazadok, 9 ( 1 883),
690-709; idem, „Sopron mUltja“ (The past of Sopron), Szazadok, 2/17 (1 869), 12-
57; F. Pesty, „E1süllyedt falvak a Fertö menten“ (Sunk villages at the shore of
Fertö). Vasarnapi Ujsag, 1865, 8-1 1 .
6 Examples of the 1egends of the region: I. Szentmihälyi, „Törteneti esemenyek
tükrözödese a Fertö videki nephagyomänyokban“ (The appearance of historical
events in the legends of the Fertö area) Arrabona, 16 (1974), 2 13-30; A. Mailly, A.
Parr and E. Löger, Sagen aus dem Burgenland (Vienna: n. p., 1931 ).
7 In one of the earliest Hungarian-Latin dictionaries stagnum was translated simply to
the word „Iake“. See: F. Päpai Päriz, Dictionarium Latino-Hungaricum et Hungarico-
Latino-Germanicum, 1 708, 2nd ed. (Budapest: Universitas Könyvkiad6,
1995), 526.
64
name in medieval times. The wordferto itselfwas a frequently used word
even for smaller wetland areas of the same type. 8
Most probably the Hungarian name of the Iake is already
mentioned as Vertowe in a German source in 1074.9 In 1 1 99, it appeared
as Ferteutu in a Hungarian charter.IO It can, therefore, be presumed that
this name was used as a proper name for the Iake at least from the end of
the l 21h century, but – as the German name suggests – perhaps as early as
the 11th century. The name of the lake frequently appears without an
attribute, as Ferth(e)w, Fertew, Fertou, Fertoe or Ferteu.ll However, in
most medieval Charters, the lake is described as /acusl2 (lake) or
8 T. Ortvay, Magyarorszag regi vizrajza a XIII. szazad vegeig (The old hydrology of
Hungary until the end of the thirteenth century), vol. 1 (Budapest: Magyar Tudomänyos
Akademia Könyvkiad6 Hivatala, 1 882), 306-3 10. See also: I. Szamota and
Gy. Zolnai, Magyar oklevelsz6tcir (Hungarian charter-dictionary) (Budapest:
Homyänszky Viktor könyvkereskedese, 1902-6), 242-243.
9 I. Lindeck-Pozza et al., Urkundenbuch des Burgenlandes Urkundenbuch des
Burgenlandes und der angrenzenden Gebiete der Komitate Wiese/burg, Ödenburg
und Ei senburg, 4 vols. (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus Nachf., 1955-1985) (see later
Bgl.), 1/16-17 ( 1074, Regensburg). See also: Gy. Györffy, Diplomara Hungariae
Antiquissima, vol. 1 (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1992), 197.
10 Bgl. l/36 (1 199).
I I See, for example: Bgl. 1/16-17 (1074); Bgl. 1/281 ( 1262); Bgl. l/304-305 (1264);
Bgl. 2/153-154 (128 1 ); Blg. 2/307 (1297); Bgl. 2/325-327 (1299); Bgl. 4/364-365
(1299); Bgl. 3/89 ( 1 3 1 6); Bgl. 3/94-95 (13 17); Bgl. 4/186 (1335); Bgl. 4/158-159
(1335). I. Nagy, Sopron varmegye törtenete: okleveltar (History of Sopran county:
archival collection), 2 vols. (Sopran: Litfass Käroly Könyvnyomdäja), 1889 (see
later Nagy), l/240-241 (1353); 1/293-296 (1358). J. Häzi, Sopron szabad kira/yi
varos törtenete. Okleve/tar (History of the free royal town of Sopran. Archival
Collection), vols. U 1-6, W1-5 (Sopran: Szekely es Tärsa Könyvnyomdäja, 1924-
1943) (see later Häzi), 1/4/242-243 ( 1457).
12 For the frequency of the appearance of Fertö lacus see, for example: Bgl. 1/35-36
( 1 199); Bgl. 1/68-70 (1217); Bgl. 1/196 (1240); Bgl 11233-234 (1254); Bgl. 1/257-
259 (1257); Bgl. 3175 (13 14); Bgl. 3/97-98 (13 17); Bgl. 3/130-1 (1321); Bgl. 3/ 140-
141 (1322); Bgl. 3/2 1 3 (1326); Bg1 4/92 (1331); Bgl. 4/1 1 2- 1 1 3 ( 1 332); Bgl. 4/246
(1338). I. Nagy, I. Päur et al., Hazai okmanytar/Codex Diplomaticus Patrius, 8 vols.
(Györ and Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1 865- 1891) (see later Hazai), 1/187-188
(1344); Nagy 1/194-1955 (1347); Nagy 1/237-238 ( 1352); Häzi 111/100 (1353);
Nagy 11338-351 (1363); DL 5234 (1371); Häzi 1/1/180-3 ( 1380}; Nagy 1/516-517
(1393); Nagy 11517-5 1 8 ( 1393); Nagy 1/ 617-618 (1410); Nagy 1/646-648 (141 1);
Nagy 2/48-49 ( 1 420); Nagy 2/136-140 ( 1 429); Nagy 2/2 14-225 ( 1434); Nagy 2/228-
234 ( 1 435); Nagy 2/306-308 (1441); Häzi 1/4/5 ( 1453); Häzi 4/4/193-194 ( 1457);
Häzi 1/4/242-243 ( 1457); Nagy 2/476-479 (1472); Nagy 2/576-577 (1498). In the
charters written in German, no such types of differentiation were observed; in them
the only form of See appears.
65
stagnum13 (a stagnant body of water) or both. Moreover, in some cases,
Fertö was described as aqua (water),14 focus, 15 or evenjluvius (river!).16
The word aqua can appear with the proper name of Fertö in its
singular form. Where one has the name of a settlement in a source, near
the Iake, it obviously must refer to the „!arge“ Iake (magnus Fertew).
Nevertheless, occasionally other aque fertiJ are mentioned beyond the
!arge Iake in connection with properties belonging to the village of
Illmitz, at the eastem edge of the Iake. In medieval times, these were
apparently already separate lakes or fishponds.17 On the other hand, in
1363, only one Fertö aqua seu /acus Ferteu was mentioned in a charter
referring to the same area. 1s These names both describe the environment
and provide clues to the maximum average waterlevels present in a
particular area.
The swamps of the Fertö Iake (paludes aque Fertew) are
mentioned in a charter from 1365: fifty horses were driven by the serfs of
Szergeny to the swamp – most probably around Agyagos and Szergeny
southeast of the Iake – where all of the horses drowned. This event
confirms the idea that even in the 141h century the most westerly parts of
the Hansäg were swampy. 19 Additionally, we can presume that the proper
name of Fertö extended far beyond the boundaries of the basin of the
Iake. The most westerly area of the Hansäg swamps would have been
included within this name. This hypothesis can be supported by other late
medieval charters referring to the same area southeast of the Iake
13 See stagnum Fertö, for example, in: Bgl. 1/72-74 ( 1 2 1 7); Bgl 1/233-234 (1254);
Bgl. 3/95-96 ( 1 3 1 7); Nagy 2/87- 101 (1425); Nagy 2/136-140 (1429); Nagy 2/214-
225 (1434); Hazi 4/4/193-194 (1457).
14 For aqua Fertö see, for example: Bgl. 3/325-327 ( 1 299); Nagy 1/338-351 ( 1 363);
Nagy 11355-356 (1 365); Nagy 11402-404 (1373); Nagy 2/48-49 (1420).
15 Bgl. 3/109- 1 1 0 ( 1 3 1 8). Here, /ocus Ferteu most probably means the fishing place
in the Iake.
16 See references in the next chapter.
1 7 Bgl. 2/325-327 ( 1 299). Here, Zyktou (Zyk Iake), pi scina Buur and piscina Hemfeu/
Homfeu are mentioned and the Ferteu magnum as weil. It is also interesting that
the Zyk Iake (most probably the same as the present Zicklacke), was used as a
fishpond even in medieval times which fact refers to its contemporary hydrological
conditions as weil.
18 Nagy 1/338-51 ( 1363).
19 On the basis of the content of another perambulation charter, more details appear;
namely that the above mentioned „part“ ofthe Fertö, the area of Agyagos, Szergeny,
(both at the edge ofthe northwestern and southwestern ends ofthe Hansäg swamps)
close to the ford between Sarr6d and Pomogy, similarly to the conditions seen in
1365 (in case of Pomogy and Sarr6d), was already swampy in 1265. For more
detai1s see Bgl. 1/345-346 (referring to the year 1265).
66
(Szergeny,20 Valla!Wallem21 and Urkony22). The name ofHansäg clearly
emerges only in the 1 6th century as a frequently used proper name of a
specific extended swampy area east of the lake.23
Fertö river?
In the late 1 9th century, some of the Hungarian historians suggested
that during the periods in which the waterlevels of the lake were
very 1ow, there was a waterflow between the separate northem and
southem basins of the Iake. Some eighty years later, the hydrologist
Zoltän Kärolyi studied the same question. He located fluvius Fertö –
though he did not study the charters themselves in detail – in the only
hydrologically possible place: the ford between Fertö and Bansäg (fig.
2).24
To date, we know of the existence of eleven charters and some
early 1 6th -century urbaria in which the jluvius Fertö was mentioned. The
question arises as to whether it is a real geographical name or perhaps
simply a mistake or generalization (jluvius instead, or in the meaning of
/acus or stagnum).2S
20 Nagy 1/402-402 (1 373): “possessio … Zergen ….. iuxta aquam Fertew.“
21 Nagy 1/ 61 7-618 (1410); Nagy 1/646-648 (1411).
22 Hazai 11187-188 (1 344); Nagy l/325-326 ( 1360).
23 To date, only two cbarters are known regarding tbe medieval name of tbe Hansäg.
Tbe earlier, issued in 1299 (Bgl. 2/326), refers to tbe lllmitz area, while tbe later
one, issued in 1478 (available only in its 1589-transcription: MOL, DL 8 1803),
refers to the swamps and wet meadows betonging to the monastery of Lebeny.
While in tbe late 1 3’h-century charter pi scina Hemfeu!Homfeu appears, perhaps in
connection with the word hon/hom, the word „hon“ clearly appears in 1478 as tbe
name of certain wet-swampy areas in the neighborhood of Lebeny (in the 18’h
century, one part of the eastem Hansäg was also called tbe „Lebenyi-bany“). Later,
tbis name frequently appears as hon, han. hani or hany in sources from the mid-I6th
century. See, for example, Nagy 2/628-648 (1558); in the inventaria and urbaria of
Kapuvär, see, for examp1e, MOL, 1584: U. et C. Fase. 56. No. 33-36.; 1587: U. et
C. Fase. 12. No. 42ffi. Süttör; S. Mik6, „Az 1597. evi kapuväri urbärium“ (Tbe
urbarium of Kapuvär, 1597), 1-ill, Soproni Szemle. 46 (1992), 126-146, 2 13-230,
333-355.
24 Z. Kärolyi, „A Fertö es Hansäg vizügyi kerdeseinek mai älläsa“ (Present stage of
the hydrological questions of tbe Fertö-Hansäg), in Beszamo/6 a Vizgazdalkodcisi
Tudomanyos Kutat6 lntezet 1964. evi munlaljab6/ (Annual of the Hungarian
Research Institute of Hydrology, 1 964), ed. K. Stelczer, (Budapest: VlTUK.I, 1966),
170-187.
25 Although in Hungary several attempts were made in the last few decades to clarify
the medieval meaning and usage of certain terms conceming former hydrology,
many questions are still open; one ofthem is the appearance of the wordfluvius in
67
Fig. 2: The ford between Pomogy and Sarr6d
at the end of the 1 8th century ( 1791) 26
This question can be answered partly by the great number of
charters mentioningjluvius. For example, in case of Lake Balaton, which
is otherwise even richer in medieval charter references, the same jluvius
Balaton problern occurs, although only twice, in 1261 and 1 347.27
Although some small streams flowed into Lake Fertö, all the other rivers
(e. g. Ikva/Spittelbach, Kis-Räba, Repce) arrived at the swamps of the
Hansag, reaching the Iake only indirectly, through the above mentioned
ford, which acted from time to time as the outflow of the Iake. The
clearly Iake or swamp environments. Here, an attempt is made to clarifY this point in
one particular area where a significant nurober of contemporary charters are
available.
26 E. Bencze and D. Olay, Mappa Pratorum, ac elevatiorum Locorum in Lacu
Pomogyensi existentium, Situm et extensionem repraesants, 1791-1794. MOL, Esterhäzy
Collection: S 16/ 355.
27 L. Bendefy and I. V. Nagy, A Balaton evszazados partvonalvaltoztisai (Centuryold
changes of the waterlevel of Lake Balaton) (Budapest, 1969), 39-41 . It is
interesting that the secondjluvius Balaton charter (1347) was issued almost at the
same time as one of the jluvius Fertö charters (1346). However, it has to be
mentioned that there is a possibility finding more fluvius Balaton references in the
unpublished medieval charters which have not been examined yet from this point of
view.
68
charters in whichjluvius Fertö appears were written predominantly in the
l 41h century, two in 1 3 1 828 and in 132429 as weil as one in 1338.30 One
charter from 1324 was renewed in 1 330 and 1339, connected to the
tribute (tributum) on Fertö.31 While the latter charters can be geographically
connected to Vitezfolde (H-Bänfalva, A-Apetlon) and
Mönchhof, the Fertö tribute of Sopron was mainly discussed in 1324,
1330 and 1339.
The last two jluvius Fe rtew charters of the century were written in
connection with Pomogy village (A-Pamhagen) in 1 346,32 and in 1 360
relating to the later deserted medieval village of Urkony33 at the ford
between Fertö and the swamps of Hansäg. In the first half of the 1 5th
century, the .fluvius Fertew form was retained in two charters (in 1435
and 1439), again in connection with tolls and fishing rights in the
Fertö.34 Nevertheless, at the same time other charters were issued by
neighboring chapters, the royal town of Sopron or by the king, in which
the lacus or stagnum form were used. lt is also interesting to note that in
1435 (again in connection to Pomogy), the Iake was referred to asjluvius
seu lacus.3S
Thus, morphological conditions36 and the location of the Settlements
mentioned in the charters do not confirm the low-waterlevel
28 Bgl. 31109-1 10 (1318 – Vitezf61de): “ . . … et exceptis tribus locis pyscature injluvio
seu loco Fertou in ipsa possessione Vytezfelde a parte orientali existentibus . . … „.
Bgl. 3/1 1 4- 1 1 5 (1318 – connected to Mönchhof).
29 Bgl. 3/167 [ 1 324 – Vitezfölde (Bänfalva/Apetlon)]. Bgl. 3/175-176 ( 1 324 – connected
to Macskad!Katzendorf and Mönchhof).
30 Bgl. 3/245 ( 1 338 – referring to Sopron).
31 Bgl. 4/261-262 ( 1 339: included tbe transcription, issued originally 10 June, 1330 –
in connection to Sopron).
32N agy 1/186-189 ( 1346 – Pomogy/Pamhagen). Although here Praytumprun (Breitenbrunn),
a viiJage located by the northwestem shore of tbe Iake, was also mentioned
Iogether with Pomogy.
33 Nagy 1/325-326 ( 1 360- connected to Urkony).
34 With the exception of two charters: 1324: Bgl. 3/175-176. – chapter of Györ and
the one from the Esztergom chapter, written in 1346: Nagy 11186-189.
35 Nagy 2/228-234 ( 1 435). However, tbe 151h-century cases differ from those of the
141h century. All ofthem are transcriptions of earlier charters, or else the 151h-century
charters were clearly modelled on earlier charters. However, they do not help in the
localisation of the „river“. Moreover, in the known I 5lh-century cases, fluvius Fertö
refers to the whole Iake. This idea can be supported by the fact that in 1435 the term
lacus (fluvius seu lacus) was even added to the text. Therefore, in tbese particular
cases, they already used the word fluvius very generally, to refer to the whole Iake.
36 To the present morphological conditions, see: L. Bäcsatyai, E. Csaplovics, I. Märkus
and A. Sindhuber, Digitale Geländemodelle des Neusiedler Seebeckens. Wissenschaftliche
Arbeiten aus dem Burgenland, vol. 97 (Eisenstadt: Burgenländisches
69
theory. The jluvius Fertö might refer to an area which can be defined by
the location of the Settlements. Geographically, the charters can be
divided into three groups. Almost all of them are connected to the
southeastern edge of the Iake, close to the ford between the Iake and the
swamp. Here, the only river is the Ikva, which flowed into the swamps at
the southeastern edge of the lake.37 The name of this river appears quite
constant throughout the whole medieval period. The second group refers
to the center of the Cistercian land complex, Mönchhof, while the third
group related to the tributes (mainly fishing rights) exacted on the Fertö,
in connection with Sopron.
There are two charters in the first group which are especially
interesting concerning Settlements located close to the Fertö river (iuxta
jluvium Ferthew). These two charters refer partly to the vicinity of the
ford (Pomogy/Pamhagen-Bänfalva/ Apetlon-Valla/Wallern-Urkony38),39
and partly to the eastern shore of the Iake: Macskäd/Katzendorf (a deserted
medieval village) and Mönchhof.40 The location of these
settlements, therefore, supports the hypothesis of Zoltän Kärolyi. The
special importance of the fishing industry is confirmed by a later charter,
written in 1558,41 where the fishery on the ford between Sarr6d and
Pomogy was especially emphasised. The Registra from the domain of
Kapuvar (and Sarvär), written in 1522, contain the name jluvius
Landesmuseum, 1997). The morphology ofthe basin may have differed in the 14th
and 1 51h centuries ( caused by the increasing rate of Sedimentation of the last few
centuries).
37 The Räba and Räbca!Repce rivers should not be considered either because of their
distance from those areas. Furthermore, their medieval names can be clearly
followed throughout the late Middle Ages.
38 For the localisation of the deserted medieval village, see: A. Kiss and I. Pasztermik,
„Hol volt Urkony? Törteneti földrajzi es regeszeti adah!kok egy közepkori falu
topogräfiäjähoz“ (Where was Urkony located? Historical geographical and
archeological data on the topography of a deserted medieval village), Soproni
Szem/e, 52/4 (2000), 402-419.
39 lt seems that Macskäd/Katzendorf and Mönchhof, both of which belonged to a
Cistercian property-complex, do not „fit“ this concept, since both villages were
located east of the Iake, far from the ford. On the other hand, Cisteeeians possessed
extended rights over the fishing industry ofthe Iake from the l21h century onwards.
This may also mean that their fishermen had access to the fishing on all parts of the
Iake.
401 3 1 8: Bgl. 3/1 14-115; 1324: Bgl. 3/175-176.
4I JS58: Nagy 2/640.: “ …. necnon vadi in fine eiusdem possessionis Sarrod super
stagnum Ferthew versus possessionem Pamagh tendentis, piscaturarumque eiusdem
stagni Ferthew ad eandem porcionem pertinencium …. “
70
ferthw/ferthev, without mentioning the exact Jocation of the „river“.42
Thus, these data are of no help in ftnding out whether the jluvius ferthev
was being referred to in its generat or specific meaning.
On the basis of all this information, the Fertö river can probably be
identified with the ford between the Iake and the swamps of Hansag, if
we accept the theory that the jluvius Fertew form was not written by
rnistake or because of a different meaning of the jluvius in late medieval
times. The ford could probably have acted as a waterflow between t)le
two basins (the Fertö and the Hansag). Thus, the ford would have been
an important place for fishing as weli.43 On the other hand, the great
number of charters referring to jluvius Fertö in a more generat context
might suggest that this term was from time to time used also in the
general meaning ofthe entire Fertö Iake as weil.
Tbe „incomes“, rights of exploitation and other features in Ferteu
Since the income derived from the Iake strongly depended on its
actual waterlevel, the changes in the extent of the Iake strongly
influenced many aspects in the life of the inhabitants of the area. Thus,
these changes may even have bad some effects reaching as far as the
markets of Vienna.44 In the royal town of Sopron, from the mid- I5th
century on, the names of fisher masters appeared several times,45 while
the first Ietter of a fisherman’s guiJd46 as weil as the existence of a
42MOL, DL 26231 (p. 13): „Registrom super fluvium ferthev pertinens ad Sarwar
1522 . . ., “ and (p. 30): „Regsi trom de fluvio ferthw ad festurn Sancti Georgji Mariiris
Anno 1522 . . . . “ On this question, see also MOL, DL 26222 referring to the year
1 520 on the incomes of Fertö. In another urbarium of Kapuvär, written in 1514
(MOL, DL 36992), the Fertö is mentioned as stagnum; in this case, it is possible that
the source refers again to the fluvius part of the Fertö, though there is a probability
that the word stagnum was used in general (for the whole Iake), too.
43 This statement can also be supported by a legal case: one mernber of the
Nagymartoni family and his men crossed the ford from Pomogy and destroyed the
village ofSarr6d, in 1356 (Nagy 11250-261): the serfs ofthis relatively small village
owned at least two hundred fish baskets (varsa) which shows the importance and
extent offishing activities in the area ofthe ford in the mid-I4th century.
44 J. Bärdosi, A magyar Ferto ha/aszata (Fishery of the Hungarian Ferto) (Sopron,
1994), 22-23.
45 For example: magister rethium („Master of nets“): Häzi 1/4/5 (I 453); Häzi 215/90
(1498); fishermen: Häzi 2/3/408 (1453-1455); 2/5/157, 159 (1504); fishery: Häzi
1/6/147-148 (1496); Häzi 1/6/179-181 (1499); fisher guild: Häzi 211/194 (1480);
Häzi 2111274 ( 1501); Häzi 211/286 ( 1 503); Häzi 212151 (1531); „fishing waters“
(vischwasser): Häzi 2/4/284 (1468).
46 E. P6da, Sopron Monographüija (Monography of Sopron) (Sopron: Szeke1y es Tsa,
1 890), vol. 2, 18-19. See also: E. Winkler, A soproni cehek törtenete a XV-XIX
71
separate fishmarket47 and a street of fishennan48 also show the significance
of this profession in the late 1 5’h and early 1 6’h centuries.49
Nevertheless, the importance of fishing in the Iake is difficult to estimate,
since fish could be collected not only from several fishponds and the Iake
itself, but also from the waters of Hansag and the important rivers of the
area. Although fish in general as well as particular fish types are frequently
mentioned in the registers, bills and charters of the citizens of
Sopron, the origin of this fish is uncertain. 50 Further references appear in
the letters and registers of the Kanizsai and then the Nadasdy farnilies;
however, in the case of these sources, fishponds ( especially the Barbacs
Iake) have special importance.51
Moreover, fishing was also important for some villages along the
shore of the Iake. One of the earliest examples for the evidence of fishing
„equipment“ and the importance of fishing is related, as it has been
already mentioned, to the village of Sarr6d. In a charter from 1 365, the
Hungarian word „worsa“ or „vorsa“ meaning fish basket appears (200
pieces) which indicates the importance of fishing in the village, close to
the ford of the Fertö.52 As another example, the urbarium of Sarvär and
Kapuvar, written in 1492, notes the payment of the fishers from Hegykö
(south of the lake) using a special type of net, the „por( .. .) halo“.53 The
sztizadban (History of the guilds of Sopron in the 1 5’h-19th centuries) (Sopron:
Szekely es Tsa, 1921), 8.
47 See, for examplc: K. Mollay (ed.), Elsö telekkönyv I Erstes Grundbuch 1480-1553.
Sopron väros törtencti forräsai I Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ödenburg
A/Sorozat, 1 . Vol. – Reihe A, Band I (Sopron: Soproni LeveltAr-Soproni Mllzeurn,
1993), 6 1 . (no. 418, 1 525), 75 (no. 498, 1528), 91 (no. 572, 1533) and 156 (no. 826,
1 546).
48 See, for example: Mollay, 28 (no. 186, 1497), 35 (no. 234, 1 500), 50 (no. 343,
1 5 1 2), 61 (no. 415, 1524), etc.
49 On the other hand, besides the „)arge !ake“, several fishponds existed in the
surroundings of the Iake, especially in the Sopron area. These 1akes were also
actively „exploited“ throughout the late medieval period.
50 In several cases they mentioned sea-fish types, and, in other cases, fish of clear
Danube-origin is also present.
5 1 To the late medieval-early modern importance of Lake Barbacs, sec: K. Takäcs,
„Egy elfeledett halgazdälkodäsi m6d a Barbacsi-tavon“ (A forgotten fishing method
on the Barbacs Iake), Soproni Szemle, 4 (1999), 390-402.
52 Nagy 1/253, 256: “ …., ut iamdictus magister Nyklinus theutonicus …, de
possessione sua Pomogh vocata cum suis complicibus egrediendo, ad possessionem
ipsius Petri Saruld vocatam potencialiter veniens, centum sagenas sive gulgustra
iobagionum eiusdem Petri vulgo vorsa dicta concremaverit, et alia centum gulgustra
worsa nominale destrui et permactari, …. fecerit, …. “
53 „ltem quicumque cum retibus piscaverint quod vocaflml por(. ..) halo super lacum
ex eo solvet Flor. quah1or duas libras piperi et pis(. . .) XXXXX“ (MOL, DL 36992).
72
great amount (two pounds) of pepper they paid for certain rights on the
Iake in 1492 is also interesting. In addition, in the case of Homok village,
another payment was mentioned for those who used nets while fishing on
the lake.54 Some early l 61h-century Registra ( 1 522) for the domain of
Kapuvar contain more data, namely the payment of ha/o ber(th) (net rent)
and ho.rogh penz(th) (hook money), paid by a single person (Gerghel,
jilius Ca/man).55 The same Registrum de fluvio ferthw and the payment
appear again with the same name (Gregorius Ca/man de Hegkew), an
inhabitant ofHegykö (south ofthe Iake), paid partly in cash and partly in
pepper.56
Other evidence for the importance of the lake can be found in a
lawsuit between the royal town of Sopran and the powernd Kanizsai
family and their successors. It Iasted for several centuries through the late
Middle Ages and early modern times and concemed tribute on the lake.57
In specific cases, the „tributum in Fertö“ may be connected to the tributum
of a harbour58 or a meadow in the Fertö.59 In some other cases, the
tributum for fishery may concern one special part of the Fertö.60 However,
in most cases (without any specification), it was connected to all of
the rights over the whole (basin of the) Iake, among which the right of
fishery would have been the most important.61 As a mid-1 5th-century
account book from Sopran suggests, many citizens ofthe town paid „tax“
For this question, see also: K. Lukäcs, „Adatok a Fertö es a Räbaköz haläszatänak
törtenetehez“ (Data on the history of fishery on the Fertö and in the Räbaköz
region), Ethnografia, 64 (1953), 282-283.
54 MOL, DL 36992.
55 MOL, DL 2623 1 (p. 13).
56 MOL, DL 26231 (p. 30).
57 To this question, see for examp1e: L. Belitzky, Sopron megye törtenete. (History of
Sopron county) (Sopron: n.p., 1936), 640-1 . See examples to the referring charters
in: A. Kiss, „A Fertövel kapcsolatos vitäs f61drajzi kerdesek közepkori okleveleinkben“
(Unsolved geographical questions in connection with Lake Fertö in medieval
charters), Soproni Szem/e, 53/1 ( 1999), 53-62.
58 For example, the harbour ofRäkos: Nagy 2/136-140 [(1244-1333)-1429].
59 Nagy 1/132 (1 335).
60 Nagy 1/81 ( 1 3 1 8 – Vitezf61de), Bgl. 3/114- 1 1 5 (1318 – Neunaugn-Mönchhot),
Häzi 1/1173- 174 [1 324-(1 330)-1339] – tributum], Nagy 1/186-189 ( 1346 –
Pomogy), Nagy 2/228-234 (1435 – Pomogy), Nagy 2/136-140 [(1244-1333)-1429].
61 To the early importance of fishery see, for example: Häzi 1/1/7-8 ( 1277), Häzi
111/15 (1297), Häzi 1/1/13 (1291), Häzi 1/1/26-27 (1317), Nagy 1/81 ( 1 3 18), Häzi
1/1153-54 (1327), Bgl. 3/245 ( 1338), Häzi 111173-74 [(1330)-1339], Bgl. 3/288-289
(1 340), Häzi 111/98 (1352), Häzi 111/100 (1353), Häzi 1/1/105-106 (1354), Häzi
1/1/135-136 ( 1366), Häzi 1/1/136 (1366), Häzi 1/1/136-137 ( 1366), Häzi 414/6/5
(1453), Häzi 1/4/193-194 (1457), Häzi 1/4/242-243 (1457), Nagy 2/628-649 ( 1558).
73
for fishing on the Jake.62 Although the Iake certainly must have played a
key roJe in the fishery of the region, most mentions of fishing or fish are
found in the extant account books from Sopron without mentioning the
origin of the fish.63
The environmental conditions of the Iake basin can also be
describ.ed by the extension of the reed beJt64 around the shoreline and by
the appearance of islands in the Iake or its close surroundings. Three
charters mention the medieval existence of significant reed-covered areas
in the basin of the Iake; two of them are connected to the area of Illmitz,
east of the Iake (1299),65 and another charter refers to the boundary
between Balf and Boz, southwest of the Iake (1429).66 In these two areas,
not only is the existence of reed attested, but also its extent in the Iake
can be approximated. An island is mentioned only in one charter (in
1 264), probably in the basin of the Iake, near Szeplak, south ofthe lake.67
Another important point, which also refers to the contemporary
environmental conditions in the southern basin of the Iake, are the
features exploited by individuals in the basin of the Iake. There is an
interesting description in a charter (written in 1 28 1 ) dealing with the
process of reambulatio along a boundary between two villages by the
62 See, for ex.ample, Häzi 215120, Häzi 215179 (1498), Häzi 215/120 (1 503), Häzi
2/5/142 ( 1504). See also: MOL, DL 26264: Registrnm …. super /acumferthew . . . –
referring to the year of 1523.
63 For the mentions of several fish narnes (such as carp, pike, trout, herring, eel! etc.),
see: Häzi 2/3/316-320 (1441), Häzi 2/4/260 (1466), Häzi 215179 ( 1 498), Häzi
2/51143 ( 1504), etc. Although the most frequent mentions of particular fish types
refer to carp and pike, which were both common fish types of the Iake, the origin of
these fishes is uncertain. Moreover, many of the fish types were certainly not
common in the Iake. On the other hand, some fishponds and lakes used for fishing
were mentioned more frequently in charters, registers and account books, a1though
from later times, especially from the mid-161h century; the most irnportant of this
kind was the Barbacsi Iake, along the Räba river. See Takäcs, 390-402.
64 In the early 181h century, the reed production around Lake Fertö was especially
emphasised in case of several villages; the inhabitants of the villages could use reed
and other plants of the Iake mostly without tax. payment. To this question see, for
ex.arnple: Conscriptiones regnicolaris (Sopron Archives IV/A/14.; 1 7 1 5-20, 1727-
1 728).
65 In 1299 it is mentioned twice: Bgl. 2/325-7 and Bgl. 3/292.
66 Häzi 112/398-403 (1429).
67 Bg). 11304 ( 1264): “ … , in possessione autem Chuma nuncupata porcio, que ipsos
contingit, cum omnibus utilitatibus suis et pertinenciis et villa de Befind similiter
cum pertinenciis et villa de Sceplok ipsos contingens cum turri in eadem constrncta
et ifiSllla quedam Halaz vocata sita iuxta Ferteu . .. “ lt is interesting that even the
name ofthe island is descriptive (the Hungarian word „haläsz“ means fisherman).
74
southem shore (Homok and Hidegseg).68 On the basis of tbis description
we can presume that the basin of the Iake had a rather high economic
value for the mentioned villages. In parallel, this part of the Iake basin
also suffered temporary inundations at the end of the 1 8th and 1 9th centuries.
Thus, the high er areas were under cultivation most of the time with
the remainder of the land, while a temporarily inundated wetland area
was used for fishery (presumably small lakes remained after inundations)
and for mowing. Unfortuoately, on the basis of the available sources it is
not possible to follow any traces of the possible man-made features of
late medieval times. The description, however, allows for the understanding
of the magna via as a feature in the basin, although the road
might have been located outside of the basin. 69
According to a late 1 8th -century description of the Iake, which
mentions the same area, waterlevel changes in the Iake occasionally
(with low waterlevels) permitted the usage of the road in the basin ofthe
Jake.70 This clearly correspoods to the information content of the abovementioned
charter, written in 1 28 1 . Smaller lakes appear in the same area
on a Jate 1 9th -century map and other Jate 1 8th -century 71 and early 1 9thcentury
descriptions and contracts (at the time ofhigh waterlevels).72
In 1 335, the Os! family mortgaged some meadows in the basin of
the Iake belonging to Szeplak, in the vicinity of the afore-mentioned
villages.73 In comparison, the Jate 1 8th -century conditions were described.
When waterlevels were low, !arge numbers of noble horses
68 Bgl. 2/153-4 (1281).
69 “ …. alia terre 1’othcenk; inde transeundo directe ad Ferteu in magna silva venit ad
quandam conva/lem ad duas metas, qua11Jm una ab occidente est terre Bozyas, ab
oriente terre Hydegsed, abinde directe venit et in/rat transeundo magnam viam
ducentern in Suprunium in Ferleu (!) ubi habent iura diele possessiones in piscinis,
fenetis, aquis er aliis uti/itaribus, que eisdem possessionibus competunt ab antiquo
.. .. “ As we know the medieval existence of a road through the villages along the
shoreline, it is more probable that the charter referred to this road as magna via.
However, still there is a chance that a road existed in the area of temporary
inundations as weil, which would have been, actually, much shorter than the road
through the above-mentioned villages.
70 J. Kis, „A Fertö tavänak geographiai, historiai es termeszeti leinl.sa 1797-ben“ (The
geographical, historical and natural description of Lake Fertö from 1797), in K. Gy.
Rumy, Monumenta Hungarica, vol. I (Pest, 1 8 16), 229-424.
7 1 see, for example: Kis, 351-352.
72 MOL, Szechenyi family: P623, Boz II. köt. 5. sz. I. es. – referring to the fishing
rights of the fishers of Sarr6d in the Gatytis Iake which belonged to the village of
Hidegseg.
73 Nagy 11132 (1335).
75
grazed on the same meadows, while with high waterlevels small lakes
(ponds) as weil as sandy bits of Iands appeared, and many Iands were
covered by reedy swamps or water.74 Also, for example, in 1 727, when
the waterlevels of the Iake were Jow but rising, in the economic
descriptions from the same village we find the emphasis on the especially
nice hayfields of the village.75 Therefore, in 1335 and 1 2 8 1 the
waterlevel of the Iake could not have been either too high or low.
All this information suggests that, in general, the basin of the Iake
provided fairly high incomes in late medieval times. Changes can be
specified only from the Iate 1 6th century. This is also true for mentions of
other features used over Ionger periods. In all these cases, the source
material suggests that a generat picture rather than the actual conditions
at the time of specific dates of issue were described in contemporary
charters.
In comparison, there is a change in the Jate 1 6th century, when
references for the times of high and low waterlevels are always emphasised
in the detailed inventaries and urbaria from the manor of
Kapuvar. Naturally, this is also related to differences in the available
sources. Until the end of the 1 5th century, the main sources are charters
and rarely contracts, whereas, in the late 16’h century, most of the information
referring to the environrnental conditions of the basin of the
Iake is available in inventaria, urbaria 76 (sometimes in private letters of
mainly the Nadasdy family), and later the conscriptiones77 and legal
cases.78 However, in these sources, from the late 16’h century onwards, we
can already follow a complex system of economic exploitation of the
Iake basin, which differs according to the actual waterlevel of the Iake.
Unfortunately, this unique complexity can only partly be followed m
medieval sources.
74 See, for example: Kis, 352.
75 For the rising waterlevels of 1 727-8, see the notes in: Conscriptio regnicolaris
Districtus Superioris lnclyti Comitatus Soproniensis de Anno 1728, vols. 1-2.
(Sopron Archives: IV/A/14); see also: Szechenyi family, P623/124. es., vol. 2., fol.
1 1- 1 2. See also: Kis, 350.
76 See, for example: S. Mik6, I-Ill.; MOL, U. et C. Fase. 1 56. No. 1 -2n.; No. 421Il.
Süttör: 1587, No. 42/III.; Süttör: 1 597, No. 42NII.; Süttör: 1 660, 1 663, „A kapuväri
uradalom összeiräsa“ (Inventory of Kapuvär), 1 584.; U. et C. 56/33-6.
77 See, for example: Conscriptiones regnicolaris (Sopron Archives; 1 7 1 5-20, 1 727-
1728, 1752, 1828. IV/A/14). Localis conscriptiones (MOL, Szechenyi family P623.
II. 5.: 1767, 1792).
78 One ofthe most interesting and precious ofthese legal cases is the one which gives
a fairly detailed overview on the rough waterlevel changes and ever changing environmental
conditions ofthe Iake from the last decades ofthe 17th century until the
mid- I8th century, To this question, see: MOL, Szechenyi Collection P623, 124. es.
76
Summary
Although there were no sunk villages around or in Fertö, due to its
sensitivity the Iake acted as a good indicator of changes in the
environmental conditions of the area. The economy was very much dependeqt
on the waterlevels of the Iake which changed mainly according
to the climate changes and variabilities in the catchment area of the
Räba-Räbca-Hansäg-Fertö system. In medieval sources, a standard
waterlevel appears which was approximately equivalent to the midwaterlevel
of the 1 8th century, and some aspects of a complex utilisation
can be followed as weil. Moreover, terminology also has to be considered
as an important and accurate source of the medieval environmental
conditions of the Iake.
On the basis of the available sources only a mosaic picture can be
drawn; however, the described medieval conditions are quite similar to
the ones in the 1 8th century. In addition, some Connections can be
demonstrated which – due to fundamental changes in the former hydrological
system in the early 19th century – can no Ionger be observed in
situ.
77
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
44
KREMS 2001
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DERKULTURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISC HEN LANDESREGIERUNG
niederästerreich kultur
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500
Krems, Österreich. Für den Inhalt verantwortlich zeichnen die Autoren,
ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch in
Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Druck: KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner
Hauptstraße 8-10, A-1050 Wien.
Inhalt
From the Latrine, through the Woods, and into the Lake:
Ecologica/ Sampies from Medieval East-Central Europe
An Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………… 5
ÜJie Sillasoo, Ecology and Food Consumption ofLate Medieval Tartu,
Estonia (14th-15th Centuries) ……………………………………………………………. 6
Peter Szab6, “There Is Hope for a Tree“: Pollarding in Hungary ………………… 41
Andrea Kiss, Hydrology and Environment in the Southern Basin
ofLake Fertö/Neusiedler Lake in the Late Middle Ages …………………… 61
Andräs Grynaeus and Tamäs Grynaeus, The Geobotany of Medieval Hungary:
a Preliminary Report ……………………………………………………………………. 78
Buchbesprechungen ………………………………………………………………………………. 94
From the Latrine, through the Woods, and into the Lake:
Ecological Sampies from Medieval East-Central Europe
An Introduction
Recycling is nowadays a decisive issue in ecology. This holds true for
historical ecology in East-Central Europe as weil, albeit in a very different sense.
Whereas reusing old material is doubtlessly valuable in environmental protection,
the same is rather questionable, if the old material comprises historical sources. The
reason to put tagether and present the following four essays was to help, as far as
the authors could, recycling be back where it truly belongs.
Historical ecology is a well-established discipline in Western Europe. In
East-Central Europe, much progress has been made recently, and now many
scholarly publications appear on the subject. In other words, the methodology is
understood and applied. However, it is only in exceptional cases, such as the
climatology research in Brno, Czech Republic, or the excavations of the medieval
royal garden at Visegrad, Hungary that the methods are applied on sources, be them
written or archaeological that are freshly gathered for the topic. Historical ecology
is an essentially quantitative field of research. Before the writing process commences,
a !arge amount of data must be collected. Furthennore, the type of data we
use is atypical for fonner research. A chance mention of heavy rains in a charter, or
pieces of seeds in a Iatrine did not use to be considered significant. This may weil
be true if they stand alone; but alt occurrences of heavy rains for a hundred years,
or a/1 plant remains in a Iatrine carry otherwise unreachable information. The task,
then, is twofold: we have to collect as much data as we can, and we have to Iook
for the type of data that has not yet been searched for.
Many leamed articles on the historical ecology ofEast-Central Europe fail to
perform this task. They take what was published before and examine it from a
different angle, which, although an inevitable step, does not suffice alone.
Tbe connection between the otherwise rather diverse essays presented here is
that they all try to analyse sources hitherto unexplored. We hope that we live up to
the requirement of introducing essentially new data to the common knowledge.
Whether our analyses may also stand the test of time is for the reader to decide.
Feter Szabo (Budapest)
5