Mysterious Images – Grimacing, Grotesques, Obscence, Popular: Anti- or Commentary Images?

Mysterious Images1 –
Grimacing, Grotesques, Obscene, Popular:
Anti- or Commentary Images?
Steen Schjadt Christensen
Even today’s art historians are astonished and confused: „For a modern
viewer they are not easily understood. „2 „It makes you wonder how they
could be accepted as a suitable decoration in the church.“3 „The painter
must have been a dreamer. ‚“‚ „The images are so incredibly repulsive, it
almost makes you wish you could paint it over“. „The painter was
certainly psychotic – perhaps Schizophrenie“. „This means that we are not
able to interpret his images satisfactorily“. „But it also means that we do
not have to spend any more time poring over them to find a deeper
theological meaning. „5 These are some of the assertions about a group of
motifs in Danish medieval wall-painting. Assertions that the „real“
religious motifs never would have generated.
The motifs are the so-called grotesque or anti-iconographical
pictures. Images showing obscenities, mocking and grimacing faces,
people dancing and demonstrating uncontrolled behaviour, fable-creatures
and strange beings that seem to belong to a different world. The fact that
they are found in church, the house of God, right next to the religious
motifs, only enlarges the astonishment. They would have been easier to
1 J. Komerup wrote in 1870 an article „Om nogle af de gaadefulde mennesker- og
dyreskikkelser, som forekommer i vor middelalders konst“; This is where the title
„Mysterious images (Gädefulde billeder)“ comes rrom, because even though Komerup
is surprised by the images, he never uses the word grotesque, while describing the
images, contrasting many later descriptions. J. Komerup. „Om nogle af de gaadefulde
menneske- og dyreskikkelser som forekomme i vor middelalderens konst“, Aarheger
jor nordisk 0/dkyndighed og Historie. 1 870, p. 2 1 7-35.
2 Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske kalkmalerier 1475-1500“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 5,
1991, p. 46.
3 Hans J. Frederiksen, „Troens kunst“, Ny Dansk Kunsthistorie Vol. I, 1993, p. 2 1 7.
4 Mogens Larsen, „Trreskomaleren“, Danske kalkmalerier Yol. 5 (ed. Ulla Haastrup),
)1 991, p. 82. Lise Gotrredsen, „Nogle srere billeder . . „, !CO 3-4, 1977, p. 17 & 29.
55
accept and to understand if they were found in a more profane, a more
suitable place, and might not have brought about the aforementioned
assertions. These images form a neglected group of motifs – especially
among art historians, since they are not properly registered in the existing
iconographic indexes of Danish wall-paintings. Which of course is logical
if the images are considered non-iconographical and have been assigned a
marginal importance in the religious imagery.
But images can be ambiguous. Just like commercials today interrupt
serious movies in our modern universe of television, the grotesque images
were an integrated part of the visual universe in the medieval church. And
just like commercials, the grotesques connote many different Ievels of
meaning.
I will try to Iook at the motifs differently by indicating that they were
not just characterised by negative meanings. This means that the grotesque
and the sacred, the earthly and the heavenly were not always contrasts, but
Iogether formed a symbiosis within the world ofChristian imagery.
Iconography, Semiotics and History
Historians usually work with text, not with images, and even though this is
old news, it is still a fact. The methods for handling visual source material
are found in art and literary history.
When working with irnages, Erwin Panofsky’s iconographic model of
analysis is traditionally used. It consists of three Ievels of meaning: The
pre-iconographic, the iconographic and iconological Ievel. Iconography
has, without doubt, been an essential instrument for classifying religious
medieval irnagery.
But Panofsky, and especially his iconological Ievel has been
criticized. Panofsky interpreted history and images, as being controlled by
a ‚Zeitgeist‘, mainly hidden in the literary and philosophical ideas of
society.6 This shows an idealistic view of history, which means that
history is reduced simply to the history of ideas. As Norman Bryson has
pointed out, „Panofsky’s third iconological Ievel of meaning – though for
us it may throw the gates open to „context“ when we consider works of art
– seems in the argument to reduce whatever may lie beyond the second,
iconographic Ievel to the psychology of an epoch. „7
Another more useful method of analysis comes from Roland Barthes.
His semiotic method makes it possible to understand the ideology of a
6 Erwin Panofsky, „lconography and Iconology“, Meaning in the visual arts, 1955, p.
9-21 ; Erwin Panofsky, „lconography and lconology: An Introduction to the Study of
Renaissance Art“, Studies in Jconology, 1939, p. 26-54.
7 Nonnan Bryson, „Semiology and Visual Interpretation“, ViSt1al Theory (eds. Nonnan
Bryson, Michael A. Holly & Keith Moxey), 1991, p. 62.
56
His semiotic method makes it possible to understand the ideology of a
society. Viewing images as part of sign systems Ieads to the notion tbat
tbey are shaped and controlled by the culture they belong to.8 Furthennore,
tbe stressing of historical context is important, and as Keith Moxy says,
„Whereas the resemblance theory maintained that representation was
based on a constant and thus a historical relation between tbe artists and
tbe world, a semiotic theory would define representation witbin the
historical horizon in which it occurred.“9
Using a semiotic starting point I suggest that images are part of
several different sign systems. This means that they consist of different
Ievels of meaning. The grotesques can symbolise a moral and allegorical
view within the Christian universe and at the same time refer to other
aspects of life. Consequently the images are open to different
interpretations depending on which sign system they refer to. Francis
Klingender has proposed that the medieval imagery had different Ievels of
meaning, depending on who saw them: a simple Ievel for the greater part
of the population and a more complex theological Ievel for tbe educated
and skilled viewer. 10
The perception of images – the relation between image and viewer –
is therefore an important side to tmderstanding medieval wall-paintings.
The peasants in the countryside were not educated viewers, considering art
history and foreign styles when in church. They had a far more matter-offact
experience of the images relating to everyday life.
Image and Beholder
The eyes send ten million bits to the brain every second; the skin sends
one million, the ears 100.000, the sense of smell only 1000 bits a second 1 1
The sight is by far the strongest o f our senses, and a wealtb of
infonnation are received and processed, when the beholder stands in front
of an image. Off hand it seems impossible to understand how the wallpaintings
influenced the medieval worshiper. But in a world where most
people were exposed to very few images, and where imagery were not a
mass production like today, the sculptures and colourfully painted vaults
bad to be an impressing and overwhelming experience, an experience that
must have brought about the beholders‘ reaction. A fi.tlly painted Gothic
church – from the cathedrals to the small Danish parish churches – can
‚ Bent Fausing & Peter Larsen (eds.), Visuel kommunikation Vol. I , 1980, p. 44;
Roland Barthes, „Rhetorique de L’image“, Communications 4, 1 964, p . 44-57.
9 Keith Moxey, Pesants. Warriors and Wives. Popular /magery in the Reformation,
11°9 89, p. 6-5. 11 Francis Klingender, Animals in art and thought, 1971, p. 32. Bent Fausing, Synet som sans, 1995, p. 1 7 & 54.
57
still, even for a modern viewer, seem quite staggering.
The iconographical and iconological methods of analysis have tried to
explain the symbolic meaning of the motifs and their relations with the
help of surviving writings.12 This is, of course, important. But by applying,
what could be called the art historians‘ analysis apparatus, that focusses on
the development of the motifs and their relation with the artists/workshops
and with the biblical writings, the power that exists between an image and
a beholder is neglected. This is what David Freedberg in bis book „Power
of Images“ describes as „response“, defined as „the symptoms of the
relationship between image and beholder. „13 The way we Iook at things is
controlled by what we know and what we believe.14 The reaction that is
evoked by images of hell and of the devil among the people in the late
Middle Ages is most likely different to that among modern viewers and the
other way round. It is not at all certain that tlle astonishment we feel today
when seeing the grotesque motifs applied to the Middle Ages.
Hans Belting points out that irnages are only understandable in their
historical context, and that it is not possible to spontaneously understand a
medieval irnage, as if we were the addressees. To do that would be to
presume a psychological predisposition independent of time and place, and
thereby to ignore the fact that perception of images changes through
time.15
Images can possess magic powers far beyond their physical
appearance as it is shown in the adoration of icons and in the fact that
images could provide indulgence.16
The late medieval Danish wall-paintings are not to be read in one
direction, but invite to be read in several different directions, 17 and to
consist of different Ievels of understanding. As Michael Camille has said
about images, „being less controllable than the authorised text, images
were dangerously divisive: they pretended to be what they were not. A
deep-rooted distntst of the duplicitous in image-making ntns through the
Christian tradition.“18 This represents a duplicity that is even stronger,
when it comes to more profane motifs within the religious imagery like the
12 Axel Bolvig, Bondens billeder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmiddelalder, 1 994, p.
1131 9. David Freedberg, The Power of Images. Studies in the History and Theory of
R14e sponse, 1 989, p. xxii. John Berger, Ways of Seeing, 1977, p. 8.
u Hans Belting, Das Bild und sein Publikum im Mittelalter. Form und Funktion
f16r üher Bildtafeln der Passion, 1981, p. I OS. Anne Riising, Danmarks middelalderlige prrediken, 1969, p. 260-262.
17 Axel Bolvig, Bondens billeder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmiddelalder, 1994, p.
1 1 9 & 137-138.
11 Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol. Jdeology and Jmage-making in Medieval Art,
1989, p. xxvi.
58
grotesques.
The medieval population did not just passively Iook at the images in
church and accept their messages, but actively interacted with them on the
basis of their conditions of life and ideas of the world.
Popular Images
The Danish medieval wall-paintings solely exist in a religious context.
Their purpose was to pass on the Christian beliefs to the congregation.
Consequently, the motifs are closely connected with tl1e Bible and the
saints‘ legends. 19 Their function are mainly didactic, and they served as a
visual complement to the mass.20 In addition, they also worked as a way to
get absolution?1 But how do the grotesque motifs fit in here? Most of
them do not have any Connections with the Bible. They just do not seem
very religious. The religious imagery of the late Middle Ages becomes
more lively and popular in comparison to the grand and noble images of
the early Middle Ages. But does this mean that they can be seen as purely
popular features? Here it is relevant to examine who painted the images
and how the relationship between sender and recipient can be interpreted.
There are different opinions on this matter. In the Danish discussion
the are two lines of opinion. One of them holds that in late medieval
society, as in the Romanesque period, it was the elite – king, bishops and
nobles – who ordered and paid for the religious imagery. The images
aimed at the largest group in society – the peasants. The grotesque images
are explained as scare images that were supposed to Counterbalance the
popular superstitions.22 The other opinion holds that the peasants, because
of rising standards of living, ordered and paid the images for themselves.
Therefore, the images of the grotesque reflect the mentality of the cornmon
people 23
But the line of division between high and low is much too sharp. The
assertion that the very profane motifs were supposed to function as scare
images does not seem likely. They do not just occur in the parish churches,
but also in churches belanging to the ecclesiastical elite, like the
19 Axel Bolvig, Bondens billeder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmiddelalder , 1994,
􀄺 􀀑!;􀀒n Kaspersen,“Om folkelighed og ufolkelighed i senmiddelalderligt vregmaleri“,
Kunst Samfund Kunst – En hi/sen til Broby, 1987, p. 28; Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske
Kalkmalerier 1 375-1475“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 4, 1985, p. 1 7.
21 Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske Kalkmalerier 1 375-1475″, Danske ka/kmalerier Vol.
4, 1985, p. 1 7.
n Seren Kaspersen, ,“Om folkelighed og ufolkelighed i senmidde1alder1igt vregmaleri“,
Kunst Sanifund Kunst – En hilsen til Broby, 1987, p. 9-33.
23 Axel Bolvig, BondeliS bi/leder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmiddelalder 1994, p.
88-89.
59
Cathedrals of Roskilde and Arhus and the Cannelite churches of Elsinore
and Sreby.24 Furthermore, the grotesques are often found in the chancel,
where the worshippers were not allowed at all.
On the other hand, it seems more likely that the influence comes from
below. The line between the official and the popular is thereby made more
undefined. The problern is that the grotesque is often considered equivalent
to the popular. But, if you Iook at where grotesque motifs are found, it is
in Iiterature and in manuscripts, in two media that were produced and used
solely by the elite. Therefore, the influence probably flowed both ways:
from the literate part of society, who owned the illustrated manuscripts and
classical writings, but at the same time from the common part of society;
from the popular festivals and street life that blended with churchlife and
created a mixture of religion and popular mysticism.
This is also connected with religious life and the general religious
development. But how Christian were the Christians actually in the Middle
Ages?25 Obviously the small prosperaus and Iiterale elite had easy access
to the religious writings and were therefore better qualified to understand
them. But in spite of this, there may not have been any essential
differences in the religious observance between the high and the low.
Eamon Duffy says that, „Y et within the diversity of medieval religious
options there was a remarkable degree of religious and imaginative
homogeneity across the social spectrum, a shared repertoire of symbols,
prayers and beliefs which crossed and bridge even the gulf between the
literate and the illiterate“.26 DuffY operates with the term „traditional
religion“, signifying the religion that was common to everyone in the
Middle Ages.27 A term that, I think, can be applied to the grotesque
images.
Grotesque Images
The nurober of grotesque or anti-iconographical images in the Danish
medieval wall-paintings is quite !arge. Katrin Kröll has worked most
24 See Internet: http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: Roskilde
zDs omkirke & Arhus Domkirke & Marire Helsinger & Sreby. Lars Bisgaard, „Det religiase liv i senmiddelalderen. En tabt dimension i dansk
historieskrivning“, Danmark i senmiddelalderen (eds. Per Ingemann & Jens V.
Jensen), 1 994, p. 357 ; John Yan Engen, „The Christian Middle Ages as an
Historiographical Problem“, The American Historical Review 9 1 , 1986, p. 5 1 9-552,
which describes both the older and the newer research concerning how widespread
religion was during the Middle Ages.
26 Eamon Duf!Y, The Stripping of the Altars. Tradilional Religion in England, c.
/400-c. 1580, 1 992, p. 3.
27 Eamon Duf!Y, The Stripping oj the Altars. Traditional Religion in England, c.
1400-c. 1580, 1992, p. 2-6.
60
thoroughly with this material and in her PhD-thesis she operates with 496
registered motifs, 28 even though further research will probably show an
even higher nwnber of images. Probably, a )arge nwnber of grotesques are
still hidden behind the whitewashed church walls.29
The anti-iconographical pictures fonn an uneven group of images,
with several different styles and means of expression: They are primarily
found in the margin, but can also be seen in the vaults.
They may be divided into six primary types of images/0 each fonning a
group of specific motifs:
I . grotesque masks (gargoyles);
2 . fable-creatures;
3. fools, (jesters);
4. jongleurs;
5. fahles;
6. major grotesques.
The groups of images are difficult to define. And a division as the above
mentioned can only be applied as a guidance and a starting point to what I
am going to call „Grotesque Gesture“, because the fonns of manifestations
are mixed and combined in different ways. This goes for both the style,
mode of expression and the placing in the church. Fools, for instance, can
be seen as grotesque masks or jongleurs both in the vaults, in the
pendentives, and so forth.31
Because of the large mtmber of images, I will only examine a few
motifs from each of the six primary types. Many of the chosen images are
very special and unique representatives of their different groups.
The reason why I have chosen to examine these particular motifs, is
that they might help us understand the more anonymous ones within the
pnmary groups.
Grotesque Masks
The grotesque masks constitute by far the largest group of the grotesque
images.32 Most of them are found in the pendentives, but they also occur in
the vaults. The masks are characterised by their open mouths, often
21 Katrin Kröll, Das dr6lastische Universum am Rande der gölllichen Ordnung., \993, 􀄹 68 ..
Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske kalkrnalerier 1 500-1536“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 6,
1992, p. 57.
3° Katrin Kröll, Das dr6lastische Universum am Rande der göttlichen Ordnung, 1993,
p. 56-66, is rnaking a sirnilar classification, but she includes certain types of devils,
which I will not, because the devils rnake up an independent field of research and
because the connotations of the devils are generally rnuch rnore unarnbigous.
31 See Internet: http:// www.kalkrnalerier.dk/english/search.htrn search: Droleri.
32 See Internet: http:// www.kalkrnalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htrn: search: vr􀅳ngemaske.
61
emphasised by being painted round the small holes in the lower parts of
the vaults. They mock and ridicule, and some of them stick out their
tongues. They are depicted in the evil profile, but quite a Iot of them are
shown en face which normally symbolises the holy. The larger part of the
grotes􀀆ue masks are without bodies, though a few are depicted in fulllength.
3 Evidently, it is not easy to describe this group of motifs in an
unambiguous or simple way.
Because of their grimaces and putting out of tongues, the grotesque
masks have been seen as odd and comic anti-images in contrast to the
religious imagery.34 But the mouth and especially the tongue could signify
the positive as weil as the negative, that is, if we are to believe the popular
medieval chapbook, Sydrak. According to Sydrak, the tongue could
symbolise positive things like honour, glory and wisdom, things that are
not usually associated with this kind of images. 35
In the two high-clergy churches of St. Mariae Elsinore and Saeby we
find examples of such pictures.36
Niets Haastmp has proposed that the distinctive masks in St. Mariae
Elsinor served a purpose as memory images, just like the figures in
mnemotecnic didactic books. Different small figures emerge from the
mouths ofthe masks, mostly animals and humans, but other things as weil.
They have been connected to Danish proverbs,37 but they probably signify
many different phenomena. Most important is that images and text
interacted in a way that was useful to the friars.
In the church of Saeby of the Cannelite Order, another kind of
33 Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske kalkmalerier 1475-1 500“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 5,
1991, p. 46.
34 Katrin Kröll, Das drolaslische Universum am Rande der gölllichen Ordnung, 1993,
f:· 266.
5 „Menniskens twngce cer thet ba:sta:, pa Iegemet a:r, Fjorthii ath .formidde/st twzmgen
ma mennisken Ja stoor a:re, riigdom, kerligheet, wiisdom, lo.f.f ok ga.f.fn, badhe til sie/
ok lii.f.f. Ok a.f.f twzmgen ma mennisken Jaa stoor skam, /aast, skadhe ok wan a:re,
badhe til sie/ ok lii.f.f. Fjorthii mennisken ma tala: the ordh, som thel ma .fanga: stoor
skam ok skadha: l.fore, Ok twngen herwer enge been j segh, Men hun flyyr the o.!Jia: sa,
Ath badhe been ok arma: brydes sonder“. Sydrak, 1921, p. 89. The manuscript was
known in most of Europe, and was, therefore, of significant cultural importance:
Gunnar Knudsens introduction to Sydrak, p. XI & VIf.
36 To view the grotesque masks of St. Marire Elsinore and Sreby church, see Internet:
http://search: www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm: search: Maria: Helsing@r and
vramgemaske (in the same search) & Sa:by and vra:ngemaske (in the same search).
37 Niels Haastrup, „Sporgarbejdere – med og uden beger“, Bogvennen 1982, Skri.ft,
Bog og Billede i Senmidde/a/derens Danmark (eds. Christian Ejlers & Erik C.
Lindgren), 1982, p. 93; Niels Haastrup, „Hvad kan der ikke komme ud af munden pä
et menneske“, Danske kalkma/erier Vol. 5 (ed. UUa Haastrup), 1991, p. 1 16-1 19 ;
Niels Haastrup, „Die Masken in der Manenkirche von Helsinger“, Mein ganzer Körper
ist Gesicht (eds. Katrin Kröll & Hugo Steger),l 994, p. 335-41.
62
depicted in the pendentives, eight in every vault.38 The friars are depicted
standing in calyces, and above every one of them a piece of writing can be
seen. But the interesting and overlooked featu.re is the fact that the stalks
of the flowers all emerge from the mouths of full-figure grotesque masks
(fig. I).
Fig. I: Carmelite monks and grotesque masks in the church of Sceby
In the standard work of Danish wall-paintings, Danmarks kalkmalerier,
vol. 6, four chapters deal with the church of Sa:by, and tl1e grotesque
masks are only mentioned once in a note to an illustration. 39 In all of the
mentioned Iiterature in Danmarks kalkmalerier, vol. 6, tl1e masks are only
referred to once or twice, but they are never examined more closely, even
38 Kaare Rübner Jergensen, „Karmeliterne i Sreby Kirke“, Kirkehistoriske Sam/inger
1978, 1978, p. 10.
39 Eva L. Lillie, „Srebyvrerkstedet“, p. 1 50-53; Karen Sorgenfrey, „Joachim og Annas
historie“, p. 155; Karen Sorgenfrey, „Marias Tempelgang“, p. 1 58-59; Dorthe F.
Meiler, „Musicerende munke“, p. 160-61, all in Danske ka/kmalerier Vol. 6 (ed. Ulla
Haastrup), 1 992.
63
though the rest of the images of the church are thoroughly described.40
Furthermore, it seems that the masks and the friars were understood as two
different motifs without any connection.
In contrast, I regard the friars, the flowers and the masks as part of
the same motif (fig. 2).
Fig. 2: Carmelite monks and grotesque mask in the church ofSceby
It has been shown by Kaare Rübner Jergensen that every friar represents
learned foreign men of the Order. And if we Iook closely at the pendentive
mask-figures, it tums out that these are friars as weil, ordinary Carmelite
monks modestly dressed in comparison with their famous and leamed
brothers in the vaults.
Honour, glory and wisdom are thus communicated directly, through
the tongue and through the mouth of the friars. Most of the distinguished
4° Francis Beckett, Danmarks Kunst Vol. 2, 1 927; Kaare Rübner J0rgensen,
„Karmeliteme i Sa:by Kirke“, Kirkehsi toriske Samfinger 1978, 1978; Mette
Erlandsson, „Sa:by kirkes’s kalkmalerier“, Vendsyssel Arbog /980, 1980, p. 73-90 ;
Hans Gregersen, Karmeliterklostret i Sreby. Baggnmd og historie, 1982, p. 67-68;
Eva L. Lillie, „La:rdommens billeder. Sa:byva:rkstedets udsmykning i fem nordjyske
kirker“, Kirkehistoriske Samfinger 1988, 1988, p. 33-83, do not mention them.
Mogens Bencard, „Carmelite Art and Architecture in Denmark“, Carmelus vol. 4,
1957, p. 76. The grotesque masks are not mentioned in the register of Danish medieval
wall-paintings ofthe Danish National Museum.
64
monks in the calyces were precisely caracterised by the fact that they had
written books of sennons. Probably many of these books could be found in
the Cannelite library.41
The Cannelite friars who frequented the church in the beginning of
the 16th century, were not thinking of deadly sins when seeing a grotesque
mask. On the contrary, they were reminded ofthe fact that they themselves
by sedulous study and dissemination of Christianity, could reach as high as
the exalted monks depicted in church; and that it was their duty to
disseminate the message of Christianity.
Fable Creatures
Fable-creatures and strange beings have fascinated man in all times.42
Today it is UFOs and creatures from outer space. In the Middle Ages, it
was strange animals and fantastic fable-creatures who, just like the extraterrestials,
did not belong to the known world. The fable-creatures
originated from the works of antique writers, such as the joumey-accounts
of Pliny, Physiologus‘ and Mandeville’s travels43 Lucidarius, a popular
book of the Middle Ages, also mentions a number of fantasy and fablecreatures
when describing Asia. In a chapter conceming the difference
between good and evil, the disciple asks the master, why God created
animals that were not useful to mankind. The master responds that lions,
bears and other gruesome creatures were created as to scare men and
women in order to punish them for their sins.44 Many of the fable-creatures
can be interpreted as dangeraus monsters threatening the sinful.
But the meaning of images can be altered, and they could be put to
use in quite a different manner, that is as a fonn of political criticism or
satire.
In the church of Voldby,45 in the second vault, to the north, two
fighting fable-creatures can be seen. They are both wearing crowns. The
smaller creature to the left consists only of a head and two legs attached,
where the ears would nonnally be found. The !arger creature to the right
has anns as weil and is threateningly holding a spear. Behind these two, a
man is lying on the grOtmd, his Jegs widely spread. He is wearing a hat and
41 Kaare Rübner Jergensen, „Karmeliterne i Sreby Kirke“, Kirkehistoriske Samtinger
1978, 1978, p. 22-23.
42 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: Fabelva!sen.
43 Dorrit Lundbrek, Fabelva!sner i sengotisk kalkmaleri i Danmark, 1 970, p. 2-3; Ulla
Haastrup (ed.), „Danske kalkmalerier 1500-1536“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 6, 1 992,
E· s6.
4 Lucidarius, 1909, p. 1 1 8. In the chapter about Asia, p. 1 35-50.
•s See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: I 11 7 3.
65
striped pants. In one hand he is holding a bludgeon, with the other he is
spreading his legs.
The fight between the two crowned creatures can be seen as a symbol
of the mutual fight for power between different secular authorities. The
crowned creatures hardly represent the vices, since it is very rare for one
vice to be attacking another.46 Rather, they should be seen as symbols of
the royal powers.
The Iooks and gestures of the two creatures can be seen as
representing a struggle for political power, showing the !arger one as the
winner. The smaller one is shown in profile, a way of depiction that is
usually applied for negatively loaded images like Judas or the Devil.
Futhermore, he is elegantly dressed as a negative sign ofvanity.
In contrast, the larger creature is depicted en face, a position mostly
applied to tl1e depiction of the most holy beeings. He is not wearing
anything but his crown. And he is barefoot like Christ.
The small man in the background can be seen as a sarcastic remark to
the struggling kings, whose fight did not benefit the common people.
Dorrit Lundbrek holds to be able to trace a certain likeness to
portraits, thereby indicating that the image shows the royal fight for power
during the Reformation. The small figure would then show King Christian
Ir, the !arger winning one with the spear King Frederik I. The wallpainting
can hardly be interpreted as specific portraits because of their
uncertain dating. The images are not documentary depictions of reality, but
they do actively respond to the social and cultural context that they
visualise.
Tbe image in the cburch of Voldby is thus an example of how fablecreatures
in some instances can connote a meaning that goes beyond the
Christian-allegorical one, a meaning that refers to the political reality of the
sixteenth century; a reality close to the church goers of the late Middle
Ages, which, therefore, naturally found its way into the church as weil.
Fools47
In the cathedral of Roskilde, in the chapel of King Christian I, consecrated
in 1460, a depiction of a fool is found straight in the middle of the southem
part of the first vault.48 The fool is sitting in a calyx,49 playing a one-hand
46 Dorrit Lundbrek, Fabelva?sner i sengotisk kalkmaleri i Danmark, 1 970, p. 34-35.
47 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search: Nar.
48 To view the fool in the Chapel of King Christian I, see Internet: http://
www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search: shl 160.
49 Persens were frequently depicted sitting in calyces, no matter whether they were
fools, secular characters, as for instance Hans Pothorst in St. Marire church in Elsinor,
66
flute and a drum. He is wearing a two-coloured costurne, a hood with
donkey ears, bells and a comb of a cock.
The fool, which is even visible from the nave of the church, is a
prominent feature of the chapel. He is the first thing one sees when
entering the chapel. And he was put alone in the vault in the same size as
the music playing angels around him. Consequently, his appearence in the
cathedral has been seen as unlogical and unreasonable. And the meaning
of his appearence has been explained as a mocking counter-weight to the
opposite scene of the Carrying of the Cross, because of the traditional
interpretation of the fool and his instruments as a personification of evil. 50
But this is not a popular, marginally placed fool. On the contrary, he
is a weil dressed, centrally placed court jester, probably the personal court
jester of Christian !.51 He is a court jester not representing evil, but
appearing as a secular counterpart – not against – but to the holy and
music playing angels.
In the Middle Ages, the nature and roJe of the fool was saturated with
ambiguity. On the one hand, the fool entertained with jokes and games at
court. On the other hand, the fool had unlimited freedom of speech, which
gave hirn considerable power. Within the church, the fool was also known.
All through the Middle Ages, fools‘ masses and fools‘ feasts were
celebrated, and the festivities asswned grotesque fonns, both in and
outside the church. All Ievels of society took part in the celebrations, from
clergy to peasants. The festivities were usually Iead by young clerks,
engaging in mde and unseemly games. In a book on early Danish theatre, a
vivid account of the feasts is given: „The church was tumed into a
ballroom, the altar to a bar, the mass to nonsense words in Latin mixed
with harsh jokes, weil, the clerks played skittles in the church 1oft and had
a drop too much wine.“52 The fool and the fools‘ feasts tumed society
upside down. And as the Bible says, „the last shall be the first.“
I t is, therefore, not reasonable to consider the fool a merely negative
symbol. His roJe within the Christian universe was considerably more
complex, and this also goes for his appearance on the church walls.
friars like the ones in Sa:by, or even holy angels like the ones in the chapel of king
Christian I, who sit in calyces similar to the one ofthe fool. so Dorthe F. Meiler, „Musiksymbolik pä kryds og tva:rs“, !CO, 3-4, 1977, p. 30-37;
Dorthe F. Meiler, „Musikinstrumenter“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 4 (ed. Haastrup) ,
1985, chapter 67.
51 Vivian Etting, „Narren“, Skalk nr. 5, 1985, p. 2 1 -30; Klaus Neiendam, „Spielleute in
zwei spätmittelalterlichen Wandmalerien“, Mein ganzer Körper ist Gesicht (eds. Katrin
Kröll & Hugo Steger), 1994, p. 373-84.
51 Torben Krogh, /Eidre dansk Teater – En teaterhistorisk Undersegelse., 1940, p.
3 14, my translation.
67
Jongleurs53
In the Middle Ages the jongleurs fonned a small mobile group at the edge
of society. They were professional entertainers outside the prevailing set of
nonns, free travellers without masters and, therefore, without any legal
rights whatsoever. In the legislation they were regarded as outcasts from
society.54
The church condernned them, of course. The preachers gave tongue
about the fun of the fair and stressed that any Christian man should place
his money on the altar and not spend it on jongleurs.55 This shows that
both travelling and local jongleurs were probably not a rare thing. As fools
they were part of society and naturally occurred inside church as weil as
outside. Even though the church despised the jongleurs, the ideals of the
literate clergy were far from the facts of life in the villages. Out there, the
festivities meant a welcomed opportunity to lose the daily routine for a
short while. The priests probably did not strictly enforce the rules of
prohibiting jongleurs in or outside church. Many of the priests were poorly
educated, and it is stressed several times that on feast days the priest
should preach to the congregation56 – probably instead of just celebrating.
During the late Middle Ages jongleurs and minstrels began to organise and
settle themselves. This is seen in an example from the Danish city of Arhus
round 1 500. A minstrel – Jes Lassen – was not allowed to work outside
town, unless the mayor granted him pennission.57 And in 1 579, one of
King Fredrik II’s jongleurs – Jacob Seefeld – was given an annual
allowance, since he could no Ionger work because of old age. 58 This
indicates that jongleurs and minstrels were not simply ill regarded outcasts
of society. They were also able to obtain certain privileges.
In the tower-vault, north and west vault cell of tl1e church of
Vigersted two jongleurs are found. 59 One of them is juggling with two
knives, the other one is dancing. This scenery takes place right undemeath
a representation of St. Nicholas‘ legend. In the church of N0rre Herlev, St.
13 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: Gegler.
14 Wolfgang Hartung, Die Spiellleute. Eine Randgruppe in der Gesellschaft des
Mss ittelalters, 1982, p. 4-5. Anne Riising, Danmarks midde/a/derlige prrediken, 1969, p. 362. 16 Anne Riising, Danmarks middelalderlige prrediken, 1969, p. 21 & p. 35-43; P.G.
Lindhardt, „Det religi0se liv i senmiddelalderen“, Den Danske Kirkes Historie Vol. 3
(eds. Niels K. Andersen & P.G. Lindhardt), 1965, p. 1 19, mentions how it is stressed
that the partying of the priests should be restricted; at the first mass only 32 guests for
dinner were allowed!
17 J. R. Hübertz (ed.), Aktstykker Vedkomende Staden og Stiftet Aarhus. Vo/. I, 1845,
E· 24o.
8 Nye Danske Magazin, 1836, p. 47-48.
19 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search: 221 198.
68
Niebolas is depieted as we11.60 In the first vault oftbe nave, St. Niebolas is
sbown saving three girls from prostitution. In tbe pendentives below, two
jongleurs are seen, one playing tbe bagpipes, tbe other daneing and
drinking (fig. 3).
Fig. 3: One ofthejongleurs ofthe church ofNerre Herlev
60 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: Nerre Herlev
and gogler (in the same search).
69
Are images like these to be understood as deadly sins opposed to the
sacred deeds of St. Nicholas? Or could they be a symbol of the importance
of the medieval jongleurs and the medieval drama. The mass can be seen
as a drama, where the congregation entered into the spirit of the holy
books.61 The medieval religious theatre was extensive and found its stories
in the bible or the Jives of the saints. The legend- and mystery-plays,
performed on the feast-days, were very popular because of their dramatic
stories. 62 The Jives of the saints were full of violent and dramatic incidents
and the plays naturally held coarse scenes. From France we know of a play
of the legend of St. Niebolas – Le Jeu de saint Nicholas – written by the
writer of the Fabliaux, Jean Bode!. The play consists of farcical scenes of
game and play, of drinking and fighting.63
Off hand, the irnages of the pendentives seem strange in association
with the legends,64 but they probably refer to legend plays like the above
mentioned. Niellolas was a very popular and celebrated saint. He had two
annual festivals, the day of bis death, December 6, and the day of his
enshrinement, May 9.65 Most Iikely the villagers of Vigersted and Nerre
Herlev celebrated especially May 9 in their church with festivities, games
and religious drama.
Fables
The fables originate from antique writings like Aesop’s, writings that the
sermons of the Christian church could still use.66 They were widespread in
oral as weil as in written form. The fables feature animals acting and
behaving just like hurnans. The medieval population had a totally different
relationship towards animals than we have today. Rumans and livestock
lived close tagether in a way we can hardly imagine. The animals were an
important part of everyday life, and human qualities were often ascribed to
them. This is especially seen in the fables that were used as a didactic and
critical means
The wall-paintings depict the fables of The Fox and the Stork and of
The Fox Preaching to the Geese. The medieval view of the fox was that of
a sly and dangeraus vennin, lnmting the farmers‘ hens and geese.
61 Hans Hertel (ed.), Verdens Lilleratur Historie, Vol 2, 1994, p. 323-24.
62 Torben Krogh, /Eidre dansk Teater – En teaterhistorisk Undersegelse, 1940, p. 18-
23.
63 Hans Hertel (ed.), Verdens Lilleratur Historie, Vol. 2, 1994, p. 325.
64 Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Yigerstedvrerkstedet“, Danske ka/kmalerier Vol. 4, 1985,
chapter 49. 6s Hans Olrik, Danske Helgeners Levned Yol. !I, 1968, p. 265.
66 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search: Fabel.
70
It became a symbol of deceit and fraud and of the devil hirnself To the
contrary, the geese were thought ofas stupid and naive. In the Fable of the
Fox and the Stark, the cunning fox gives the stark liquid food from a plate.
The stark answers by inviting the fox to dinner serving the food in a high
pitcher. The moral is obvious – do to others what you want them to do to
you.
In the north and south ends of the tower arch of Ottestrup church the
fahles of the Fox Preaching to the Geese is seen. One fox is standing in a
pulpit wearing a cowl and keeping a flock of geese occupied. Meanwhile,
another fox is running offwith a goose in his mouth. To the north, opposite
the preaching fox, the geese are getting their revenge. The two foxes are
clinged up and hanged by the joint geese.67 TI1e moral is obvious here as
weil; The stupid geese – the naive human souls – are beeing fooled and
seduced by the fox – the devil – who just wants to eat them. But justice is
done, and the cunning foxes are hanged. The images have also been
explained as a warning to the congregation not to Iisten to false preachers.
Since the fox is dressed in a cowl, this can be seen as the clergy’s criticism
ofthe preachings ofthe mendicant friars.
But the moral could also be extended to more general aspects of
society, where criminal and sinners were punished just as palpably and
corporally as the foxes for their wrang doings. And the sentence could be
passed by the ecclesiastical court as weil as the secular one. In Vinderslev
church, a very clear and unique image of what happens to people behaving
fox-like is shown.68 Here, two hwnans are seen dangling on the gallows,
being punished for their crimes. The gallows definitely had a very concrete
symbolism both in and outside church. Becauce the ecclesiastical courts
had to show Christi an mercy, they never passed or executed death
sentences, but left it to the secular powers.69 Perhaps that is the reason,
why it is mostly animals – like the foxes – and not people who are banging
in the gallows on the church walls?
Major Grotesques
The term „major grotesques“ signifies the small group of motifs that cannot
be described as part of the other five types of images.70 Their
characteristics are, so to speak, that they cannot be included into the
framework of the grotesque. They are not animals or other mixed beings,
but humans behaving very secularly on the church walls. They are full-
67 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: 91 70 & 9171.
61 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: shl 243.
69 Troels Dahlerup, Studier i senmiddela/derlig dansk Kirkeorganisation, 1963, p.
143.
70 See Internet: http:// www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search: Grotesk.
71
figured persons in the pendentives, and a small group even expand up into
the vaults, occupying space right next to the sacred images.
The wall-paintings in Srrumun are some of the most notorius in
Denmark and are mentioned in most art historical writings. They have
been called giant-grotesques71 depicted in a crude and primitive manner.72
They are doing the exact opposite of Bakhtin’s assertion that, „in medieval
art a strict dividing line is drawn between the pious and the grotesque; they
exist side by side but never merge.“73 In Sillimllil grotesque and obscene
images definitely mix with the religious ones.
Fig. 4: The Last Supper in Smorum, chance/, west vau/t ce/1
The late medieval images date to around 1500 and illustrate Christ’s
passion. It is the cunning and exceptional depiction of The Last Supper
that rightly creates wonder (fig.4. Since the image is found in the chancel it
has not been visible to the worshippers, only to the priest and the rest of
the clergy.
Jesus and his disciples are placed around a set table. Judas is seen to
the left of Jesus across the table. The disciple left of Jesus is missing his
71 Katrin Kröll, „Die Komik des grotesken Körpers in der christlichen Bildkunst des
Mittelalters“ (Einfuhrung), Mein ganzer Körper ist Gesicht (eds. Katrin Kröll & Hugo
Steger}, 1 994, p. 43.
72 Seren Kaspersen, „Bildende Kunst, Theater und Volkstümlichkeit im mittelalterlichen
Dänemark. Zur Wechselwirkung von Wandmaleri und Spielkultur“, Popular
Drama in Northem Europe in the Later Middle Ages, a Symposium at Odense
University, November 1986 (eds. Flemming G. Andersen et al), 1988, p. 246.
73 M. Bakhtin, Rabelais andhis World, 1986, p. 96.
72
halo – it has probably disappeared during the years.
Above Jesus and the disciples, a lively scenery is taking place. Two
men are tied together by a rope round their necks. One of them is standing
on the shoulders of another man, who is drawing at his legs at the sarne
time. The other one’s foot is held tightly by a woman, while she is
whipping him with a birch rod. The man being whipped also empties bis
gut onto a urinating man standing below him. This scene with two men tied
together drawing ropes is called Dra granja.14
But is the depiction of The Last Supper grotesque and obscene? Is it
not just a modern notion of what is considered sharneful when we are
digusted by the fact that one man is defecating and the other one urinating.
It is our own moral and religious ideas that block our understanding of
images like tl1ese. That is why they have only been perceived within a
moral-religious context, as a symbol of civitas terrena – the earthly city –
in contrast to civitas dei – the heavenly city.
The physical and the religious were not constrasts in the Middle
Ages. The organism was a mystic and arnbigous thing, consisting of both
soul and body; two constantly battling elements. On the one hand, the
body was seen as the prison of the soul, on the other band salvation could
only be obtained through the body. But the body was also a physical
reality. For most people the body was a hard working mechanism and was
often subject to illness and injury. The physical mechanisms were abstract
and intangible and were, therefore, only explainable through a religious
and mystic view of the world.
Medieval man bad a very different relationship to the physical and
especially to faecal matters to the one we have today. As Michael Carnille
points out: „The first assumption we have to rid ourselves of is that
‚earthy‘ medieval folks were, like children, innocent and anal obsessives.
But second, and even more important, we have to forget our modern postFreudian
notions of excrement linked with decay, infection and death.“75 It
is notions like these that make the depiction of The Last Supper seem
strongly blasphemic.76
74 Seren Kaspersen, „Bildende Kunst, Theater und Volkst,mlichkeit im mittelalterlich
D%onemark. Zur Wechselwirkung von Wandmalen und Spielkultur“, Popular Drama
in Northern Europe in the Later Middel Ages, A Symposium at Odense University,
November 1986 (eds. Flemming G. Andersen et al), 1988, p. 247; Seren Kaspersen,
„Fastelavnskultur og kalkmaleri. Stege, Drigstrup, Täning, Agerup og Smerum kirker
o. 1 500-20“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 6 (ed. Ulla Haastrup), 1992, p. 225; Katrio
Kröll, „Die Komik des grotesken Körpers in der christlichen Bildkunst des
Mittelalters“ (Einfuhrung), Mein ganzer Körper ist Gesicht (eds. Katrin Kröll & Hugo
Steger), 1994, p. 38.
?s Michael Camille, Image on the Edge, 1 992, p. I I I . 16 Katrio Kröll, „Die Komik des grotesken Körpers in der christlichen Bildkunst des
Mittelalters“ (Einfilhrung), Mein ganzer Körper ist Gesicht (eds. Katrio Kröll & Hugo
73
Scatology was a part of medieval culture and was found in art as in
literature.77 The Iavatory world was very different 500 years ago. And it is
hard to imagine what it was actually like, but it definitely did not smell
nice neither in church nor at home.78 Excrements from both humans and
animals were used in agriculture as manure79 and, tl1ereby, had an
important place in the cycle of life, from birth till death and re-birth. It is as
part in this process of transfonnation that the excrements are important, in
the idea that everything changes from one material fonn to another.
In the MiddJe Ages, the Eucharist was one of the most important
sacraments and a sacrament build on the power of mystic trans-fonnation.
During mass the bread and wine transsubstantiated into the flesh and blood
of Christ. And the blood and flesh was transfonned once more inside the
human body. 80
The depiction of The Last Supper in Sm0rum shows a juxtaposition
between two processes of transfonnation. The religious one of bread and
wine to flesh and blood and the secular one, where the consumed foods are
transfonned into excrements ultimately to be used as fertilizers. Perhaps
that is why the excrements in the image are put into a bucket – as a symbol
of recycling.
The games taking place above Christ and the disciples, and the
woman with the birch rod can be understood in connection with the
Eucharist and the Easter ritual. Maundy Thursday was followed by the
darkness of Good Friday, a day of sorrow and self-torture. In some places
Steger}, 1994, p. 3& holds that the reason why the grotesque image is placed right next
to (is put on the same foot with} the Last Supper in the vault, is to enlarge the
blasphemic dimension.
77 Karl P. Wentersdorf, „The Symbolic Significance of Figurae Scatologicae Gothic
Manuscripts“, Word, Picture, and Spectac/e (ed. Clifford Davidson}, 19&4, p. 1-21
mentions that the Gothic manuscripts are filled with scatological images. Lillian M. C.
Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts, 1 966, p. 192-194 similarly
notes a variety of scatological images in the manuscripts. Howard R. Bloch, The
Scandal of the Fahliaux, 19&6, p. I I , 35, 52-55 shows that the subject also appears in
the fabliaux. Anne Clark, Beast and Bawdy, 1975, p. 124-126, mentions that animal
faeces was eaten as medicine, especially the faeces of the she-goat was considered a
§ood remedy for different kinds of eye-diseases.
8 The large number offunerals inside the church also contributed to making the stench
unbearable. T. F. Troels-Lund, Dagligt liv i Norden i det sekstende Aarhundrede Vol.
I, 196& , p. 299.
79 Nils Hybel, „Klima, misvrekst og hungers110d i Danmark 1 3 1 1 – 1 3 19“, Historisk
Tidsskrift 97 hrefte I , 1997, p. 36; Bruce M. Campbell, „Agricultural Progress in
Medieval England: Some Evidence from Eastem Norfolk“, The Economic History
Review, 2 ser. Vol. 36, 19&3, p. 32-36.
80 Anne Riising, Danmarks middela/derlige prrediken, 1 969, p. 229-241 .
74
it was tradition to whip each other to feel the suffering of Jesus.81 The
woman in SI11.0rum can be understood in this connection. Saturday was a
day of rejoycing and preparation for the coming feast. The priest blessed
the seed and food of the peasents. On Sunday the resurrection of Christ
was celebrated by everyone. The two men drawing rope can be seen as a
symbol of the joy and wildness characterising the festival.
The depiction ofThe Last Supper in Sllillrum is not grotesque. On the
contrary, it distinctly shows the Easter-rituals and celebration.
The character of the image can be understood by the words of Aron
Gurevich: „Medieval grotesque was rooted in a specific kind of dualist
view of the world in which heaven and earth stood face to face. The
medieval mind brought these oppos1t10ns together, drew the
unapproachable close, united the fragmented, and, occasionally, for a
moment produced a very real synthesis.‘.s2
Conclusion
Were those i.mages that we today call grotesques considered grotesques in
the Middle Ages? And is it at all a suitable word to use for the antiiconographic
motifs?
Above I have tried, from a semiotic point of view, to see the images
as bearers of different layers of meaning. I think that the images do not just
connote Ievels of meaning within a moral-religious universe, but had a far
broader frame of reference; a frame of reference containing both the
secular and the religious world, which could not clearly be distinguished.
Just like the boundary between the high and the low were not unambigous.
The grotesque images have traditionally been understood as symbols
of the vices, that is as moralising images contrasring the religious ones.
But when seen in connection with the religious images, it seems likely that
the grotesques were part of an interplay and not contrasting with the
religious imagery. This is obvious in The Last Supper in Smarum where
the secular and the religious images refer to the same phenomena – that is
the Eucharist and the Easter ceremonies; and as weil in Narre Herlev and
Vigersted where games and juggling were not necessarily in centrast to the
holy legend of St. Nicolaus.
81 T. F. Troels-Lund, Daglgi t /iv i Norden i det sekstende Aarhundrede Vol. 4, 1968,
r:· 1 87.
2 Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Cult11fe: Problems of Belief and Perceplion.
Cambridge, (1988) 1990, p. 1 83.
75
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
39
KREMS 1998
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KULTURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
Herausgeber: Mediwn Aevwn Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der
materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500 Krems, Österreich.
Für den Inhalt verantwortlich zeichnen die Autoren, olme deren ausdrückliche
Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdmck, auch in Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Dmck:
KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, A-l 050 Wien.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Axel Bolvig, Danish Wall-paintings -an Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Axel Bolvig, Ars /onga- vita brevis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Jesper Jerre Borrild, Medieval Danish Wall-paintingsan
Internet Database . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Annedorte Vad, Devils here, there and everywhere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Steen Schj0dt Christensen, Mysterious Images –
Grimacing, Grotesques, Obscene, Popular:
Anti- or Conunentary Images? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Martin Bo N0rregärd, The Concept ofLabour
in the Danish Medieval Wall-paintings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Axel Bolvig, Images ofLate Medieval ‚Daily Life‘:
A History of Mentalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Annamäria Kovacs, Costumes as Symbols.
The Pictorial Representations of the Legend of
King Ladislas of Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Anca Golgtitan, Family, Patronage, and Artistic Production:
The Apafis and Mäläncrav (Almakerek, Malmkrog),
Sibiu District, in Transylvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
3
Vorwort
Medium Aevum Quotidianum legt mit Heft 39 einen Band vor, welcher
sich schwerpunktartig mit der Analyse von Bildquellen, vor allem
Wandmalerei, auseinandersetzt Die Autoren der Beiträge stammen aus
zwei Institutionen, in denen Bilddokumentation und Analyse konzentriert
betrieben werden: dem Department of History an der Universität
Kopenhagen und dem Department of Medieval Studies an der Central
European University, Budapest. Das erstgenannte Institut ist besonders
durch seine Digitalisierung des Gesamtbestandes dänischer Wandmalerei
bekannt geworden, der über das Internet allgemein zugänglich geworden
ist und als Basis für umfassende qualitative und quantitative
Bilduntersuchungen herangezogen werden kann. Das Department of
Medieval Studies der CEU konzentriert sich in Zusammenarbeit mit dem
Institut für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften auf die Sammlung,
Katalogisierung, Dokumentation und Analyse zentraleuropäischen
Bildmaterials. Die VerfLigbarkeit des aufgearbeiteten Bestandes via
Internet ist in Vorbereitung.
Medium Aevum Quotidianum ist nun auch mittels Internet
erreichbar (http://www.imareal.oeaw.ac.at/maq/). Im Augenblick bieten
wir das Inhaltsverzeichnis aller seit unserer Gründung im Jahre 1982
erschienenen Bände. Aktuelle Informationen, Links zu anderen, uns
wichtig erscheinenden Websites sowie Berichte werden in Zukunft das
Service-Angebot erweitern.
Gerhard Jaritz, Herausgeber
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