Lost in Translation? The Arrival of Byzantine Viniculture in Fifteenth-Century Bavaria

Lost in Translation?
The Arrival of Byzantine Viniculture in Fifteenth-Century Bavaria
Melitta Weiss Adamsan
Pa of the extensive collection of medieval manuscripts in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek is a rather unassuming paper codex from the early fteenth century whose contents nevertheless are of tremendous signi cance for the cultural history of food and for the vemacularization in Europe at the end of the Middle Ages. The codex with the call number Cgm 415 was once owned by the Franciscan monaste1y in Munich and consists of two parts, each written in a different hand. The rst part (fol. l r-278v) could be broadly described as a com­ pilation of medical-dietetic Iiterature in German, and the second (fol. 279r-348v) as a collection of miscellaneous medical, chemical, alchemical and magic recipes in German and Latin.1 There are strong indications that the rst part of the codex was not only written by one and the same scribe, but that all of it is the original translation of an extensive Latin corpus dictated to the scribe by one Bavarian (chief) translator? The first two treatises in the codex are of particular importance for European Fachliteratur research in that they are the only extant German translations of Jamboninus of Cremona’s Liber de ferculis et condi­ mentis and Burgundia of Pisa’s De vindemiis, both of which are themselves translations, the former from Arabic and the latter from Byzantine Greek. In the codex they are followed by the translations of two unknown Latin sources: a Mediterranean cookbook likely compiled in the Veneto, and a pharmacopoeia of which only the letters A to L are included.3
1 For a description of the codex see Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschr en der Bay­ erischen Staatsbibliothek München: Cgm 351-500 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, I973), 206- 208.
2 Melitta Weiss Adamson, „mich dunkcht ez sein knöl/ell: Von den Mühen eines bayerischen Übersetzers mitrelalterlicher Fachliteratur,“ paper presented at the conference Mi elalter­ lichfriihneuzeitliche Fachtexte als Objekt der Fachsprachen- und Fachliteraturforschung, University ofOstrava, Ostrava, Czec!J Republic, December I, 2011.
3 According to Schneider, Die deutschen Handschr en, 206-208, the folio nwnbers for the fourtreatisesare:JamboninusofCremona,fol.lr-20v;BurgundioofPisa,Devindemisi, fol. 20v-37r; cookbook, fol. 37v-98r; and pharmacopoeia, fol. 98r-278v. lt must be pointed out, however, that the wine-book ends on fol. 37v, and that Burgundio’s text was supple­ mented with excerpts from Palladius and other as yet wucnown sources. The compiler/scribe
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For the reconstruction of Jamboninus of Cremona’s Liber dejerculis et condimentis, a collection of dietetic recipes excerpted in Venice in the thirteenth century from an Arabic pharmacopoeia by the eleventh-century Baghdad physi­ cian Ibn Jazla, the Munich codex proved invaluable. Of the Latin text only a fragment of fifty recipes has survived in a fourteenth-century parchment codex now housed in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, while the Bavarian trans­ lation with its eighty-two recipes is more or less complete.4 It is therefore not surprising that for her edition and modern Italian translation of Jamboninus’s dietetic cookbook, Anna Martellotti chose the German version and that it took another year before an edition of the Latin fragment appeared in print.5 The signi cance of the following treatise, the German translation of Burgundio’s De vindemiis has been known for some time, and yet it has so far not received the amount of scrutiny the translation of Jamboninus’s Liber deferculis has.6 It is for this reason that my study will focus on the treatise on viniculture in the Munich codex.
The second treatise in Cgm 415 begins with the words Hie hebt sich an d puech von dem weinlesen daz do [deleted: Maister Brugundo von peys] von He brugundo peyser von kriechissch zu Iatein trewleich gemacht ist (fol. 20v). The title does not tell us who the Bavarian translator is, but it does identify the translator of his Latin source. In fact, the German title is a literal translation of the Latin title Jncipit liber de vindemüs a domino burgondione pisano de greco in latinum deliter translatus.7 The Greek text which senred as the Latin trans­ lator’s source is the Byzantine manual on fam1ing known as the Geoponika. Since there seems to be some disagreement as to which parts of the comprehens­ ive Byzantine manual were excerpted and translated by Burgundia – according to Martina Giese it was Books 5 to 7, and according to Andrew Dalby Books 6 to 8 – it is worth taking a closer Iook at the Geoponika, its content and its sources. 8
apparently conceived of Burgundio’s text and the subsequent cookbook as one treatise and
counted the pharmacopoeia as the third „book“.
4 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cod. lat. 9328, fol. 157ra-161rb.
5 Anna Martellotti, Liber de ferculis di Giambonino da Cremona: La gastronomia araba in
Occidente nella trattatistica dietetica (Fasano: Schena Editore, 2001); Enrico Camevale Schianca, „Ancora a proposito di Jambobino e de Liber de ferculis,“ Appunti di gastronomia 3 8 (2002): 1 1 -3 8 . For a second, dynamic edition ofthe German version see Verena Friedl, „daz pitch von den ch6sten : Dynamische Edition des deutschen Jamboninus von Cremona nach Cgm 415. Mit einem Glossar und Zutatenregister,“ Master’s thesis, rl-Franzens­
6 See Martina Giese, „Zur lateinischen Überlieferung von Burgundias Wein- und Got eds Pelzbuch,“ Sudha Archiv 87 (2003): 202 and note 43.
7 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cod. Jat. 7131, fol. 100vb.
8 Giese, „Zur lateinischen Überlieferung,“ 196; Andrew Dalby, Geoponika – Farm Work: A
Mode Translation of the Roman and Byzantine Farming Handbook (Tomes, Devon: Prospect Books, 201 1), 10. For an edition of the Geoponika in Latin, see Henricus Beckb, Geoponica sive Cassiani Bassi scho/astici de re rustica eclogae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1 895).
UniversitätGraz, 2013.
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Consisting of twenty Books, the Geoponika was compiled in Constantin­ ople in the tenth centUty and dedicated to Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus who lived from 905 to 959, and reigned Byzantium om the age of 8 to bis death.9 As Andrew Dalby points out, although nearly all the immediate Greek sources for the farming manual are now lost, two are known through translations into other languages. One is an agricultural text by Cassianus Bassus from around 600 CE of which a Middle Persian translation from the seventh century and two independent Arabic translations om the eighth and ninth centuries have survived. The other, used as the main source by Cassianus Bassus, is an older agriculrural manual by the fourth-century Greek author Vindonius Anatolius from Beirut.10 The compiler of the Geoponika also seems to have tapped into the rich Latin tradition of works such as Palladius’s Opus agriculturae of the late fourth century and Columella’s De re rustica of the mid­ first century A.D. or their older Greco-Roman sources. Interestingly, despite the equent attributions of passages in the Geoponika to a wide range of authors, neither Palladius nor Columella are mentioned in the Byzantine work. 1 1
As impressive as the time frame for the sources of the Geoponika is, in Dalby’s estimation more than 1 500 years, so is the range of material covered in the manual: a osphere and weather (Bock 1), generat considerations regarding agriculture including the cultivation ofgrains and legumes (Book 2), Iabors of the month (Book 3), viticulture and viniculture (Books 4-8), olives and olive oil (Book 9), gardening (Books 10-12), pests (Bock 13), poultry fanning (Book 14), bee-keeping (Book 15), horse, cattle, sheep farming and veterina1y medicine (Books 16-18), miscellaneous warm-blooded animals (Book 19), and fish (Book 20). 12 The ample space devoted to the cultivation of vines and to wine-making indicates that the topic was of paramount importance to the compiler/s of the Geoponika. lt should therefore come as no surprise that it was these chapters that caught the attention of a certain Burgundie of Pisa while on a diplomatic mission in Constantinople in the early twelfth centUJy.13
For a brief discussion of Burgundio of Pisa, his De vindemiis, and its Byzamine and Latin sources, see Melitta Weiss Adamson, „Vom Ar eibuch zum Kochbuch, vom Kochbuch zum Arzneibuch: Eine diätetische Reise von der arabischen Welt und Byzanz über Italien ins spätmittelalterliche Bayern,“ keynote speech at the confereoce „Der Koch ist der bessere A t“: Zum Verhältnis von Diätetik und Kulinarik im Miuelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit, Kari-Franzeos-Universität Graz, Austria, June 21, 2013.
9 Dalby, Geoponi , 9; see also Amold Toynbee, Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His 10 World (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1973).
Da1by, Geoponika, 9-10. Roben Rodgers, „Krpto7toiia: Garden Making and Garden Culture in the Geoponika,“ in Byzantine Garden Culture, ed. Antony Littlewood, Henry Maguire, and Joachim Wo1schke-Bulmahn. (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library aod Collection 2002), 159-175. The stemma of the agricu1tural Iiterature from
11 Pseudo-Democritus to Piero de‘ Crescenzi is fouod Rodgers, „K111t07tOlia,“ 163. 12 Dalby, Geoponika, 12-13.
ForadetailedIistofBooksandChapters inEnglishseeDalby,Geoponika, 19-35.
13 Dalby, Geoponika, 10, gives the date 1137 for Burgundio’s mission to Constantinople but
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A native of Pisa where he was bom around 1110, Burgundio was asked as a young man to assist the German bishop Anselm of Havelberg in 1136 in a theological dispute in Constantinople on account of his excellent co and of Greek.14 In later documents he is referred to as an advocatus and iud , which suggests that he entered the legal profession. He retumed to Constantinople several more times on diplomatic missions during his lifetime, and died on October 30, 1 1 9 3 . Burgundio also made his name as a translator. He translated a vast number of theological, philosophical, and medical works from Greek into Latin, most prominent among them are perhaps his translations ofAristotle’s De generatione et corruptione, and his Ethica Nicomachea. His Latin translation of excerpts from the Geoponika known under the title De vindemiis has survived in ten manuscripts, seven from the fourteenth century, and tlu’ee from the fteenth centw.y15 Two manuscripts from the late fifteenth century may also have been transmitted independently, or via another Italian author/compiler by the name of Petrus de Crescentiis who copied extensively from Burgundio’s translation for his Twe/ve Books on Rural Practices, an agricultural manual he compiled in the early fourteenth centu .16 Bo araund 1233, Petrus studied medicine and natural sciences, but later embarked on a career as a lawyer and diplomat, as Burgundio had done. It was not until Pe us retired to his estate in 1299 that he began work on his agricultural manual, using classical and medieval sources
no source reference. It is not clear ifit is the same diplomatic mission that had him present at a theological dispule in Cons ntinople which took place a year earlier, on April l0, 1 136. See Pieter Beullens, „Burgundio ofPisa“, in Medieval Science, Technolo , and Medicine: An Encyclopedia, ed. Thomas Glick, Steven J. Livesey, and Faith Wallis (New York: Routledge, 2005), 104.
14 For biographical details see ibid.
15 See Giese, „Zur lateinischen Überlieferung,“ 1 97-202:
16
century). Ü
Giese, „Zur lateinischen
Apostolica Vaticana, Pa!. lat. 1 3 1 9 , fol. 286r ( 1 473-1498); and Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pa!. lat. 1382 (VI), fol. 183v-187v (1458). For Petrus de Crescentiis see, for instance, William C. Crossgrove, „Medicine in the Twelve Boo on Rural Prac­ tic ofPe us de Crescentiis“, Manuscript Sources ofMedieval Medicine, ed. in Margaret R. Schleissner ew York and London: Garland, 1995), 8 1 -103.
Fourteenth century:
• Florence,BibliotecaMediceaLaurenziana,Ashb. 1011, fol. 46ra-49va(1324);
• Milan,BibliotecaAmbrosiana, C 10 Sup. (olim V. S. 251), fol. 118v-l20r (1341/1342); • Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 221, fol. 64v-66v;
• Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cod. lat. 7131, fol. 100vb-101vb;
• Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, nouv. acqu. Cod. lat. 3144, fol. 51r-53v;
• Pisa, Biblioteca del Seminario Santa Caterina, 1 2 3 ( 146), fol. 171 r-179v;
• Vienna, Öste eichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2272, fol. 92r-92v.
Fifteenth Century:
• Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Db 78, fol. 67r-69v;
• London, Victoria and Albert Museum, A.L. 534-1894, fol. 134r-145r and 145v;
• Oscott (Warwickshire), Oscott College of St. Mary, 519, fol. 71v-83v (mid-15’h
berlieferung,“ 202-203. The manuscripts are Vatican, Biblioteca
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from Palladius, Varro, Dioscorides and Pliny to Avicenna and Albertus Magnus.
When the Latin De vindemiis as contained in the early Florence manu­ script from 1324 is compared with the Geoponika it becomes evident that Bur­ gundia exce ted material from three books, namely Books 5 to7. 1 7 In total, 26 chapters in De vindemiis are derived from 24 chapters in the Geoponika, whereby the amount ofmaterial translated by Bmgundio increases steadily from Book 5 to Book 7. From Book 5 he only used Chapters 45 to 47, from Book 6 Chapters 11 to 17, and from Book 7 Chapters 2 to 15, most of them in sequence. In two cases, namely Book 6 Chapter 11 and Book 7 Chapter 12, the Latin text divides the material into two chapters eacb. It appears as if Burgundia bad the three books of the Geoponika in front of him and at least initially had the ambition to compile thematically re1ated material from all tbree. This would explain why he started with Book 5 Chapters 45 and 46, tben switched to Book 6, Cbapter 11 wbich he divided in two, then retu ed to Book 5 Chapter 47, went on to Book 7 Chapter 4, before he retumed to Book 6 and translated Chapters 12 to 17. He then contimied with Book 7 for the rest of his translation, using Chapters 2, 3, and 5 to 15 in sequence.
Among the oldest extant versions of De vindemiis are those contained in the Paris and Florence codex which Francesco Buonamici used for bis 1908 parallel edition.18 A Iook at their contents shows that the Geoponika material has been augmented in two places, with four additional chapters of unknown origin inse1ted between Chapter 12b and 13 derived from Book 7, and some fteen chapters appended at the end of the Florence manuscript, a somewhat smaller nurober in the case ofthe Paris manuscript. This is not unusual considering that the two versions were entered in the respective parchment codices some two centuries a er Burgundio had translated them. Some of the advice in the new chapters may have been copied from other sources, or may just represent practices in use in a given location where De vindemiis was copied. For the production and transport ofwine, for instance, tbe medieval West was no Ionger using vats and amphoras made from pottery but wooden vats and barreis which required a different kind of treatment to ensure tbe wine would not spoil or to vinegar. In fact, Burgundio hi self already made the editorial decision not to include the rst chapters of Book 7 of the Geoponika devoted to the preparation
17 For the comparison I used the mode English translation ofthe Geoponika by Dalby, Geo­ ponika, and the edition of De vindemiis in Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Ashb. 1011, fol. 46ra-49va (1324), edited by Francesco Buonamici, „Liber de vindemiis a Domino Burgundino Pisano de Graeco in Latinum fideliter translatus,“ Annali delle Universita Toscane 28 (1908): memoria 3, 1-29. For a digital version ofthe F1orence manu­ script in Buonamici, see Thomas Gloning, XU2002, http://www.uni-giessen.de/g1oningl
1
tx!lv-ashb.h (accessed May 28, 2014).
8 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Ashb. 1011, fol. 46ra-49va (1324), and Paris,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Cod. lat. 7131, fol. 100vb-101vb. The added material in the Paris codex which once belonged to and may even have been written by the Mon ellier surgeon Henri de Mondeville continues in the margin at the bottom of fol. 101va-b.
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of pottery vats, and their pitching (Chapters 2-1 0).
It is not known which Latin version of De vindemiis the Bavarian translator of Cgm 4 1 5 was using, but a comparison with the Latin Florence and Paris manuscripts shows that the material inserted between Chapter 1 2b and 1 3 o f Book 7 in the Geoponika i s included, while the material appended after the Geoponi chapters in Cgm 4 1 5 varies greatly from the tvvo Latin versions. This suggests that the insertion between Chapter 12b and 1 3 must have happened early on in the transmission of De vindemiis and by 1 300 was already regarded as part of the original stock. In the Bavarian translation De vindemiis as the source breaks off rather messily after Chapter 30, i.e., after the 26 chapters derived from the Geoponika plus the four inserted chapters. At the end of Chapter 30 it reads Wie man den wein ledigen schal von dem schymppel oder I oder von andrem pösen gesmakch I ob der wein müchend vnd von dem schymppel vawlen smakch hat oder ainen ande pösen smag Nym ainen weissen weinstak mitsampt der wurcz (fol. 30r-v). This corresponds to the begüming of Chapter 3 1 in the Paris manuscript Qualiter possit vino a mu a liberari I Si vinum moyirdam [senciat] id est mufaf m uel alium malum saporem vitem cum radicibus suis accipe (Cod. lat. 7 1 3 1 , fol. I 0 1 vb ). The Bavarian translator then repeats the title with the words Wie man den wein ledigen schal der von dem schymppel ainen fawlen müchenden gesmakch hat (fol. 30v), but lists seven chapters that are not contained in the Latin manuscripts (fol. 30v- 3 1 v). He retu s briefly to material from Chapters 3 1 and 33 in the Latin Paris and Florence manuscripts (fol. 3 1v-32r), before he abandons the source alto­ gether and translates material from Palladius’s Opus agriculturae (fol. 32r).
The trans ission of excerpts of various kinds from Palladius’s agricultural manual alongside Burgundio’s De vindemiis is not unusual, in fact, this is the case with at least six of the ten codices containing the Latin De vin­ demiis.19 The excerpts in Cgm 415 are arranged in fteen chapters (fol. 32r-35r) and are taken from Palladius’s advice for vintners for the months October and November in the Opus agriculturae.20 Palladius, spelled paladius, is named as the source in six chapters, and his agricultural manual, translated as von der akcherung (fol. 32v), von dem ak herwerkch (fol. 33r), von des ackers übung oder von dem ackerwerkch (fol. 33v-34r), or von dem akcherwerg (fol. 34v), four times. In some cases even the reference to the chapter and chapter title in Palladius is given, as in the examples Spricht paladius von der akcherung in sei­ nem capittel daz man die weinper beheltt vncz in den lencz an dem weinstokch (fol.32v), SprichtpaladiusindemCapittelvondenweinrebendiedoanfrucht
19 ThecodicesFlorence,Ashb.; IOll,London,A.L.534-1894;Oscott519;Paris7131;Paris 20 3 144; Pisa 123 (146); see Giese, „Z lateinischen Überlieferung,“ 197-201.
Robert H. Rodgers, ed., PALLADTI RVTILII TAVRI AEMILIAN1 V!RJ INLVSTRIS: OPVS AGRICVLTVRAE, DE VETERINARIA MEDICINA, DE INSITIONE (Leipzig: Teubner, 1975). Palladius Chapters 1-2 Cgm 415 are derived from November: Lib. 12. XII (Rodgers, PALLADII RVTILII, 228); Chapter 3 from November: Lib. 12, Vl!II (ibid., 227), Cbapters 13, 4-10, 15, 1 1-12, and 14 om October: Lib. I I , XIIII (ibid., 206-21 1).
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plüen (fol. 32v-33r), Paladius von dem akcherwerg Spricht in dem capittel daz die kriechen oder ander rät (fol. 34v), or Spricht paladius in dem capittel Que greci daz ist daz die kryechen auf daz wein gemächd gesprochen habent (fol. 34v). lnterestingly, in Paris Cod. lat. 7131 the Palladius excerpts precede Bur­ gundio’sDevindemisi,anddea1withacompletelydifferentsubjectmatter,the cultivation of fruits and vegetables mainly (fol. IOOva).
After the Palladius-excerpts, Cgm 415 continues with six wine recipes whose provenance is unknown and which may have formed a separate unit judging from the title of this section Von den weinn vnd iren Künsten oder ge ächten (fol. 35r). The first three recipes are for salvaging and clarifying wine that has tumed, the fourth is for sweetening wine, the fth for spiced wine, and the sixth for medicinal wine (fol. 35r-3 7v). Without any visible break in the text, the Bavarian scribe continues with an extensive collection of over 160 dietetic and culinary recipes (fol. 37v-98r) which Karin Schneider in her description of Cgm 4 1 5 lists as a separate treatise. Though apparently translated into Bavarian German from a Latin source text, the cookbook contains a wealth of ltalian, Arabic, Greek, and Latin recipes and cooking tips. Made accessible to a wider audience for the rst time through the new dynamic edition by Natascha Guggi, the cookbook will likely become the subject of in-depth studies in the coming years that will significantly increase our knowledge of Italian and European cookery and dietetics in the late Middle Ages.21 As the Iayout of Cgm 4 1 5 illustrates, Burgundia of Pisa’s De vindemiis was merely the starting point of a compilation that seamlessly moved f om a discussion of wine to a discussion of food and medicine.
With the material on viniculture from the Geoponika having rst undergone a translation from Byzantine Greek to Latin by Burgundia of Pisa, and almost four hundred years later a translation from Latin to Bavarian Gennan, the question arises: was there anything lost in translation or is the Bavarian text still a reasonably faithful rendering of the Greek original? For the following comparison I will use the latest English translation of the Geoponika by drew Dalby, the Florence version of Burgundio’s De vindemiis, and the Bavarian translation in Cgm 4 1 5 . The biggest difference between the Geoponika chapters in Byzantine Greek and the Latin and German translations concems the titles. Nearly all the chapters excerpted from the Geoponika bear detailed titles and attributions to the following authorities: Zeroaster four times, Florentinus four times, Setion three times, Africanus twice, Demokritos twice, Diaphanes twice, and Apuleius, Leontinus, Anatolios, The Quintilii, Paxamos, Damegeron, and Fronto one time each.22 It was likely Burgundia himselfwho streamlined the
21 Natascha Stefanie Chantal Guggi, „ain weizz gemuess oder ain weizz chost mach also: Dynamische Edition des Kochbuchs der Handschrift Cgm 4 1 5 . Mit Glossar und Rezeptregister,“ Master’s thesis, Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, 2013.
22 Zoroaster (Geoponika V 46, VII 5, VII 6 [„same author“ as VTI 5], VII 11; Floreminus (Geoponika VI 14, VI 15 and VI 1 6 [„same author“ as in VI 14]; VII 7; Sotion (Geoponika
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titles and purged all the names of the authorities since the names are already absent from the earliest Latin translations as weil as the German translation. However, some proper names have survived within a handful of chapters in the Emopean translations. Demo itus in the Geoponika (V 45) has morphed into demitrius in the Latin Florence manuscript (Chapter I), and Demetrius in Cgm 415 (Chapterl), while Africanus in the same Geoponi chapter has remained relatively unchanged in the Latin and German versions where he is spelled Affricanus. The Spartans or Lacedaemonii in the Geoponi (VII 4) appear as Ladeani in the Florence manuscript (Chapter 6), and laadicini in Cgm 415 (Chapter 6). Resiod in the Geoponika (VII 6) is transformed into ysidorus and ysidores in the Latin Florence manuscript (Chapter 16), and in the spellings hesyodrus and hesiodrus in Cgm 4 1 5 (Chapter 1 6) remains relatively close to the Greek original. Having rst ed Hesiod into lsidore of Seville, the F lorence manuscript then adds an excerpt in the following chapter which it attributes to Isidore stating Ysidorus ait in libro decimo de arboribus.23 As for Cgm 415, overall it see s that the Bavarian translator had a Latin source text that was superior to the Florence manuscript and may have belonged to the same tradition as the Paris manusctipt. The latter, too, refers to the Spartans as laadicini, uses the similar spellings hesiedus and hesiodus for Hesiod, and like the Greek original, does not break Geoponika Vll 12 into two chapters (Chapters 22 and 23 in the Florence manuscript). And yet, in a few instances, the Bavarian translation is more faithful to the Geoponika than both Latin manuscripts are: a „thri d part“ (Geoponika V 47) which appears as decimapars in the Florence and Paris manuscripts (Chapter 5), is correctly translated as dritt tail in Cgm 4 1 5 , and „two spoon ls“ (Geoponi VII 13) as ij /e. el in Ge an rather than the Latin coclearia 111 (Chapter 28b).
The disappearance of the attributions in the Greek titles from the Latin and German translations are the most obvious example of what was lost in translation b u t this raises the question whether there was other material Burgundia left out when he compi1ed De vindemiis?4 From the Greek chapters that did make it into the Latin treatise, surprisingly little material was omitted, and what Burgundia produced was quite an elegant and faith l rendering of the
VI 17, VII 6 [reference in the text), VII 15); Africanus (Geoponika VII 9, VII 14), Demo­ kritos (Geoponika VII 4, VII 8); Diaphanes (Geoponika VI 12, VII 3); Apuleius (Geo­ ponika VI, 1 1); Leontinus (Geoponika V 47); Anatolios (Geoponika VI 13); The Quintilii (Geoponika VII 2 („same authors“ as VII !)); Paxamos (Geoponika VII 10); Damegeron (Geoponika VII 13); fronto (Geoponika VII 12). For a discussion of these authorities and their works in as much as this is known, see Dalby, Geoponika, 36-49.
23 Buonamici, „Liber de vindemiis,“ 12b.
24 Dalby, Geoponika, 12, considers the attributions i:1 the Geoponika „of dubious validity“.
Chapter attributions, for instance, may just refer to the rst paragraph to which material was added. Rodgers, „Krptonoia,“ 164, on the other hand, wa s of writing off the attributions in the chapter headings too hastily as long as the textual adition of the sources has not been adequately researched.
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Greek text. Here and there a reference, piece of advice or observation is deleted, such as „(…] and nothing but scum is expelled“ (Geoponika VI 12), „you will nd in book III of Diophanes the best methods for rapidly settling must“ (Geoponika VI 1 5), „A test for whether must contains water is described in the next chapter“ (Geoponika VI 1 6), „Buyers, of course, should be offered a tasting when the wind is in the north“ (Geoponika VII 7), „Bmttian pitch, as found in the bottom of wine-vats, cmshed and sieved into the wine, stabilizes wines.“ (Geoponika VII 12), or „Some add gypsum“ (Geoponika VII 1 3). In one case, a passage that is already co upted in the Greek source was, quite sensibly, le out from the Latin and German translations (Geoponika VI 1 4 ) . Occasionally a sentence made it into the Latin translation, but not into the German one, as for instance „Unripe and dry grapes cause serious hatm“ (Geoponika VI 1 1 a) which Burgundio rendered as De aeerbis autem et siccis m imumfit nocumentum (De vindemiis Chapter 3).
The effort to eliminate attributions not just in the titles but the text of chapters as well becomes apparent in the rephrasing of „Sotion says that [… (Geoponika VII 6) to Quidam dieuni […] in the Florence manuscript (Chapter
16), and Etlichew sprechen […] in the Munch manuscript (Chapter 1 6). Other changes made to the Greek text in the Latin (and German) translation concem either the altered sequence of material, especially in Chapter 23 which is a long Iist of advice for the treatment of wine that has tumed (Geoponika VII 1 2b), or changes to the wording which may at least in part re ect an attempt to adjust the content to the customs Burgundio’s audience was familiar with. One such example may be the advice that those treading grapes should be „clothed and wear undergarments“ (Geoponika VI I I b), which in Latin appears as vestitos esse et pereinetos (De vindemiis Chapter 4) and gegurtt vnd angelegt in Chapter 4 of Cgm 4 1 5 . The advice „Thus it is necessary to aromatize pressing-vats, and particularly wine-stores, with incense“ (Geoponika VI 13) appears as Vero bomun odorem torcularibus et doliis pertimiamata cogitare aporiet maxime autem in apotecis vini (De vindemiis Chapter 7), and as darumb so sehol man güten rauch von tymian vnd anderm gueten rauch pey der lorkeiL haben bey dem müst vnd sunderleich der do in die apotekchen gehortt in Chapter 7 of the Bavarian translation. To aromatize with thyme rather than incense may have been the custom in Jtaly. It recurs in the following chapter with „f igated“ (Geoponika VI 1 3) being translated as thimiamate su umigare (De vindemiis Chapter 8), and as mit mian vnd andern guetten rawch rawchen in German. The „buming of Sirius“, (Geoponika VII 1 0), explained by Andrew Dalby as July 19, 20 and 24, is translated as sub cane estum (De vindemiis Chapter 20), and in den haizzen tagen daz wir haizzen hüntstag in Cgm 4 1 5 .
Not all changes can b e explained as „cultural adjust ents“ but are simply mistakes. Among them are the translation of „smaller“ (Geoponika V 45) as maiorem (De vindemiis Chapter 1 ) and grozzer in German, and of „is put into a well for 30 days“ (Geoponika VI 16) as in puteum per dies aliquot immittitur
34
(De vindemiis Chapter 1 1) or vnd tuot dazleich tag in ain prunn in the Geiman text. In the same chapter the ingredient „Aiexandrian natron“ (Geoponika VI 16) is rendered as sinapim a/exandrinam (De vindemiis Chapter 1 1), and as sen alexandrinen oder gemainen se in Cgm 4 1 5 . ingredient Burgundie was apparent1y not familiar with was tejpat also known as malabathrum, Tej Patta or Indian bay leaf. lncluded in the recipe for panacea (Geoponika VII 1 3 ) , it appears simply asfolii in Latin (De vindemiis 28), and asfolij daz sintpleter in German for the concoction which had in the meantime morphed into panaria.25 Sometimes the mistakes are restricted to the German translation only. This is the case with the cardinal points south, no1th and west. Translated by Burgundie as meridiem, aquilonem and orientem (De vindemiis Chapter 13), they appear as mittentag, mittentag, and aufgang in Cgm 415. Later on a similar con sion can be observed in connection with „southerly wind“ (Geoponika VII 7), cotTectly translated into Latin as auster (De vindemiis Chapter 17) but explained by the Bavarian trans1ator as: So der aust wintt wäet der aust wintt daz ist der wintt der czwisschen dem aufgang der sunn vnd mittemtag wächt vnd den haizzt man auch den öst wintt. One of the more unusual instructions in the Geoponi , unusual because it invokes magic, is the sentence „Taste and know that the Lord is good“ to be written on the wine jars or vats to make sure that the wine never tums, which according to Andrew Dalby could also be translated as „Taste and know that Christ is the Lord“ (Geoponika VII 1 4 and note 4). lt is tu ed into Gustate el videte quantum Christus suavis est dominus (De vindemiis Chapter 29), but appears in the following wording first in Gennan and then in Latin in Cgm 4 1 5 : Frewtt ewch vnd seecht wie suezz ehrist der herr ist Gaudete et videte quantum christus suauis est dominus. With gustete having been misread as gaudete in the German manuscript one wonders if the sentence would still have retained its power to keep wine from tuming.
A comparison of the books on wine in the Geoponika with Burgundie of Pisa’s De vindemiis, and the anonymaus Bavarian translation in Cgm 4 1 5 shows that much of the original content comes across more or less intact in the Latin and Gennan versions. The emphasis in the Latin West was clearly on the advice itself and not on attributions to historical gures of the Greco-Roman world. There is some evidence of Byzantine viniculture having been adjusted to medieval Italian and Gem1an practices rauging from the types of vesse1s to the aromatics used for migating. A relative1y small amount of content from the Geoponika chapters was altered or eliminated in the Latin version and a similar amount in the German trans1ation. Stylistically, Burgundio’s work as a translator is clearly superior to that of his Bavarian Counterpart. And yet, clumsy as his German translation may be, he nevertheless succeeded in the vemacularization
25 On fol. 233r the pha acopoeia in Cgm 415 contains an entry for fo/ium which the Bavarian translator explains as follows: So ist czu versteen negelpletter olium ist aller nähst der tugent des Speikchs […] daz wachst Im landzu Jndia. It is conceivable that the
fo/ium entry in the unknown Latin source for the Germau translation referred to tejpat. 35

of a treatise on viniculture steeped in nearly two thousand years of tradition of which surprisingly little was lost in translation.
36
MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
67
MS 2014
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARlTZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KULTURABTEILUNG DES AMTES DER IEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LA DESREGIERUNG
niederO e eich ku ur
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
ISSN 1029-0737
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Kö ermarkt 13, 3500 ems, Öste eich. Für den Inhalt verantwort­ lich zeichnen die Autoren, ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist.- Druck: Grafisches Zentrum an der Technischen Universität Wien, Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, 1040 Wien.

Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O o o o o o o o o o o 5
Margit J. Smith, A Vety Portable Boethius: De consolatione philosophi , MS 84 at the Beinecke Library ofRare Books and Manuscripts
atYaleUniversi …….. oo .. ooooooooooooooOOOOOOooooooooOOooooooooooooooo 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 Melitta Weiss Adamson, Lost in Translation? The Arrival
ofByzantineVinicultureinFifteenth-CenturyBavaria0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 000 26
Ilse Aiglsperger, Kirche und Vergnügen:
Mäßigung des Vergnügens in theologisch-didaktischen Schri en
amBeispielBertholdsvonRegensburg00 00000000000000000000000000000 00 000 00000 37
Käthe Sonnleitner, Das rechte Maß:
Der Umgang spätmittelalterlicher Städte
mitVergnügungsstättenamBeispielNü bergs0 0 000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 00 00 0 0 0 00 0 0 000 48 Manuela Pezzetto, Gesetzliche Normen für Festlichkeiten
indermittelalterlichenStadtamBeispielNümbergsooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 58 Anschriften der Autorinnen 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 66
Vo o
Der vorliegende Band von Medium Aevum Quotidianum beinhaltet zwei Schwerpunkte. Z einen ve littelt er wichtige Forschungsergebnisse zu All­ tag und materieller Kultur des Mittelalters aus dem nordamerikanischen Raum. Margit J. Snlith lässt uns an ihren Untersuchungen teilhaben, welche sie seit Jahren zu einer der bedeutensten inte ationalen Spezialistinnen zum nlittelalter­ lichen Beutelbuch haben werden lassen. Melitta Weiss Adamson, eine der aner­ kanntesten Vertreterinnen der Forschung zum mittelalterlichen Nahrungswesen, analysiert komparativ eine bayerische deutschsprachige Handschrift des 15. Jahrhunderts zu Weinbau und Weinkultur. Dieselbe stellt eine Übersetzung von Burgundie von Pisa, De vindemiis, aus dem 12. Jahrhundert dar, welch letzteres Werk auf Teilen der Geoponika, einem byzantinischen landwirtschaftlichen Handbuch des 10. Jahrhunderts, bemht.
Der zweite Schwerpunkt des Bandes vermittelt die überarbeiteten deutschsprachigen Versionen dreier Vorträge von Vet1reterümen der Universität Graz, welche dieselben beim inte ationalen Medieval Congress 2013 an der Universität Leeds Hauptthema des Kongresses, „Pleasure“, präsentiet1en. Alle drei Beiträge beschä igen sich mit der Auseinandersetzung von kirchlichen bzw. städtischen Autoritäten des süddeutschen Raumes mit Vergnügen und Festlichkeit und damit auftretenden gesellscha lichen Problemen.
Gerhard Jaritz
5