Standards of Living, Order, and Prestige: Public Facilities in Early Fifteenth-Century Lviv (Lemberg)

Standards of Living, Order, and Prestige:
Public Facilities in Early Fifteenth-Century Lviv (Lemberg)
Rostyslav Paranko (Lviv)
I
This contribution is intended as a case study of urban material culture in
the late Middle Ages. The particular aspect to be investigated – city-owned
public facilities- is worth of attention for several reasons.
Of these, the most important is the fact that public facilities constitute one
of the most prominent indicators of the Ievel of development, everyday needs,
and living conditions in late medieval urban society:
„Die historische Umwelt, Alltag und Fest des spätmittelalterlichen
Stadtbewohners, Gesundheit, Daseinvorsorge und Bildungsvermittlung
wurden in entscheidender Weise vom Volumen und der
Intensität öffentlicher Bauanstrengungen bestimmt.“1
(The historical environment, everyday life and special days of the late medieval
city-dwellers, as weil as their health, means of existence, and the transfer of
knowledge were decisively determined by the intensity and volume of public
building activity,i
Although we completely agree with this remark by Gerhard Fouquet, it is
nevertheless necessary to note that in the present essay we shall consider
„public facilities“ in a somewhat wider sense. Not only relevant building
activities (although they will receive most of the attention), but also other
factors connected to satisfying various areas of public need, will be taken into
account.
Another reason for studying urban public facilities, and especially those
controlled by town governments, is the possibility of touching upon the issue of
administration of the town’s finances. On the one band, public facilities could
1 Gerhard Fouquet, „‚Ad Structurarn civitatis‘: Der öffentliche Baubetrieb Hamburgs und die
Errichtung von Mühlen- und Schleusenanlagen in Fuhlsbüttel während der Jahre 1 465/87,“
in Öffentliches Bauen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit: Abrechnungen als Quellen for die
Finanz-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des Bauwesens, edited by Ulf Dirlmeier, Rainer
S. Elkar, and Gerhard Fouquet (Siegen: Scripta Mercaturae, 1991 ), 206.
2 Translation mine.
7
represent a source of income. On the other hand, their construction,
maintenance, and functioning always demanded certain expenses. In some cases
these costs were extremely high, and provide a good illustration of the methods
used by medieval town govemments to mobilise substantial funds.
In our study of urban public facilities in Lviv (Lemberg), we intend to
proceed as follows. We shall present and interpret the available data on the
historical development of different public facilities. We will consider then the
measures taken by the town govemment to provide for their construction,
maintenance, and functioning, and finally identify their purposes and the roJe
they played in the life of the town. The discussion of the purposes and the roJe
of different groups of facilities will be continued and further amplified by
placing them within the context of their relative importance to the town
government. This will be done mostly through a comparison of the expenditures
incurred and (where applicable) of the incomes and other benefits derived by
the town government in connection with this or that facility. Knowledge of
income and costs should help us form conclusions conceming the Ievel of
development in administration and financing of the public facilities achieved by
Lviv at the beginning of the fifteenth century.
The main sources used in the present essay are two account books from the
town govemment of Lviv, covering the years 1404-1426.3 These books
predominantly contain records of the incomes and expenses of the town
govemment, although the records of debts (both due to and owed by the
govemment), the results of elections to the town council, Jists of new citizens,
and schedules of extraordinary taxes (schoss, exaccio) are also to be found
there. For our purposes, most important are the sections on incomes and
expenses.
In addition to the account books, a nurober of auxiiiary sources are used in
the present study. These are charters, either connected directly to the
foundation, ownership, and use of the public facilities or containing at least
some information about them.4 Another auxiliary source is the book of the town
council and scabinal court from the years 1381-1389/ which also provides, in
3 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2 and 3; for the description of the originals see Karol
Badecki, Archiwum Akt Dawnych miasta Lwowa: A. Oddzia/ staropolski. (Archive of the
early acts of Lviv: A. Department of Old Poland), vol. 4, Ksi􀂔gi rachunkowe (lonherskie):
1404-1788 (Account books: 1404- 1788) (Lviv: Naldadem gminy k:r61. stol. miasta Lwowa,
1936), 1 -4.
4 The charters are published in Akta grodzkie i ziemskie z czas6w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z
archiwum tak zwanego Bernardynskiego we Lwowie (Castrensial and terrestrial acts from
the Iimes ofRzeczpospolita Polska from the so-called Bemardine archive in Lviv), 24 vols.;
vols. 1 – 1 0 (Lviv: Galicyjski wydzial k:rajowy, 1868-1884).
5 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I; for the description of the originals see Badecki, Archiwum
Akt Dawnych, vol. 3, Ksi􀂔gi i akta administracyjno-sqdowe: 1382-1787 (Books and acts of
8
addition to the records on property transactions, the decrees of the council for
that period. The same kind of information is available from the work of Karo]
Badecki, in which he collected and commented upon the fragments of the lost
fifteenth-century books of the town council.
6
Of some significance as a primary
source is the „chronicle“ of the nineteenth-century Lviv historian Dionizy
Zubrzycki since it contains data from archival material, which was subsequently
lost.
7
These works, however, by no means compensate the loss of the town
council’s account book from 1 4 14-1459. During the period 1 4 1 4-1426 this
book was kept as a complement to the extant one, and predominantly contained
records of incomes. 8
II
Lviv was founded by rulers of the Ruthenian Halych-Volhyn principality in the
mid-thirteenth century. Originally it served as a strenghold of resistance against
the Mongo1-Tatar invasion.
9
By the end of the thirteenth century, however, the
settlement bad become an important centre of commerce, mainly due to its
position at the end of the trade routes Jeading from the Black Sea Italian
colonies to the Baltic coast (through Torun), and to such major German urban
centres as Wroclaw and Nurernberg (through Krakow).
10
During the second half
of the thirteenth century a heavy influx of Armenian, Jewish, and especially
German craftsmen and merchants took place. The predominantly German
settlement, situated immediately to the south of the old Ruthenian town, formed
the basis for what was later considered as the proper civitas of Lviv (see fig.
J) II
In 1 349, after severa1 mi1itary campaigns by the Polish king Kazimir the
Great, Galicia and its major urban centre- Lviv- became dependent from the
kingdem of Poland. For a relatively short period from 1370 to 1 3 88 Galicia and
Lviv formed a part of the Hungarian kingdom. In 1 388, however, tbey again
submitted to Polish rule, this time for good.
the administration and court: 1382-1787) (Lviv: Nakladem gminy kr61. stol . miasta Lwowa,
1 935), 1-2.
6 Karo] Badecki, Zaginione ksi􀂒gi sredniowiecznego Lwowa: Studjum rekonstrukcyjne (The
lost books of medieval Lviv: A study in their recon struction) (Lviv: Nakladem gminy miasta
Lwowa, 1927).
1 Dionizy Zu brzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa (Chronicle of the city of Lviv) (Lviv: Nakladem
autora, 1 844).
8 Badecki, Archiwum Akt Dawnych, vol. 4, 4-5; Badecki, Zaginione ksi􀂒gi, 34-39.
9 Aleksander Czolowski, Lw6w za ruskich czas6w (Lviv in the Ruthenian period) (Lviv:
Gubrynowicz i Scmidt, 1 8 9 1 ), 8-10.
10 Lucja Charewiczowa, Handel sredniowiecznego Lwowa (Commerce in medieval Lviv)
(Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego imienia Ossolinskich, 1 925), 3 1 -32.
11 Czolowski, L w6w za ruskich czas6w, 1 1 -12.
9
1
Fig. 1: Lviv at the beginning of the fifteenth century
I Poltva River (Peltew)
2 The Lower Castle (residence of the royal administration)
3 The Tatargate (porta Tatarum)
4 First fortification line (the „higher“ wall)
5 Second fortification line (the „lower“ wall}
6 Defensive moats
7 The Halych gate (porta Haliciensis)
8 The Butchers‘ tower (turris nowa retro macel/as, turris Carnificium)
9 Parish Church ofVirgin Mary
IOTown hall
II The Market square
Throughout the second half of the f ourteenth century Lviv received a great
deal of attention from its rulers. Recognising Lviv’s roJe both as a centre of
10
trade and as a boder stronghold, they granted several important privileges to the
town; the most significant of them were the right of possession and use of 100
mansi of land adjoining the town12 as weil as the right to impose a fourteen-day
staple duty on the merchants travelling through Lviv.13
As for Lviv’s legal status as a civitas, tradition connects its origins to a
charter of locatio issued in 1 356 by Kazimir the Great in which to Lviv was
granted Magdeburg law.14 However, there is sufficient evidence to show that
various institutions, characteristic of urban Settlements under German law
(advocatus, town council, guilds), existed in Lviv long before that date. This
suggests that the first locatio privilege may already have been granted to Lviv
by the Ruthenian rulers.15 Such a suggestion agrees weil with the fact that
multiple locatio for one settlement was a usual practice in the medieval
kingdom of Poland.16 Thus, by the end of the fourteenth century Lviv bad, in
addition to a solid economic status, a rather long tradition of administration
based on the German model.
The govemment of Lviv consisted of the town council, presided over by
the proconsul, and the scabinal court, presided over by the advocatus. Each of
the two groups – scouncillors (consules) and scabinal judges (scabini) – was
composed of twelve lifetime members. Each year, six of the twelve members
were elected to hold office. The councillors and scabinal judges belonged to the
upper stratum of Lviv citizens. Usually they were members of the most wealthy
merchant and landowner families. It happened quite often that the
representatives of these families occupied places in town’s government for
several generations.17
While the functions of the scabinal court were limited to exercising the
judicial power of the govemment, the town council had a much wider range of
responsibilities. Along with legislative activity and representing the community
politically, the councillors were also in charge of the general management of the
town’s economy.
12 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 19, 21.
13 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 32, 42.
14 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 5.
15 J6zef Skoczek, „Ze studj6w nad sredniowiecznym Lwowem“ (From studies of medieval
Lviv), Pamifltnik Historyczno-Prawny 6.3 (1928): 360-366; Myron Kapral‘, „Pryvilej 1365
roku jak povtorne nadannia magdeburz’koho prava dlia mista L’vova“ (The privilege of
1365 as the second granting of Magdeburg Law to Lviv), in L ‚viv: Misto, suspil’stvo,
kul ‚tura: Zbirnyk naukovykh prats‘ (Lviv: City, society, culture: A collection of scbolarly
works), edited by Maijan Mudryj (Lviv: LDU im. lvana Franka, 1999), 11-21.
1
6 Paul W. Knoll, „The Urban Development of Medieval Po land: With Particular References
to Cracow,“ in The Urban Society of Eastern Europe in Premodern Times, edited by Barisa
Krekic (Berkeley: University ofCalifomia Press, 1987), 87.
17 J6zef Skoczek, „Studja nad patrycjatem lwowskim wiek6w srednicb“ (A study on Lviv
patriciate in the Middle Ages), Pamifllnik Historyczno-Prawny 7.5 (1929): 238-239, 250-
251.
I I
For the members in late medieval municipal govemment, their towns were
not unlike profitable enterprises.18 In order for an enterprise to be successful,
several conditions had to be fulfilled. The enterprise required that a certain Ievel
of security be maintained. Its employees should have a relatively comfortable
and healthy work environment, there should be some means of controlling and
of extracting profit. Finally, it was always advantageous when the public
thought weil of an enterprise. If late medieval towns may be thought of as
„enterprise,“ then it is clear that fulfilment of each of these conditions at least
partially depended on availability and functioning of this or that public facility.
Let us examine how the town-council of early fifteenth-century Lviv, thus,
created a „successful enterprise“.
III
III.1 DEFENSE F ACILITIES
Fortifications
Various narrative sources display discrepancies in terms of the dating of the
oldest Western-style fortifications in Lviv. Some state that the construction of
walls and towers was started by Kazimir the Great after he had conquered Lviv
and granted the town a locatio charter. Other sources mention the fortifications
as already existing in 1 350, which might be viewed as an argument for dating
their origins to the period ofthe Halych-Volhyn principality. 19
The first record that can be considered completely reliable comes from
1 368. It is a royal charter granting to the town the possession and use of one
hundred mansi of land adjoining the walls: centum mansos franconicos …
incipiendo a fronte murorum.20 In the records from 1 382- 1 389 we have
numerous references to the town walls and especially to the two main gates:
Halych gate and Tatar gate21. A bridge in front of the Halych gate is also
mentioned.22 Most of the scholars, therefore, agree that the first fortification line
18 Maria Bogucka and Henryk Samsonowicz, Dzieje miast i mieszczanstwa w Polsee
przedrozbiorowej (History of the cities and bu rghers in Poland before its division)
(Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1986}, 177-178.
19 Josyp Hrons’kyj, „Oboronni ukriplennia seredn’ovichnoho L’vova“ (Defensive fortifications
ofmedieva1 Lviv), Zhovten‘ 6 (1979): 121. 20 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 19.
21 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 12, 25, 135, 160a, 187,207, 215, 218, 333, 376, 392,
405, 414, 442, 444,556,624, 632,646,649.
22 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 392.
12
of medieval Lviv, the „higher“ walls, was functional before the beginning of the
fifteenth century. 23
The analysis of the town council’s account books provide another
argument which favours the opinion that the „higher“ wall had been completed
by the end of the fourteenth century. During the years 1404-1407 we observe
only minor expenditures (less than 2 sexagenae per annum)24 on repairs to the
wooden elements such as the tower and wall roofs (tectus ad sagittandum),
steps (gradus), and gates (as a supplement of the discussion of the fortification
expenses, here and henceforth, see figs. 2 and 3)?5 The character of such
expenditures suggests maintenance of the existing buildings rather than fullfledged
construction work.26 The same is true about the two gate bridges: in
1 407-1408, less than 9 sexagenae are spent for the wooden beams, boards,
nails, and labour. In 1405 and 1406 there are no expenditures for the bridges.
The situation changed in 1408 when the construction of a new tower began
(turris nowa retro mace/las, later turris Carnificium). Along with the usual
maintenance work on the wooden parts of the walls and towers, we observe an
increase of expenditures for bricks in 1408 and 1 409 (20.5 and 1 6 sexagenae,
respective1y). During these two years, however, only the preparatory work and
production of the building material must have taken place. Construction proper
began in 1 4 1 0 . It is in this year that the expenses for the production of bricks
(20 sexagenae) were accompanied by those for mortar (7 sexagenae) as weil as
the sa1ary of two masons (22.5 sexagenae). Construction of the turris
23 Franciszek Jaworski, Lwow za Jagielly: Opowiadania historyczne (Lviv in Jagellon times:
Historical sketches) (Lviv: Towarzystwo Milosnik6w Przeszlosci Lwowa, 191 0), 43-44;
Hrons’kyj, „Oboronni ukriplennia,“ 121.
24 Except for figures, where the data is presented in Polish grossi, all other references to
financial Operations are given in sexagenae, the currency predominating in our sources.
Sexagenae were the traditional Galician currency used in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries
along with the cornmon currency of the kingdom of Poland, Polish marks. One sexagena
was equivalent to 60 Polish grossi, while one Polish mark equaled 48 grossi. The relation of
sexagena to Polish mark was, therefore 5 : 4. In Lviv in 1404-1426 approximate prices for
some goods were as follows: 1 Iapis ( 12.06 kg) of bee wax, I sexagena; I Iapis of pepper,
3.5-4 sexagenae; a barre! of beer, 0.5 sexagena; one horse, 3-4 sexagenae.
25 Figure 2 shows, on the one hand, the amounts indicated in the records that explicitly refer to
the basic elements of the fortification system (such records, however, do not represent the
whole of fortification expenses). On the other hand, there were those costs connected to the
three main kinds of construction work (the purpose of which is not always indicated).
Juxtaposition of these data allows a rough estimat e o f the actual fortification expenses.
26 Taking this into account, the suggestion of Josyp Hrons’kyj (see Hrons’kyj, „Oboronni
ukriplennia,“ 122) concerning the construction of the Tatar gate tower („turris porte
Tartarorum“) and the Jews‘ tower („turris ludeorum“) during the years of 1404-1408 does
not seem plausible. The available records are related only to the maintenance of these
buildings, while their construction clearly dates to an earlier period, not covered by the
extant account books.
13
Carnificium probably ended by 1 4 1 3 since the volume of masonry work gradually
decreased through 141 1 and 1 4 1 2.
….
.9c, ::l
0 ,15./ .D 􀇪
„‚c. „0 ,15./ 􀁽
.&c,,15. / 􀁼c: :
Cc, ;:J
,15./ II c“c, I ,15./ c /c,,15. / c:“‚
Oc, „‚e- „‚ ,15./ u „‚ „‚
()/ „‚c::
,15./ Q. cf‘ 􀃹 / 􀁹 c:: ,15./ 0
·.c
<�: „‚0 􀃺 ,15./ „“ u::: 􀀱 ·,:: .9/ I ,15./ cB“‚ S’/ .;; ,15./ „‚ ‚-0 ,15.1: „‚C>l) „‚….
,15./ „0 ·;::: 2″‚ C;:,15. / CO E 0 C/l
c“/ N
,15./ oil „‚ ii: /I: <;;
,15./ 0 􀀱 0;: ,15./ m
60:& / ..“‚.. cPe� 􀀪“‚ :&/ B
<o „0 :&/ c:: „‚ .9Ci 􀇫 :&/ -.;􀃻 JO :&/ I ,15.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 :&/ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 00 ‚0 „“‚ N ( !SSO.t8qS!J0d) 14 􀇩I (Polishgrossi) N .j>. 0\ 00 0 i::i :;: 0\
0 0 0 0 0 0 8 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1404
1405
1406
1407
1408
1409
1410
„Tl 141 1
ciö‘
w 1412
c;l 1413 [
Q. 􀀡 1414
(‚;‘> ;:I „‚ 1415 􀀡􀀡 „0􀀡>< 1416 ;:I „‚ 1 4 1 7 􀇨 1 4 1 8 1419 1420 1421 1422 1423 1424 1425 1426 Along with the construction ofthe new tower, work on the defensive moats started in the spring of 1409.27 The amount of funds and labour dedicated to this purpose as weil as the wording of the account book ( … inceperunt fossaturn fadere . . . ) suggest that the records from 1409 and onwards refer to a substantial enlargement of the moats rather than to mere improvement and conservation. Al ready in that year, expenses ad fossaturn were quite substantial (29 sexagenae) although they reached their highest Ievels in 1410. The labour ofunskilled workers, paid on a week-by-week or daily basis, was predominantly used for improving the moats. The data from the account books make it possible to estimate the average nurober of the workers employed. The labour of unskilled workers Iasted from 6 May until 20 June in 1409 and from 16 June until 2 October in 1410.28 Taking a five-day working week as usual for German-speaking territories in the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries,29 it can be seen that unskilled workers worked 30 days on the improvement of the moats in 1409 and 50 days, in 1410. Having considered the total expenditures for unskilled workers during these two years (990 grossi and 6153 grossi, respectively) and the usual daily payment of such workers in early fifteenthcentury Lviv (1.5 grossz},30 we can conclude that in 1409 the nurober of the workers was 22, rising to 82 in 1410. The increase in the purchases of timber and payments to the carpenters in 1410 can also be explained by the ongoing improvements to the defensive moats. After being dug to the necessary depth, these moats were reinforced with wooden po1es.31 During the period of 1413-1415, fortification work almost completely ceased. The only exceptions are rather substantial improvements to the bridge in front ofthe Halych gate (16 sexagenae spent). Also in 1415, minor expenses for improvements to the wall and the defensive moats are recorded. The second significant peak in fortification activity occurred in 1418, when Lviv’s government began construction of the second fortification line – 21 „Domini consules inceperunt fossaturn fodere feria secunda ante fesrum sti Stanislay post Pascha [6 May] anno Domini MCCCC nono.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol.2, 248. 28 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 243, 246-248; cf. Antje Sander, „Die Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen von 1386 bis 1388,“ in Öffentliches Bauen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit: Abrechnungen als Quellen for die Finanz-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des Bauwesens, edited by Ulf Dirlmeier, Rainer S. Elkar, and Gerhard Fouquet (Siegen: Scripta Mercaturae, 1991 ), I 02; Fouquet, „Baubetrieb Hamburgs,“ 229. 29 Ulf Dirlmeier, „Zu Arbeitsbedingungen und Löhnen von Bauhandwerkern im Spätmittelalter,“ in Deutsches Handwerk in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit: Sozialgeschichte- Volkskunde- Literaturgeschichte, edited by Rainer S. Elkar (Göttingen: Otto Schwartz, 1983), 38; cf. Gerhard Fouquet, Bauen for die Stadt: Finanzen, Organisation und Arbeit in kommunalen Baubetrieben des Spätmittelalters: Eine vergleichende Studie vomehmlich zwischen den Städten Basel und Marburg (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 1999), 54-56; Sander, „Die Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen,“ I 03. 30 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2-3, passim. 31 Cf. Sander, „Die Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen,“ I 02. 16 the „lower“ wall – along the eastern and partly northern and southern borders of the town.32 The decision to build the „lower“ wall was connected with the necessity of modernising Lviv’s fortification system and help adapt it to the growing roJe of artillery in the sieges. 33 Again, in the years preceding 1418 one notices an increasing volume of brick production (almost 6 sexagenae were spent for this material in 1416 and 42 sexagenae in 1 4 1 7), while in 1418 the costs of production and transportation of bricks, stones, and mortar together with the salary of two masons ran to 166 sexagenae. The construction of the wall continued over the following two years as weil, although at a much lower intensity (in 1 4 1 9, 10 sexagenae were spent for bricks and 1ess than 5 sexagenae for the transportation of materials and masons‘ salary; in 1420, 36.5 sexagenae for bricks and 3 sexagenae for stone). The year 1422 marks the third peak in the volume of fortification activity. Thus, the town both resumed construction of the „lower“ wall ( 125 sexagenae spent for stone, mortar, transportation of materials, and masons‘ salaries) and made more substantial repairs on the wooden roofs above towers and the galleries of the „higher“ wall (almost 10 se:xagenae paid for shingles, nails, and other materials). In comparison with previous years, a fairly high amount of work was carried out both on the Tartar and Halych gates bridges (total expenses more than 7 sexagenae). At the same time, defensive moats were further en1arged and improved at a total cost of 40 sexagenae (this includes workers‘ pay, purchase of tools, and production of wooden support elements). Such a sudden rise in the building activity (and not only in the field of defense) in 1422 was due to the fact that at least a part of the funds, collected from Lviv citizens to support the king in his campaign agairrst the Teutonic order in 1421, bad never been used directly for this purpose and remained in the hands of the town council. 34 In addition to this, the king issued an order to the nobility possessing the Iands in the vicinity of Lviv, according to which the noblerneu bad to place a certain number oftheir peasants at the town council’s disposal fo this fortification work.35 However, the most important factor in determining the outcome of Lviv govemment’s fortification projects was a royal privilege granted to the town the end of 1425. The privilege exempted Lviv merchants from customs duty 32 Jaworski, Lw6w za J agielly, 45-47. 33 Jaworski, Lw6w z a Jagie/ly, 43, 45; cf. David Eltis, „Towns and Defense in Later Medieval Gennany,“ Nottingham Medieval Studies 33 (1989): 92-93. 34 Jaworski, Lw6w za J agielly, 47-48. Cf. cases of similar „inappropriate“ use of collected taxes described in Albert Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines en France du milieu du XIV siecle illa fin du XVe siecle,“ R evue Histor ique 273 (1985): 83-84. 35 Jaworski, Lw6w za J agie/ly, 49; cf. the tenninology of the account book “ vil lant‘, “ dorffo chaft“ , „R eusse“ . The practice of using peasants‘ labour in fortification of towns was common in late medieval Europe; cf Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 34-37. 17 throughout the kingdom of Poland under the condition that an equivalent amount of money would be submitted to the town council for financing fortification work.36 Notabte fortification expenditures were already made the next year, namely 23 sexagenae for construction of the wall and 6 sexagenae for work on the moats. Unfortunately, extant records do not allow us to trace the details of development of the second fortification line until 1428, when Muri Ciuitatis ex libertate Theloneorum et ex co/lectis Ciuium . . . sunt erecti.31 Nevertheless, an impressive sum for fortification expenses during the period from 1425 to 1428, 4118 sexagenae38, points to the fact that the main bu1k of the work on the second fortification 1ine became feasible only after Lviv had obtained a substantial source of financing ex libertate Theloneorum. Organisation of defense There is no exact evidence conceming the manning of Lviv’s fortifications at the beginning of the fifteenth century. lt is known, however, that at that time no mercenaries were hired by the town. In times of peace, only night guards (vigiles, vigilatores, wechter) kept watch at the gate towers and at the tower of the town hall, possibly due to re1uctance of burghers to render this service.39 The night guards were paid by the town council, although in quite an irregular manner (the sums of payments ranged from more than 7 sexagenae, as in 1412, to no payment at all, as in 1407, 1415-1417, 1420, 1421, and 1426.) In times of war, the fortifications were manned by the citizens. lt was, therefore, necessary to ensure that they had some military training. This training was carried out predominantly through target practice at the meetings of the socalled „marksmen ’s fratemity.'“‚0 Although Zubrzycki first mentions the existence of such a fraternity in 1446,41 the extant account books show that an expenditure of 1.5 sexagenae was already made for the czelstat (target practice 36 Akta gr odzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 75. Cf. Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 40-42. 37 Badecki, Zaginione ks ittgi, no. 11.14. 38 Zubrzycki, Kr onika miasta Lwowa, 93. 39 Cf. Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 98. 4° Cf. Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 99; Gerhard Fouquet, „Die Finanzierung von Krieg und Verteidigung in oberdeutschen Städten des späten Mittelalters (1400-1500),“ in Stad t und Kr ieg: 25. Arbeitstagung i n Bö blingen /986, edited by Bemhard Kirchgässner and Günter Scho1z (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1989), 65; Walter Hummelberger, „Die Bewaffnung der Bürgerschaft im Spätmittelalter am Beispiel Wiens,“ in Das Leben in d er Stad t d es Spätmittelal ters: Internationaler Kongress, Kre ms and d er Donau, 20. bis 23. September 1976, edited by Heinrich Appelt (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1980), 200-201. 41 Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa, I 06. 18 facility) in 1 4 1 9 (it is not clear, however, whether the purpose of that money was maintenance of the facility or a reward to the best marksman).42 The weapons were most probably individually purchased by citizens.43 This responsibility was, however, also shared by guilds and the town council. Thus, in 1407 Lviv’s govemment passed a decree demanding that within a year every guild should proeure one crossbow.44 Eight guilds actually followed the town council’s order by paying a bow maker 0.5 sexagena each,45 while the councillors themselves paid 4 sexagenae.46 There was, however, one kind of weapon owned by the entire urban community. That weapon was fire artillery, which in the fifteenth century became crucial for the defense of towns.47 The first reference to cannons in Lviv comes from 1 394, when the king brought several of them to the town along with six barreis of gunpowder.48 It is not clear whether these cannons remained in the town, but in any case Lviv already had artillery by 1404, since in that year we find payrnents to a cannon maker (magister pixidum). Some historians of Lviv claim that in the first quarter of the fifteenth century the town conducted a full-fledged manufacture of its own cannons, since the magister pixidum appears many times in the records of the account books from that period.49 Nevertheless, the character of the expenses gives rise to doubt such a claim. Indeed, moulding cannons usually involved significant funds.50 What we find in the records, however, are predominantly payments for production of wooden cannon stands (1 sexagena, 1 4 1 0; 5.7 sexagenae, 1 4 14; 2 sexagenae, 1422), stone missiles (4 sexagenae, 1410; 0.5 sexagena, 1 4 1 1 ; 0.5 sexagena for transportation of missiles, 1 4 1 6), and gunpowder (9.5 sexagenae, 1 4 1 0; 4.5 sexagenae, 1 4 1 7; 22.5 sexagenae, 1 422.) The salary of the cannon makers between 1404 and 1425 (ranging from 3 to 5 sexagenae per annum,51 and even that paid very irregularly) is also an argument against the existence of 42 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 235. 43 Cf. Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 91-92; Hurnmelberger, „Die Bewaffnung der Bürgerschaft,“ 197. 44 „Domini consules condictauerunt, quod de qualibet arte mechanicorum vnam balistam in vno anno debent ordinare et pro eadem vice quelibet ars mechanica debet dare 112 sxg. arcufici.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 146. Crossbow remained the most widely used hand weapon until the end of the fifteenth century. Hummelberger, „Die Bewaffung der Bürgerschaft,“ 199-200. 4s Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 146. 46 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 144. 47 Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 93-94. 48 Jaworski, Lw6w za Jagielly, 57; Karo! Badecki, Sredniowieczne ludwisarstwo lwowskie (Meta! moulding in Lviv in the Middle Ages) (Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego im. Osso1iriskich, 1921), 24. 49 Badecki, Sredniowieczne ludwisarstwo lwowskie, 21-32. so Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 93. st Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 23, 111; vol. 3, 12. 19 regular cannon production in Lviv in that period. It is possible that one cannon was produced in 1414- 1 4 1 5 ,52 when the town purchased 88.5 Iapides (circa 1 1 50 kilograms) of iron for 14 sexagenae, and paid the cannon maker an unusually high salary of 1 0 sexagenae53. From 1426 onward, however, the salary of a newly hired cannon maker ( 1 8 marks, equivalent of 1 4.4 sexagenae),54 were more adequate for the high costs of cannon moulding, and may be taken as an indication of a more regular production of cannons in Lviv. The development of defense facilities in Lviv is another example of a generat tendency observed in late medieval European towns, namely, the highly irregular character of defense- and especially fortification-related expenditures. 55 To a great extent this can be explained by the unpredictability of military necessities. However, there is another factor of no lesser importance where in the beginning of the fifteenth century Lviv seems to have played a predominant role. This factor is the extremely high cost of substantial improvements to the town’s defense system.56 The usual incomes of the town were not sufficient to finance !arger defense projects. Only the availability of some extraordinary (and therefore, short-terrn) sources of income provided possibilities for more than just maintenance and conservation of defense facilities. 57 Similarly, the financial aspect should be taken into account when considering the purposes of Lviv’s defense-related projects. Of course, their direct purpose – protection of the town and of the kingdom – played a very important rote in deterrnining the decisions of both the town council and of the royal administration. This is especially true for the second half of the twenties and the thirties of the fifteenth century, when the territory of Galicia was threatened by Tatar raids. In fact, Lviv’s fortifications acted as a barrier for one such raid in 1438.58 Nevertheless, it is also clear that undertaking substantial 52 Cf . .J. P. Kis‘, Promyslovist‘ L ‚ vova 11 p er iodfe odaliz mu (XIII-XIX st.) (lndustry in Lviv in the period of feudalism, thirteenth- nineteenth centuries) (Lviv: Vydavnytstvo L’vivs’koho universytetu, 1968), 116. 53 P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 42, 76. 54 P omniki dz iej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 426. 55 Cf. Gerhard Fouquet and UlfDirlmeier, „Probleme und Methoden der quantitativen Finanzund Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Spätmittelalters: Öffentliche Finanzen und städtische Militärpolitik in Basel und Harnburg während der Jahre 1460 bis 1481,“ in G eschichtswissensc haft und elektr onische Datenverarbeitu ng, edited by Kar! Heinrich Kaufhold and Jürgen Schneider (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1988), 206-209; Fouquet, „Die Finanzierung von Krieg und Verteidigung,“ 60-61; Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 88-89. 56 Cf. Eltis, “Towns and Defense,“ 94-95; Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 90-94. 57 Cf. Fouquet, „Die Finanzierung von Krieg und Verteidigung,“ 69-74; Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 56-60. 58 Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta L wowa, 99. 20 fortification projects provided a possibility to attract additional funds into the town’s budget, which then could be used for purposes not necessarily related to defense.59 III.2 WATER SUPPL Y F ACILITIES One way of solving the problern of water supply in medieval towns was using ground water from within the confines of a settlement via public and private wells. Originally, this path was followed in most of the towns.60 Although it had some advantages (for instance, the water could not be cut off during siege), it also had significant drawbacks. The wells could provide only a limited amount of water. Even more important, however, is the fact that the ground waters within the territory of a town were contaminated by seepage from latrines and dumps.61 Thus, pipeline systems bringing water from outside the towns became more and more widely used. Most of the towns in Germanspeaking territories acquired pipeline systems during the thirteenth – fifteenth centuries. In fact, in the fifteenth century some had already begun reconstructing and modernising their previously existing water lines.62 The development of water supplies in Lviv seems to basically follow the same pattem. In the account books from 1404-1426, we fmd occasional expenses for cleaning and repairs of the wells. The rarity of such records can be explained by the fact that in late medieval towns most of the wells belonged to private households.63 Indeed, it seems that the town council of Lviv financed maintenance only of those wells that served the needs of the most prominent representatives of the patriciate. 64 59 Expenditure of more than 23 sexagenae „de pecunia fossati“ for representation and other costs unre1ated to defense purposes in 1414-1415 is just one examp1e (Pomniki dziejowe L wowa, vol. 3, 9, 14.) Cf. Rigaudiere, „Le financement des fortifications urbaines,“ 25, 82- 83. 60 Ulf Dirlmeier, „Die kommunalpolitischen Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen süddeutscher Städte im Spätmitte1alter,“ in Städtische Versorgung und Entsorgung im Wandel der G eschichte: 18. Arbeitstagung in Vi//ingen 3.-5. November 1979, edited by Jürgen Sydow (Sigmaringen: Jan Tborbecke, 1981), 1 3 1 ; Fouquet, Bauenfür die Stadt, 225. 61 Fouquet, Bauen für die Stadt, 226-229; David Nicho1as, History of Urban Society in Europ e: The L ater Medieva/ City, 1300-1500 (New York: Longman, 1997), 339. 62 Nicholas, The L ater Medieva/ City, 339-340; Fouquet, Bauenfür die Stadt, 229-239. 63 Cf. Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 131-133; Ulf Dir1meier, „Zu den materiellen Lebesbedingungen in deutschen Städten des Spätmittelalters: Äußerer Rahmen, Einkommen, Verbrauch,“ in Stadtadel und Bürgertum in den italienischen und deutschen Städten des Spätmillelalters, edited by Reinhard Elze and Gina Faso1i (Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1991 ), 68. 64 „De Iabore fonlis contra lohannem Zommersteyn“; “pro fontis reformacione contra G eorgium Sehe/ar‘. P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 1 14, 1 1 5 ; see J6zef Skoczek, „Studja nad patrycjatem,“ 250, 254. 2 1 Much greater emphasis was placed on development of a piped water system. It is not clear whether any such system had existed before the beginning of the studied period, or whether it was a complete innovation in early fifteenthcentury Lviv. Wording of the record from 1405 (Exposita pro fonte canali de nouo facto – „Expenditures for a water duct weil, built anew „) might be viewed as an argument in favour of the former option65. Unfortunately, tbere is not enough other evidence either to confirm or to reject such a hypothesis. In any case, it is clear that in 1 404-1405, a !arge water supply project got underway. For these years the records indicate work on a certain fons extra ciuitatem – most probably, a spring or rather a group of springs in the hills to the south-east of the town, which was to become the source of water for the entire pipeline system.66 Payments for the transportation of stone and a mason’s salary in 1 404 (total of 2 sexagenae) suggest tbat construction of a reservoir, laid out in stone, began near the springs. Besides that, 1 sexagena was paid out for cleaning them. Tbe works on the springs and reservoir continued even more intensively (and probably were finished) the next year, when 9 sexagenae were paid to the workers for completing the task. Simultaneously, the first series of water lines were constructed, as shown by purchases ofthe building materials. The main material used for the water lines were wooden pipes made of hollowed tree trunks. Very rarely do we find copper pipes mentioned.67 Larger ceramic pipes (ol/ae). which appear in the account books only before 1 422, were used to conduct water from the springs into the confines of Lviv,68 while the wooden ones formed the pipeline network within the town. The pipes were connected to each other by iron joints, the places of connection being insulated with cotton (bombex, bawmwol/e) or thick canvas (te/a grossa) and treated with grease (aruina, smer) or tar (pech).69 The water lines terminated in wells made ofwood and iron. The scarcity ofthe records concerning the wells suggests that their construction and maintenance was the responsibility of the individuals using them. The town council financed only a few street wells and those serving tbe needs of communal facilities, such as the bath or brickyard. 70 65 Lucja Charewiczowa, Wod ociqgi starego L wowa, 1404 – 1663 (Water ducts in old Lviv, 1404-1663) (Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladow Wodocüu�owych miasta Lwowa, 1934), 7. 66 Charewiczowa, Wod ociqgi starego L wowa, 8. 67 Wood was the most widespread water duct material in late medieval towns. Lead or copper pipes were not so popular, both because of their price and because of health considerations (water from the wooden ducts was considered more „healthy“). They were used predominantly for the terminal parts of the water lines immediately joining the wells. Fouquet, Bauen fiir d ie Stad t, 230; Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 137-138. 68 Cf. Zubrzycki, Kr oniko miasta L wowa, 73; Charewiczowa, Wod ociqgi starego L wowa, 7. 69 Cf. Fouquet, Bauenfor die Stad t, 240. 70 Pomniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 3, 41, 203, 370, 436. 22 For tbe period before 1422 we can trace the developrnent of Lviv’s water supply system predominantly through observing the salary paid to tbe magister canalium – a craftsman hired by the town council especially for production, installation, and maintenance of pipelines and wells.71 The records from 1 4 1 3 , 1 4 1 5 , and 1 4 1 6 state that the salary ofthe magister cana/ium was 6 sexagenae a year, all the materials for bis work being provided by the town council. 72 However, the actual disbursernents recorded in the account books were usually bigher than this figure and never in the same amount in different years. This suggests that the payments to tbe magister canalium probably included the cost of materials used in a particular year (such an interpretation seems also to be plausible due to the fact that records specifically mentioning expenses for materials, are quite rare before 1422). It is therefore reasonable to assume that the salary ofthe magister canalium is a fairly reliable indicator of the volume of work on the water duct system in these years. However, more specific data are not available. During the period of 1 404-1420 the work on the pipeline system continued at a rather stable pace, yearly expenses being usually more or less close to the average of 1 1 .6 sexagenae (see fig. 4). Exceptions are the years 1407, 1 4 1 0, and 1 4 1 5, when we observe a sharp decrease in expenditures, and 1408, when, on the contrary, the amount paid to the magister canalium increased significantly. The peak of expenses in 1406 was caused by substantial repairs on wells carried out along with the regular work on the pipeline systern. As for the increase of the water supply expenses in 1 4 1 2, it can be explained by the fact that outstanding debts on the salary of the magister canalium were cleared that year.73 This stable pace changed after 1 42 1 . In 1422 total expenditure for construction of the water ducts ran up to almost 35 sexagenae and remained at this Ievel for tbe next two years. In 1425 and 1426 the expenses decreased, but were still relatively high ( 1 9.6 and 24.6 sexagenae, respectively). 71 Hiring a permanent worker for this purpose was a common practice in 1ate medieva1 towns. Fouquet, Bauen for die Stad t, 24 1-246; Dirlmeier, „Kommuna1po1itische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 135-1 36; Dir1meier, „Materielle Lebensbedingungen in deutschen Städten,“ 69. 72 „Domini consulares conuenerunt d uctores aquarum annatim pro VI sxg. ita turn, quod ollas omnes et canalia pro ead em d uccione aque spectancia, d ebent persoluere et a/ia pertinencia ipsis ministrare“; „Notand um, quod d omini Consulares magistro canalium solent annuatim censuare VI sxg. afesto sti Procopii [4 Ju1y] usque ad aliumfestum sti Procopii, ita tarnen, quod d omini Consules pred icto magistro canalium omnes ollas et canalia pro d uccione aque ord inent et ministrent“; „Pred icti magistri canalium VI sxg. sunt annuus census, et dies annuus suus ubi incipitur et terminatur est dies sti Procopi.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 330; vol. 3 , 72, 109. 73 „[Magister canalium] percepit XII 112 sxg. et I gr super censum d uorum annor um.“ Pomniki dz iej owe Lwowa, vol. 2, 306. 23 ..9􀁺.6 / J“‚􀁺.6 / .6􀁺.6 / „‚􀁺 .6/ – 􀁺􀁺.6 / /􀁺.6 / 0􀇧.6 / 􀁻.6 / J>/.6 / <‚/,.6 / ..9/
I .6/
J“‚/.6 /
.6/ .6/
(/.6 / 􀁺1:.6 / //, – 0.6/ /.6 /
tra <S/
I 0 V‘> 0 V‘>
N N – 􀁋 􀁌
(!SSO􀃸 qS!IOd)
24
From 1422 on, the records are more differentiated as far as the purpose of
payments is concemed. Thus, unlike previous years, it is possib1e to distinguish
clearly between the proper salary of the magister canalium and various other
expenses. What one notices immediately is that in 1422-1426 the salary rose
from 6 sexagenae, set by the town council in 1413- 1 4 1 6, to 1 7-18 sexagenae.
This was obvious1y due to great intensification of work on the pipelines. In
order to be able to cope with his task, betweeen 1422-1426, the magister
canalium was occasionally assisted by up to 1 0 day workers. Calculations show
that during those years approximately 500 water pipes were laid.
Through the Observation of the development in the arnount of expenses
and in the character of materials purchased and work performed, it is possible to
distinguish the periods between 1404-142 1 and 1422-1426 as two major stages
in the construction of the pipeline system in Lviv. During the first stage, the
pipeline leading from the main reservoir to the town and, probably, the main
lines of the urban pipeline network were gradually constructed. On1y between
1404-1421 do we find expenses for the !arger ceramic pipes (ollae) used for
this purpose. In 1422, an intense expansion ofthe water duct network within the
town got underway. Since the extant account books provide data only until
1426, it is not c1ear whether construction of the network continued with the
same intensity later on or whether it was already coming close to completion
that year.
Another unsolved problern is the water usage fee. The sources from 1 404-
1 426 do not contain any information on payments for using the pipelines. It is
unlikely that their use was free of charge, since in the later period (end of the
fifteenth – beginning of the sixteenth century) fees were regularly collected by
the town council.74 Therefore, the absence ofthe relevant records in the account
books suggests that either the water line network was not yet functional in the
studied period (which is rather unprobable taking into account the intensity of
work in 1422-1426), or that the payrnents for its use were recorded in the lost
account book from 1414-1459 and are, thus, not available for the analysis.
III.3 PUBLIC BA TH
Two public baths are mentioned in the municipal records of Lviv from
1 3 82-1389. One of them, situated outside of the town walls, was run by
representatives ofthe Arrnenian community.75 From later sources we know that
it feil within the jurisdiction of the castle and paid fees directly to the royal
administration.76 The other bath was situated within the confines of the town.77
74 Charewiczowa, Wod ociqgi starego Lwowa. 17-18.
1 5 Pomniki dziej owe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 1 16, 5 1 1 .
76 Akta gr odzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 65; vol. I 0, no. 53.
17 Pomniki dziej owe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 4, 197, 727.
25
As it was originally also a royal property, we do not find in the account books
any related financial records until 1422. In March of 1422, however, the king
consented to requests of Lviv’s government78 and presented that bath to the
town on condition that 20 sexagenae should be paid to him every year. Despite
this rather high fee, the conditions were still favourable, as the privilege
contained permission to found any number of new baths free from fees.79 As
with other town-owned enterprises, the bath was Iet to an individual
(balneator), and already in 1422 the account books recorded that 1 8 sexagenae
bad been received de ba/neo. Some minor expenses for repairs of the bath’s
weil, and, probably, its furnace, are also noted.80
The amount of income was not high enough to meet the stipulations of the
royal privilege, not even speaking about making profit. It is therefore not
surprising that in 1423 the town council decided to make major improvements
to the bath, practically to rebuild it (dy badestobe czu brechen vnd czu bawen).81
The bath was still active in the first half of 1423 ( 1 4 sexagenae of income were
received during that period). From 2 August, however, very intense building
activity started. That year a total of 97 sexagenae was spent for construction of
a new building for the bath. The proportion of the expenditures for the main
groups of building materials (wood, mortar, and bricks) shows that the bath
must have been a half-timber building, typical of German-speaking regions.82
Within a rather short period (from the beginning of August until the end of
September), most of the construction work was completed through the efforts of
a carpenter with his apprentice, 2 masons, and 8 unskilled workers assisting
them.
The next year the bath was already actively used, at least in part (8
sexagenae of income collected by the town council), although some unspecified
wooden elements (most probably, the roof) and the weil were still under
construction. Payments for the transportation of lime suggest that the exterior
plastering of the walls was completed that year as weil. The fact that the total
expenditure for the construction of the bath was considerably lower than in
1423 – only about 14 sexagenae – also shows that the building work was close
to completion.
78 1n 1422, the account books record a purchase of fine cloth („atlanticum“ ) for 12 sexagenae.
That cloth was to be used as a present to the vice chancellar of the king „pr o eo, quod Iiteras
super balneum . . . exped iuit.“ Pomniki dziej owe Lwowa, vol. 3, 297.
79 Akta grod zkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 60.
80 Pomniki d ziej owe Lwowa, vol. 3, 290, 3 1 7, 320.
81 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 357; cf Jaworski, Lw6w za Jagie/ly, 37.
8
2 The cost of wooden elements constituted 73 per cent, the cost of mortar 1 7 per cent, and the
cost of bricks l 0 per cent of the total cost of materials; cf. the data on construction of a halftimher
mill in the suburb of Harnburg in 1465 (85 per cent, 1 1 per cent, and 4 per cent,
respectively). Fouquet, „Baubetrieb Hamburgs,“ 222-227; 251, table 2.
26
In 1425, after the new facility bad become fully functional,83 the result of
rebuilding the bath was obvious. The income increased to 32 sexagenae,
probably remaining close to this mark later on (thus, in 1426 an income of 33
sexagenae is recorded). lt is therefore possible to conclude that in the process of
rebuilding, the bath bad been significantly enlarged, so that a !arger nurober of
customers could be received simultaneously. This, on the one band, provided
the town budget with another source of income. On the other band, the
possibilities for maintaining personal hygiene became more readily available to
the citizens.
III.4 BUILDING-RELATED FACILITIES
The various kinds of materials and labour mentioned in the account books
from 1404-1426 point to the fact that at that time the town relied on several
facilities for its building projects. Thus, payments for the production of mortar
suggest the existence of local lime fumaces. Numerous purchases of stone show
that a stone quany functioned in the vicinity ofthe town. Carpenters and smiths
who provided wooden and meta! construction elements and tools must also have
bad workshops i n town. However, none of these facilities received any special
support from the town council. lt is not even clear whether they were communal
property or belonged to individuals hired by the town.
The only exception was a brickyard (latrificium, czigelschewne). Apart
from payments for its products, the municipal government of Lviv several times
invested rather considerable sums into the facility itself. Thus, in 1 4 1 3 an
expenditure of2.5 sexagenae for repairs to the brickyard’s building is recorded.
Improvements to the brick fumace and to the weil in the brickyard were made in
the following year (2.4 sexagenae spent). In 1 4 1 8, the work done on the fumace
and on the well, which can again be noted, was not very significant (the total
cost oftbis work was less than 1 sexagena). On the other hand, the wooden roof
of the brickyard underwent rather substantial repairs, if not a complete
reconstruction (the expenses for materials and labour come to 4 sexagenae).
However, the town council’s largest investment into brick production took
place in 1 426. That year, the construction of a new brickyard got underway.84
Nine persons were involved in the work on the new brickyard. The records
mention two carpenters and a mason, each of them being assisted by two
journeymen. The salary ofthese workers and the cost of materials added up to a
significant sum of 46.7 5 sexagenae.
83 Payment of 8 sexagenae for bricks „ad fornacem balnei“ is probably for clearing a debt for
the work done in the previous year.
84 „In die sti Sigismundi [2 May] inceptum est latrificium.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3,
438.
27
This particular attention of Lviv’s town council to brick production fits
into a general late medieval pattern. At that time brick gradually superseded
stone in many areas of urban building activity, something which can also be
observed in Lviv. In 1 404-1426 tbe town council’s cumulative expediture for
stone in proportion to tbat for brick was I to 2.7. This ratio can be explained by
tbe fact that the advantages of brick over stone became more and more obvious
as the volume of masonry construction grew in late medieval towns. Brick was
easier to produce and less dependent on geological conditions in a region.85
These qualities of brick were of special importance in the context of the last and
the greatest stage of modernising Lviv’s fortifications which took place in
1425-1428.
Ill.5 MILL
The earliest references to a mill in the vicinity of Lviv date back to the
Ruthenian period.86 Mills within the proper territorial possessions of the town
are mentioned, however, only in the second half of the fourteenth century. From
the oldest extant municipal records ( 1 382-1 389) as weil as from other sources,
we hear about four water mills in Lviv suburbs. These mills were probably built
along the Poltva (Peltew) river. One of them, situated in front of the Halych
gate, belonged to the king.87 Another mill, situated in front of the Tatar gate,
became the property of the guild of leather-workers in 1386, although from
1388 onwards it belonged partially in private hands.88 The mill in the Zboiska
suburb was donated to Lviv parish church of Virgin Mary in 1353 by a certain
comitissa Anna. According to the conditions of the donation, the right to
manage the mill and one third of the income was granted to the town council.
The remaining two thirds of the income was to be used for the construction and
maintenance of tbe parish church. 89 In the last decade of the l 300s, these rights
became the subject of a controversy with the provost of the parish church who
claimed complete control over the mill. After a long Iitigation process involving
the archbishop, the papal authorities, and the king, the town council lost the
case to the provost in 1 400.9° Finally, the fourth mill is mentioned in a record
85 Fouquet, Bauenfür die Stadt, 377 ff.
8
6 The charter, issued by king Kazimir the Great in 1352, acknowledges the possession ofland
property and of a mill which had been granted by the Ruthenian prince Leo, Akta grodzkie i
ziemskie, vol. 2, no. 1.
87 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 135. In 1391 the king granted one third of the income
from the mill to a certain Adam the Carpenter in recognition of „studia, que . . . in
continuacione labornm et strncturarnm Nostrarnm industriose exhibuit,“ Akta grodzki i
ziemskie, vol. 2, no. 20.
88 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I , no. 405, 621, 640, 704.
89 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 7.
90 See Skoczek, „Sredniowieczny Lw6w,“ 268-279.
28
from 1387 as a molendinum ciuitatis.91 Taking into account the status of the
other three mills at the end of the fourteenth century, it is reasonable to assume
that the town council’s account records from 1404-1426 conceming percepta et
exposita molendini refer to this last mill.
Our sources testify to rather regular maintenance work performed on the
mill, usually repairs to the wooden structure, the costs of which rarely exceeded
1 sexagena. In 1408, 141 3 , 1416, and 1417, the purchase and transportation of a
mill-stone is recorded. More substantial work took place only in 141 2 and 1417,
when expenses for the mill ran to more than 3.5 sexagenae. Maintenance of the
mill also included the strengtherring and repair of the earth dam for the mill’s
pond. Although in 1407, 1411, 141 2, and 1414 rather substantial conservation
work was conducted,92 in 1416 the darn was seriously darnaged, probably due to
a spring flood.93 That year’s expenditures show that the dam was practically
built anew. For this pmpose, throughout the summer working season, an
average of 6 workers were daily employed at a total cost of 15.2 sexagenae. The
workers were predominantly kept busy with the earthwork. Some of them also
cut and prepared rods (virgulta) for strengtherring the dam. Apparently the
reconstruction of the dam was comp1eted within that working season, since in
1417 the expenses for the darn constituted only 0.8 sexagena.
As for the incomes derived from the town council’s mill, it is rather
difficult to have a clear picture of them from the available sources. On the one
hand, it is known that every year the miller reported on the amount of the
payments received from the mill ’s customers and submitted part of this amount
to the town council. The Submitted sum varied significantly from year to year.
Thus, in 1407, it was 10.1 sexagenae, while the average figure for the period
from 1404-1426 was about 4 sexagenae. Occasionally that part of the income
was augmented by revenues from the sale of fish from the mill’s pond (3. 1
sexagenae in 1404 and 3 sexagenae in 1407). On the other hand, there are
records which point to the fact that the miller was also supposed to pay a certain
amount in kind. In 1416 he owed the town counci1 6 trunci of grain whi1e, in
1422, 10 trunci were submitted.94 However, records of such payments appear in
the account books only occasionally, so it is difficult to decide whether payment
in kind occurred regularly or just in a few sporadic cases.
91 Panmild dziejowe L wowa, vol. l , no. 475.
92 Expenditures suggest that in these years one or two workers were employed on the dam for
the whole duration of the regular summer working season (beginning of May – end of
September; cf. Sander, „Die Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen,“ l 02.)
93 Cf. the wording of the account book record: „Distr ibuta pr o restaurac ione et r efor mac ione
agger is destruc ti c irca mo/endinum ciuitatis“ . Ponrniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 3, 96.
94 „M olendinator ciuitatis tenetur c iuitati ue/ dominis Ill 1/2 trunc os siliginis et I 112 tr uncum
tr itic i. Item I trunc um siliginis“ ; „Perc epti sunt VIII trunc i siliginis, et II trunc i tr itic i de
molendino c iuitatis“ . Pomniki dziejowe L wowa, vol. 3, 97, 290.
29
III.6 COMMERCE-RELA TED F ACILITIES
Shops (institae)
In Lviv, as in other towns in the late medieval kingdem of Poland, the
shops and, accordingly, the persons using them, were divided into three classes:
institae divites („rieb shops“), institae pauperes („poor shops“), and penesticae
(„benches“). The privilege of the institae divites was the sale of goods in
measured units (ad pondus et mensuram). lnstitae pauperes were supposed to
sell in unmeasured „piles“ and „pieces,“ and offered only a limited variety of
goods (unfortunately, the extant sources do not provide any information on
what was included within that variety in the early fifteenth century). Penesticae
mostly sold food items.95 In his Chronicle, Dyonizy Zubrzycki suggests that the
institae divites in Lviv were housed in a single roofed building in the centre of
the Market square, similar to the Sukiennicy („Cloth Hall“) in Krakow, while
institae pauperes and penesticae were scattered in the square outside. 96 This
seems quite a likely scenario. The earliest extant records of sales from shops
(the end of the fourteenth century) use the term institae exteriores or extraneae
(„outside shops“) in opposition to the institae divites.91 In 142 1 , account books
from the town council mention a gate leading to institae divites,98 which also
suggests that these shops were situated in a single building or at least in some
separated space.
At the beginning of the fifteenth century, the shops in Lviv were owned
either by individual merchants or by the town. Although some of the townowned
shops had been sold to individua1s (for instance, in 1383),99 at the
beginning of the 1 400s the town council still retained ownership of many of
them and even exercised a certain degree of control over some of the privately
owned ones. Thus, a record from 1409 informs us that a private sbop was sold
cum concessu dominorum consulum.100
The town council made use of the shops mainly by letring them to
merchants and craftsmen for a fixed yearly rent. The nurober of penesticae
rented for 0.5 sexagena per year was not stab1e. In general, eight of them were
rented, yie1ding 4 sexagenae. However, in certain years the income from
penesticae could be more than 6 sexagenae. Most of the town-owned institae
pauperes were Iet for 0.5 sexagena as weil. For some of them, however, the rent
95 Charewiczowa, Handel sredniowiecznego Lwowa, 7.
96 Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa, I 02; cf. Knoll, „Urban Development of Medieval
Poland,“ I 02.
91 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 270a, 299, 302, 526, 730.
98 „Eiizabeth Walynne tenetur de inslila lignea aput partarn institarum diuitum sita . . .“
Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 84.
99 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I , no. 107-109.
100 Pmniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 233.
30
could be as high as 1 sexagena, probably due to their greater size, quality, or
better Jocation. According to the town account books, institae pauperes used by
Armenians brought 10 sexagenae of rent annually. From 2.5 to 6 sexagenae
were added to this amount by the shops rented to Catholics (institae pauperes
Christianorum). As for the institae divites, the town owned very few of them. In
fact, only one is mentioned in the account books of 1404–1426. In 1414 it was
Iet to a goldsmith, and from 1417 to a belt maker (in both cases, the rent was 2
sexagenae per annum). 101
Most of the expenses connected with use and maintenance of the shops
were generally the responsibility of the tenants, since we find almost no related
records in the town council’s account books. 102 One significant exception was
the construction in the Market square of a stone-paved pool intended for the
joint use of the merchants selling live fish (scamna piscium). In addition to 8.25
sexagenae paid from the town’s budget, fifty carriages of stone, contributed by
one of the citizens as a penalty pro excessu quodam, were also used for that
project.103 Taking into account the cost of construction and the fact that no
increase in collected fees was observed thereafter, it seems probable that the
town council’s decision to proeure such a facility was probably based not so
much on pecuniary interests as on public health considerations. 104
Wine cellar (cellarium, keler)
Wine was one of the items in the commercio Orientalis, in which Lviv
specialised. Already the locatio privilege of 1356 forbade selling wine within
one mile from the town in order to eliminate competition which might have
lowered Lviv’s income from the wine trade.105 The decision of the town council
of 1387 was aimed at seizing further control by the municipal government over
the wine trade in Lviv through setting a monopoly on the retail sale of wine.
Thus, wine could not be sold in retail anywhere in the town except for the town
hall’s cellar, which was to be Iet to the wine merchants for this purpose.106 From
101 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2 , 347; vol. 3, 177.
1 02 There is but one instance of exposita super institas in 1426, when I sexagena was spent on
wooden boards, probably, for the purpose ofrepairs. Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 441.
10
3 Badecki, Zaginione ksiflgi, no. 11. 1 .
104 The stone pavernent of the pool was supposed to protect the water and the fish from
contarnination by seepage from numerous latrines and dumps. Cf. Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische
Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 135.
10 Akt a grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 5.
106 „Eodem die prescripto [21 August 1387] domini tune consules vna cum tota communitate
ciuitatis Lemburgensis finxerunt et ordinauerunt, quod nemo vinum propinare debet excepto
in cellariis subitus pretorium, ibi ciuitas debet propinare vinum, vel qui prefata cellaria
conuenerit, sed nullus in ciuitate debet vinum propinare.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I ,
no. 522.
3 1
the town’s account books we discover that the individuals using the wine cellar
had to pay 3 to 4 sexagenae for rent107• The maintenance expenses, on the other
hand, comprised only occasional repairs, the cost of which never exceeded I
sexagena. lÖS
Cloth shearing workshop (rasorium panni, pannitonsorium, schergadem)
Cloth was one of the most popular items of merchandise in medieval
Europe, and „in Lviv commerce it was of no less importance than the so-called
Griental goods. „109 The town council derived income from the cloth trade in
Lviv through exercising its monopoly of cutting cloth into measured pieces. For
this purpose, a special facility, the cloth shearing workshop, existed in the town.
The cloth shearing workshop was Iet to individuals for the annual payment of 6
sexagenae. The enterprise of the clotb shearer must have been relatively
successful for several years in a row, because in 1421, the town council decided
to raise the rent to 1 2 sexagenae. In fact, the payments from the cloth shearing
workshop were among the most stable items in the town’s income throughout
tbe years 1 404-1426. In 1425, the council even considered rewarding tbe
keeper of the cloth shearing workshop by retuming 3 sexagenae to him out of
the correctly paid rent. 1 1 0 However, that same year, the monopoly on cutting
cloth was lost. By the privilege charter of 20 February 1425, the king also
granted the right to keep a cloth shearing workshop to a Lviv patrician,
Iohannes Tolmacz. 1 1 1 Only later, at the end of the fifteenth – beginning of the
sixteenth century, did the town regain the monopoly by appropriating that
second shearing workshop. 1 12
Wax press (tortorium cerae, cerepressorium) and wax smelter
(liquefactorium cerae, frixorium cere, smelczgadem, wachsbank)
Wax, a local product of Lviv, was another important item of commerce
besides cloth and „oriental goods.“ It often served as a means of payment for
goods or services. 1 13 Guild statutes stipu1ated that fines, imposed on guild
members, should also be paid in wax. 1 14 Wax was exported from Lviv to
107 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 227; vol. 3, 290, 328, 377.
108 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 76, 115.
109 Charewiczowa, Handel sredniowiecznego Lwowa, 6-7.
110 „Hannus panni rasor soluit IX sxg. pro censu suo et in /I! sxg. domini consules sibi gratum
fecerunt, sibi easdem pro utilitate sua remittentes.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 397.
1 1 1 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 70.
1 12 Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa, 88; Kis‘, Promyslovist‘ L ‚vova, 168.
1 13 See, for examp1e, Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 138, 714; vol. 2, 38, 271; vol. 3,
377.
1 14 See, for example, the statute ofthe furriers from 1470. Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 6, no.
32
Gennany, Italy, and France as weil as to the Black Sea colonies and eastem
countries. 1 15
The town council of Lviv monopolised the processing of wax, both to
ensure the quality of the product and as a source of income. According to the
two main stages of processing wax – pressing and melting – the town owned
two facilities where these operations were carried out. All producers of raw wax
had to process it at the town-owned wax press and smelter. The melted wax was
then poured into standard moulds. The resulting pieces were stamped by a
representative of the town council, testifying to their weight and quality, and
only after that could the product be sold. 1 16 Both wax processing facilities were
Iet to individuals: the wax press for 7 sexagenae1 1 7 and the wax smelter for 8
sexagenae1 1 8 per annum. In addition, according to a decision of the town
council in 1413, „one vat in the wax smelter belongs to the parish church of
Virgin Mary.“ This meant that the wax smelter, in addition to the rent, bad to
pay I sexagena for the lights on the altar ofthe church, which was considered a
pious donation on the part of the municipal government. 1 19 From the wording of
the council’s decision we can infer that at tbat time the town’s wax smelter had
at least eight or nine vats operating. Tax lists from 1414 infonn us that at least
one assistant was hired by the wax smelter. 120 The account books reveal that the
expenses of maintaining the wax-processing facilities were the responsibility of
the town council. Thus, in 1 4 1 2 the building of the wax smelter underwent
substantial repairs which cost more than 5 sexagenae in materials and labour. 1 2 1
In most cases, however, maintenance required smaller expenditures,
predominantly for mending or replacing the melting vats. 122
Silver smelter (crematorium argenti)
One of the reasons for the town’s monopoly on smelting silver was
probably the existence of the royal mint in Lviv.123 It was important to ensure
97; see also Lucja Charewiczowa, L wowskie organizacje zawodowe za czas6w P olski
przedr ozbior owej (Craft corporations in Lviv before the division of Poland) (Lviv:
Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego imienia Ossolitiskich, 1 929), passim.
1 1 5 Zubrzycki, Kr onika miasta L wowa, 86.
1 16 Zubrzycki, Kr onika miasta L wowa, 86.
1 1 7 P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 96, 30 I , 326; vol. 3, 4, 286.
1 1 8 P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 188, 227, 251, 301, 326; vol. 3, 69, 286, 328, 396, 424.
1 1 9 „Unum caldar e in liquefac tor io c er e per tinet ad Ec lesiam par oc hialem Sanc tae M ar iae, de
quo Consules in perpetuum singulis annis unam sexagenam pr o lampade, ar dente ante
Sacr amentum Corpor is Chr isti in Ec lesia par ochiali, dar e et soluer e tenebunt.“ Badecki,
Zaginione ksi􀇕gi, no. 1.17; cf. P omniki dziej owe Lwowa, vol. 2, 326; vol. 3, 69, 286.
120 „lokusc h der ar beyt in der wac hsbank.“ P omniki dziej owe Lwowa, vol. 3, 17.
1 2 1 P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 320.
122 P omniki dziej owe L wowa, vol. 2, 3 3 1 , 352; vol. 3, 294, 305.
123 Jaworski, L w6w za J agielly, 96.
33
the quality of the material used for monetary production. On the other band,
Ieasing the facility was a source of income for the town. However, this
enterprise was not as successful as other of the town’s monopolies. At first, tbe
rent payments (6 sexagenae in 1405 and 1 406, raised to 1 0 sexagenae in 1407)
were paid regularly, 124 but for tbe period of 1408-1 4 1 1, the account books
contain only blank spaces under tbe heading crematorium argenti. 125 In 1 4 1 2,
the silver smelter was leased to another person – this time for only 3
sexagenae. 126
Even tbis brief cbaracterisation of the commerce-related facilities
controlled by Lviv’s government points to their one common feature – they
were an immediate source of income for the town ’s coffers. Ihis, of course, sets
up tbe commercial facilities into a kind of opposition to facilities related to
defence or the water supply. In the latter, otber purposes were more important,
and tbe pro fit – in a narrow financial sense – was not so obvious. On tbe other
band, the reason for controlling the comrnercial facilities was rarely limited
simply to collecting rents. Ihe purpose was also to maintain a certain quality
standard in the most important goods such as silver, wine, cloth, or wax, to
avoid cheating witb measurements of the goods, to protect public health and
even to provide a means of expressing tbe pious feelings of the town’s
government.
ITI.7 SIREEIS
Ihe role of streets in late medieval towns went beyond merely providing
a means of access. It is in tbe streets that a great deal of social and economic
activity took place: „Ihe street was a market and an entertainment centre.“127
Ihe condition of the streets, besides being a matter of ease of access and of
public health, was also a matter of prestige. It served as a criterion by which
towns, their communities, and their governments were evaluated. 128 In the late
Middle Ages, keeping the streets in good condition meant, first, cleaning them,
and second, providing them with pavement.
124 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 39, 96, 144.
125 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 189, 228, 252, 276.
126 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 301.
127 Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, 335.
128 Helmut Hundsbichler, „Stadtbegriff, Stadtbild und Stadtleben des 15. Jahrhunderts nach
ausländischen Berichterstattern über Österreich, “ in Das Leben in der Stadt des
Spätmittelalters: Internationaler Kongress, Krems and der Donau, 20. bis 23. September
1976, edited by Heinrich Appelt (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1980), 120, 124, 127.
34
Cleaning
Although in late medieval towns, street cleaning was predominantly the
responsibility of the residents of the houses lining the streets, municipal
governments also contributed to this task, mainly through hiring rsermanent
workers for the transport of ordure and garbage out of the town. 1 9 In Lviv
account books, payments to such workers are recorded throughout the period of
1404-1426. 130 Unfortunately, for most years, the records contain only net sums
obtained after a clearing of mutual debts between the worker and the town
(these sums oscillated between zero and 1 0.25 sexagenae with an average of 2
sexagenae). However, the data from 1407 and 1 4 1 2 make it possible to
calculate the actual sum sperrt for street cleaning in these years: 1 0 and 12.7
sexagenae, respectively. In Cracow, where the worker hired by the town was
responsible for cleaning only the central square, the average yearly salary of
such a worker in 1 3 90-1405 was 23.3 marks (equivalent of 1 8.6 sexagenae). 131
The comparison suggests that a similar practice might have been followed in
Lviv.
Pavement
The earliest instances of paving streets with stone are recorded in Western
Europe as early as the twelfth century.132 ln the German-speaking territories,
paved streets are first mentioned in the thirteenth century; in the fourteenth
century such references occur with increasing frequency, and in the fifteenth
century regular maintenance of paved streets becomes common practice in
many towns.133
Work on the pavements also took place in early fifteenth-century Lviv
although such activities are recorded in the extant account books only in 1 404,
l 4 1 4, and 1 4 1 8 . In 1 404, the office of brukner (the person responsible for
paving the streets) is first mentioned. That year the brukner was payed 5.25
sexagenae by the town courreit while another 0.5 sexagena was disbursed to a
mason for material. It is not clear from the records in which part of the town the
pavement work took place. In 1 414, a much more substantial project to pave the
129 Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 144; Dirlmeier, „Materielle
Lebensbedingungen in deutschen Städten,“ 63.
1
3
0 „De exduccione lutf‘; „super duccionefiml“‚; „de vecturafimt‘; „myst awsfuren.“ Pomniki
dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2-3, passim.
131 Stanislaw Kutrzeba, „Finanse Krakowa w wiekach srednich“ (Finances of Cracow in the
Middle Ages), Rocznik Krakowski 3 (1 900): 1 15-116; appendix, table 3.
13
2 Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, 334.
133 Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 143; Dirlmeier,
„Materielle Lebensbedingungen in deutschen Städten,“ 62.
35
central square of Lviv (the Market square) was undertaken. The sources inform
us that the pavement was laid around the newly constructed fish pool (scamna
piscium/34. A paved strip also appeared along the eastem side of Market
square. 135 The total cost ofpaving these parts ofthe square was 39.6 sexagenae.
In addition to this, a separate record mentions an expenditure of 1 .75 sexagena
for the pavement around a weil in front of the house of the patrician lohannes
Zommersteyn (northem side of the square). The paving work around the same
weil continued in 1 4 18, this time at a cost of 3 sexagenae.136
Such rare occurrence of records, connected with paving work, may, on the
one hand, suggest that in the first quarter of the fifteenth century this work had
only started in Lviv. On the other hand, we should take into account that in the
Iate medieval towns, maintenance of the streets was to a great extent the
responsibility of the individuals possessing houses on them. The town council
discharged their part of the responsibility for expenses by financing pavement
of the most „representative“ major streets and squares, especially in the vicinity
of important public buildings. 137 This seems to be the case in Lviv. The town
council financed paving of the central square, the part of town intended to
generate a „cumulative effect . . . of a municipal center on a grand scale,
reflecting the prosperity and importance of the city.“138 Special attention was
also paid to the pavement near the house of one of the most prominent
representatives of the Lviv patriciate. 139 lt is therefore possib1e that at the
beginning of the fifteenth century other parts of Lviv were also paved – at the
expense of the citizens. The sources do not provide enough information
conceming street pavements in the entire town. The available records, however,
show very weil the town council ’s preferences in deciding which parts of the
town’s communal space shou1d receive most attention.
III.8 TOWN HALL
The Lviv municipal records from 1 382-1389 suggest that the town hall
(pretorium) in the central Market square must have been built long before that
134 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 42-44.
135 „A fonte lapideo ex opposito Johannis Zommersteyn usque ad a/ium fontem lapideum ex
opposito Langzeydelynne.“ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 12. From the topographically
organised tax lists contained in the account books, we find out that Zommersteyn lived on
the northern side of the square, close to the north-eastern corner, and Langzeydelynne lived
on the southern side, close to the south-eastern corner.
136 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 210.
137 Dirlmeier, „Kommunalpolitische Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen,“ 143; Dirlmeier,
„Materielle Lebensbedingungen in deutschen Städten,“ 62; cf. Sander, „Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen,“
104.
1 38 Knoll, „Urban Development ofMedieval Poland,“ 102.
1 39 See Skoczek, „Studja nad patrycjatem lwowskim,“ 250.
36
period. ’40 Sources from 1404-1426 provide some details regarding the features
of the building. We find references to receptions organised for various offleials
in the stuba pretorii. From time to time, minor expenses for renovation of the
wooden interior of the stuba are mentioned. In 1 4 1 1 or possibly earlier, the
town hall was embellished with glass windows which cost about 6 sexagenae.141
During the period studied here, two relatively significant repairs of the town
hall’s wooden roof took place, in 1 4 1 4 and in 1 4 1 9 at the cost of 2 and 3.3
sexagenae. The tower of the town hall, which at that time was at least partly
wooden, 142 underwent repairs in 1 4 1 7 ( 4.9 sexagenae spent for wooden beams
and boards, nails, and the carpenter’s salary).
However, the most expensive alteration was a public clock on top of the
tower. The salary of the craftsman in charge of maintaining the clock
( orologista, magister horologii) was 3 sexagenae a year. In 1 4 1 9, this salary
was raised to 4 sexagenae143 (as compared with an average of 4 marks or 3.2
sexagenae per year in the capital town of Cracow in the period from 1 390 –
1405).144 Such attention to the clock can be explained by the fact that in the late
Middle Ages this expensive device, seen (and heard) from all parts ofthe town,
was considered a symbol of wealth and civic order. Indeed, it is due to
considerations of prestige that during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
more and more European towns hired skilled craftsmen to build and maintain
public clocks. 145 In this context, it is clear why the government of Lviv regarded
the clock as the most important feature of the town hall – a building which
served a representative function for the entire urban community.
140 The town hall served as a point of reference for describing the location of the shops, for
example, „ex app osito pr etor ii“, „iuxta pr etor io“. ln 1387, the town council designated
„cellar ia subitus pr etor ium“ as the on1y place for the retail sa1e of wine: Pomnild dziejowe
Lwowa, vol.l, 28, 36, 236, 522.
141 „Comp utate sunt VI sxg. et 24 gr., q uas domini tenentur p r o ferro et divitrac ionibus J;enestramm pretor ii . . .“ Pomnild dz iejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 242.
1 2 Cf. Jaworski, Lw6w za J agielly, 35.
143 Pomnild dziej owe Lwowa, vol. 2, 251; vol. 3, 73, 238. Depending on the town’s budget in
a given year, the salary could be paid on1y in part, debt being cleared in the following years.
That is why the actual disbursements were always different. The average figure, however,
corresponds to the amount set by the town council.
144 Kutrzeba, „Finanse Krakowa,“ appendix, table 3 .
145 Gerhard Dohrn-van Rossum, History of the Hour : Cl ocks and M odern Temp oral Orders,
translated by Thomas Dunlop (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 1 25-150;
Gerhard Dohrn-van Rossurn, „Les ‚orologeurs‘: Artistes et experts, XIVe-XVe siecles,“ in
Pr osop agrap hie et genese d’etat moderne: Actes de Ia table ronde organisee p ar Ia Centre
National de Ia R echer che sc ientifique et I ‚Eco/e Nor male Sup er ieur e de j eunes jilles, Par is,
22-23 octobr e 1984, edited by Franvoise Autrand (Paris: Ecole Normale Supeneure de
jeunes filles, 1986), 237-238, 241-242.
37
III.9 RELIGION- AND CHARlTY-RELATED FACILITIES
Unfortunately, references to the activities of Lviv’s govemment in
connection with religion- and charity-oriented facilities are poor in our main
source, the town council’s account books. A similar problematic situation can
also be found in tbe sources from the other major towns of the medieval
kingdom of Po land. 146 Such poor representation in the sources seems at odd
with the important roJe religion played in medieval society, particularly since
buildings such as parish churches also indicated the prestige of a town and its
govemment. Apparently, the problern can only be solved by looking to sources
other than the town council’s account books.
Parish church
Although the parish church of Virgin Mary in Lviv did not, strictly
speaking, come under the jurisdiction of the town council, it is nevertheless
worth considering as it received a great deal of attention from the municipal
government. The construction of the church started in the second half of the
fourteenth century, mostly supported by private donations from the citizens147
and by two thirds of the income from the mill administered by the town
council. 148 In addition to that, in 1399, the councillors founded the altar of Ten
Thousand Martyrs and assigned 4 sexagenae per annum for its maintenance149
(in 1421 this sum was raised to 1 0 marks150). All donations to the altar were
directed to the completion of the parish church. In addition, according to a
ruling by the town govemment in 1 4 1 3, part of the income from the wax smelter
was to be used for maintaining lights in the church.151
This information, originating from sources other than account books, does
not allow us to determine the actual amount of funds funnelled by town
government on construction and maintenance of the parish church. It is clear
that the expenses of this rather significant building project were recorded
separately, and these accounts, unfortunately, are not available. Only
accidentally did some financial records conceming the parish church find their
way into the surviving account books. Thus, after the roof of the choir had been
146 Cf. the neg1igib1y small amounts (usually not more than 0.2 per cent of the total year1y
expenses of the town) spent for the purposes of religion and charity as recorded in the
medieva1 account books of Cracow. Kutrzeba, „Finanse Krakowa,“ 117-118; appendix, tab1e
3.
147 Cf. Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. I, no. 199, 211, 365, 383, 436, 465, 571, 612, 688, 701.
148 For more detai1s on the mill see section III.S of the present chapter.
149 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 65.
150 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 53.
151 Badecki, Zaginione ksi􀂒gi, no. 1.17.
38
completed in 1404152 and it became possible to use the church, the town council
paid 4 sexagenae for tbe consecration ofthe choir ( I 405). I sexagena was paid
de vectura ymaginis Jhesu in asino (1405) and later, 20 grossi for the
renovation of the ymago ( 1408). Tbe repairs of the bell cost 0.5 sexagenae, and
cloth for tbe vestments 2 marks. A fairly I arge sum ( 1 8 sexagenae) was spent to
purchase a missal ( 1 4 I 0). 153 The character of these expenditures indicates tbat
they constitute only occasional „extras“ added to the stab1e but unrecorded
income which the parish churcb received from the town. It is for this reason that
data from the account books cannot be used here for making statistically based
genera1isations.
Hospital
In tbe medieva1 period, two hospitals existed in Lviv: the hospital of St.
Eiizabetb (Iater known as the hospital of the Ho1y Spirit), and the hospita1 of
Saint Stanislaw.154 As the hospital of St. Stanis1aw was founded in the late
fifteenth century, it does not fall within tbe time frame ofthe present study. We
will, therefore, consider only the hospita1 ofSt. Elizabeth.
The hospital is first mentioned in the sources in 1375. 155 Its origins and
status, however, are known only from a document issued in I 4 1 8, which
constitutes a pontifica1 corroboration of the foundation charter of the hospital.156
The document inforrns us that the hospital of St. Elizabetb was founded by tbe
town council pro peregrinis, pauperibus infirmis et miserabilibus personis ad
id pro tempore confluentibus. The town council was the donor of the original
property of the hospital while tbe privilege of economic management of tbe
institution be1onged to the council ’s representative.
Unfortunately, we do not have any information conceming the original
property of the hospital, but data on some later donations suggest that in the
early fifteenth century the possessions were rather significant. In 1 399, the Lviv
patrician Nico1as Bo1cz soid a property to the rector of tbe hospital, stipu1ating
that the property should pass to the institution after the death of the rector.157 In
1403, tbe archbishop corroborated the testament of the patrician Peter
Eisenhuttel and bis wife, granring the hospita1 1 .75 mansi ofland.158 In 1406, a
member of the town council, Leonardus, donated bis house and property to the
hospital. 159 It is therefore c1ear that the hospital, having its own sources of
152 Zubrzycki, Kronika miasta Lwowa, 65.
ISJ Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 80, 202, 253.
ts4 Skoczek, „Sredniowieczny Lw6w,“ 347.
tss Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 9, no. I .
ts6 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 40. ts? Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 68. ts& Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 4, no. 6.
ts9 Badecki, Zaginione ksi􀂒gi, no. 1 .9.
39
income, remained independent from the town budget, hence the scarcity of the
records, related to the maintenance of the hospital, in the town council’s
account books. lt is also worth noting that these records usually mention private
donations by the members of the town council. 160 This does not mean that there
were no connections whatsoever between the hospital’s and the town’s finances.
Some records in the account books leave no doubt that the significant income of
the hospital provided the council with a way to supplement the town budget
through occasional loans (sometimes as high as 15 sexagenae) from the
hospital ’s funds.161 In this context, it becomes clear why the govemment of
Lviv was greatly concemed about retaining the right to manage the hospital
when such a right was challenged by the clergy in 1423. 162
IV
Looking at the graph representing the total volume of expenditures for
public facilities in Lviv throughout the period of 1404-1426 (see fig. 5), one
immediately notices their highly irregular character. Such oscillations of urban
communal expenditures can be observed in towns throughout late medieval
Central Europe. The main goal of municipal governments‘ financial policy was
to swell the budget with as many funds as possible.163 Expenditures on
communal needs depended mostly on the success or failure of these efforts,
rather than on any, more or less, long-term planning. It is reasonable to assume
that this general dependency also held true in the case of early fifteenth-century
Lviv and may serve as a point of departure in explaining the peculiarities found
in the development of expenses related to public facilities.
The period of relatively low expenditures on public facilities in 1404-1407
was caused by a Iitigation between the town and the provost of the parish
church of Virgin Mary conceming the payment of the church tithe by Lviv
citizens.164 During these years, substantial sums were spent on sending delegations
to Rome, Cracow, and other cities where the hearings of this legal
process took place, as weil as for numerous presents to persons who, in one way
or another, might influence its outcome. Here, the councillors seem, at least to a
certain extent, to have compromised work on public facilities to their own
interests. Being among the wealthiest citizens, they were vitally interested in
protecting their capital from the tithe demanded by the provost.
160 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 345, 433.
161 Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 3, 344, 408, 433.
162 Akta grodzkie i ziemskie, vol. 3, no. 96; for a discussion of the legal aspects of the
controversy see Skoczek, „Sredniowieczny Lw6w,“ 349-350.
163 Fouquet and Dirlmeier, „Probleme und Methoden der quantitativen Finanz- und Wirtschaftgeschichte,“
205-206; Bogucka and Samsonowicz, Dzieje miast i mieszczanstwa, 174.
164 See Skoczek, „Sredniowieczny Lw6w,“ 283-304.
40
<iQ“rl“ Vl [ 􀃶 ‚“0 “ ::l „‚ “ „‚ :3‘ .., ‚“0 􀁷;:;· ;:!> §
ff
s·
􀁸 < N 0 0 0 0 1 404 1 405 1 406 1407 1408 1409 1410 141 1 1412 1413 1414 1415 1416 1417 1 4 1 8 1 4 1 9 1420 1421 1422 1423 1424 1425 1426 lv (Polish grossi) … „‚ 00 ;; i3 􀃷 ;;; ;;;; 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Even more significant and sudden falls in the public facilities-related activities occurred in 1 4 1 5 and 1421, when expenditures on all groups of facilities decreased significantly. A more or less plausible explanation is available only for 1 42 1 . In tbat year, the king requested an extraordinary tax to be levied on the citizens of several major towns of the kingdom to finance his carnpaign against the Teutonic Order. It is reasonable to suppose tbat the town council would not have been able to count on the citizens‘ contribution to tbe municipal budget in the same year when that tax was collected. However, a significant part of the collected sum was never used directly for this purpose and remained in tbe hands of Lviv’s government165 As a result, the highest volume of public facilities expenditures in tbis period (predominantly for fortifications) can be observed in 1422. In 1423, these expenses still remained very high. The otber two expenditures peaks, in 1 4 1 0 and 1418, were also connected with intense fortification activity. Actually, tbe defense facilities, along with those related to the water supply, received most of the Lviv’s town council’s attention, accounting for 59 and 18 per cent of total public facilities expenses, respectively. In 1404-1426, work on defense facilities proceeded in a rather irregular manner (fig. 6), most of it taking place over three relatively sbort periods. During these periods, however, defense-related expenditures were extremely high. Unfortunately, the sources do not allow us to explain the peaks of fortification activity in 1 4 1 0 and 1 4 1 8. The expenses for the water supply, on the other band, are relatively constant throughout the period of 1 404- 1 42 1 . This fact also suggests that the municipal govemment of Lviv considered construction of water pipelines to be an important enterprise. There was only one instance, in 1409-141 1 , when work on the water supply was obviously compromised in favour of improving fortifications. It should be noted, however, that during these three years relatively high fortification expenses coincided with another contribution Lviv made to financing the war against the Teutonic Order.166 In 1 4 1 7- 1 4 1 8, when work on the fortifications again became very intense, there was no decrease in water supply expenditures. In 1 422, expenses for the water pipeline system increased in parallel with those for defense facilities and remained at the sarne high Ievel in the following years. 165 Jaworslci, Lw6w za Jagielly, 47-48. 166 Although most of the sum submitted to the king – 1000 marks – was covered by loans from wealthy citizens, the remaining amount of around 1 10 marks must have had a substantial immediate impact on the municipal budget, Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, vol. 2, 273; cf. Jaworslci, Lw6w za Jagielly, 24-25. 42 .. w 1 6000 .———————————————————-. 14000 12000 ·􀃵 1 0000 :e 8000 .􀇦 􀁘 6000 4000 2000 0 ICl 1..a 1-… 1a. 1-a ,…, 1m 1-a 1w:4 ,…, ,.., 1a. 1w:.� 1-o 1KA 1K!tl ,.., 1.,. 1w;.a ,••Jt1WAI1WJ11…., 􀁫􀁣􀁫􀁤􀁫􀁥􀁫􀁦􀁫􀁧􀁫􀁨􀁫􀁩􀁫􀁪􀁫Y􀁫0􀁫􀁫􀁫􀁬􀁫􀁭􀁫􀁮􀁫􀁯􀁫􀁰􀁫􀁱􀁫􀁲􀁫􀁳􀁫􀁴􀁫&􀁫􀁵􀁫􀁶 • Defense IZI Water supply 0 Bath Fig. 6: Comparison of expenses for defense, water supply, and public bath The fact that expenditures on both the fortifications and water supply increased immediately after additional funds bad become available, shows again that Lviv’s government considered these facilities to be of great importance. In this connection, the public bath is also worth mentioning, since major reconstructions on it took place in the same period. In fact, it seems probable that the town council temporarily decreased defense expenditures in 1423-1425 in order to be able to enlarge the capacity ofthe bath as rapidly as possible. All other groups of public facilities discussed received only I to 5 per cent of total expenses during the period from 1 404-1426. Nevertheless, it is still possible to notice a certain patterning. Thus, efforts to generally improve the town centre (installation of glass windows in the town hall in 1 4 1 1 ; paving the Market square in 1 4 14; repairs to the town hall tower in 1 4 1 7; more regular payments to the clock maker in the years 1 4 1 1-1417) were made within the period of 1 4 1 1 – 1 4 1 7, that is, between the two periods of intense work on defense facilities (see fig. 7). This suggests that the town council considered facilities to be related to „prestige“ and so less important than the fortifications but still worthy of attention when no other major projects were in progress. Here, it is also interesting to note the low share of expenditures given to commerce-related facilities. Indeed, the largest expenditure in this group, made for the construction of a stone fish pool in the Market square in 14 14, seems more related to a general improvement of the town centre rather than a commercial investment. Although technically a commerce-related facility, the fish pool was more valuable in terms of public health and prestige. Expenses for the facilities connected with the town’s monapolies were even lower (the more substantial expenditure on repairs to the wax smelter in 1 4 1 3 is only an isolated instance). Taking into account Lviv’s status as a major commercial centre in the kingdom, such a situation Iooks quite unusual. The peculiarities in the financing of public facilities in Lviv become even more obvious in comparison with the data available on Cracow from a somewhat earlier period ( 1 390-1405).167 For this comparison we have taken three groups of public facilities: those related to defense, water supply, and the town’s monopolies. The difference between Cracow and Lviv is striking. In Cracow, monopoly-related expenses (47 per cent of the total of the compared groups) even slightly exceeded those for defense (45 per cent ofthe total), while the water supply received only 8 per cent. In Lviv, defense expenditures clearly predominated (75 per cent), the share of water supply was also significant (24 per cent) and monopoly-related facilities accounted for less than I per cent of the total of compared groups (see fig. 8). At the same time, this comparison to a certain extent clarifies the causes lying behind these differences. Here it is again necessary to keep in mind the main goal of late medieval municipal govemments‘ financial policies. Both in Lviv and in Cracow maximum efforts were 167 Source ofthe data: Kutrzeba, „Finanse Krakowa,“ appendix, tables 2 and 3. 44 made to gather funds for the town’s budgets. However, the methods used to accomplish this were different. .9c“;.6 / -„c“;.6 / .6c“;.6 / t’c“; ..-;.c: ;; .6/ c cc“; 􀀪 /.6/ .9″‚ c“;.6/ .s….. Oe“; 0 „0 .6/ c „“ 15/.6 / 􀁗 J>/ l::
.6/ -;;; ..“‚ …. ..c 0
<;:.6 1‘ c􀀪 15″‚ .9/ 0 [- 5 .61‘ 􀇤 > S’/ „‚ 8p. . .6/ 😉 .§ „‚ .6/.6 / Cl)b „0c • „“
t’/.6 )‘ 􀇣c
c;: „“ c .61′ c“‚ // ·e;; .6/ E …. 0/ <.9 .61‘ „‚ „‚ 00 „‚ c 􀀒I‘ „‚ p.. &>o >< 􀀒/ U.l
􀀒/ .􀃴
.90 􀅍
􀇥I‘
􀃳􀀒 /
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 􀃼.6“)‘ 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 V’\ 0 V’\ 0 V’\
<„‚) N N
( _1SSO.I3 1JS![0d)
45
􀉴
Lviv Cracow
1%
47%
•oefense
CJ Water supply
li!l Monapolies
8%
Fig. 8: Comparison of expenses for public facilities in Lviv and in Cracow
45%
Lviv’s budget mostly relied on direct taxation of the citizens via the
extraordinary tax (exaccio, schoss).168 ln fact, this tax might be called
„ordinary“ rather than „extraordinary“ for early fifteenth-century Lviv. During
the period of 1404-1426 it was col!ected at least twelve times. The tax lists
contained in the town council’s account books do not allow us to calculate the
amounts collected. 169 However, from other sources it is known that one such tax
collected in 1421 yielded 2000 sexagenae. This need not have been the case
with every such taxing since the method of calculating the tax was different
each time it was col!ected. Nevertheless, taking into account the method used in
1421 and comparing it with those used in other years, we may conclude that
amounts from around 800 to 2000 sexagenae are a reasonable estimate. 170
In Cracow the Situation was quite the opposite. Although the decree by the
municipal government which regulated methods of calculating and collecting
the extraordinary tax dates back to 1385, the tax was not collected throughout
the period of 1 390-1405. In 1 4 1 4 and in 143 1 , it yielded 838 and 863 marks
respectively (the equivalent amounts in sexagenae are 670 and 690). On the
other band, in 1390-1405, the income from monopolies constituted 20 per cent
of the total income of Cracow’s municipal budget, or on average 489 marks
(391 sexagenae) a year (compared to at most 40 sexagenae gained from
monopolies in Lviv). In addition to the monopolies, the town council of Cracow
derived substantial income from various other enterprises, such as lime
fumaces, stone quarries, or brick yards. In Lviv, the income generated by nonmonopoly
town-owned enterprises – the public bath and mill – was negligible
in comparison to the sums gleaned through collecting extraordinary taxes. In
this context, it is clear why the commerce- and especially rnonopoly-related
facilities in Lviv received such a small share of communal expenses. They were
not perceived as a substantial source of income. Nevertheless, it was still
essential for the town council to control them in order to assure quality and
reliable measurement of the most important goods.
V
Our discussion has shown that early fifteenth-century Lviv bad all the
168 Stanislaw Kutrzeba, „Szos we Lwowie w pocz�ttkach XV. wieku“ (Extraordinary lax in
Lviv at the beginning of lhe fifteenlh century), Przewodnik naukowy i /iteracki 28 (1 900):
401.
169 The swns paid by the cilizens differed according to lheir wea11h, but the lax lists recorded
only the fact ofpayment without indicating stuns.
170 In 1421, the lax was ca1cu1ated as 2 grossi from a mark; in the other years the amount to be
paid from one rnark was eilher the same, or 2 to 2.5 Iimes 1ower. Our calculation is very
approximate, since the part of the tax levied on the real property and the population changes
are not Iaken into account. For a more delailed discussion of the methods used to calcu1ale
the extraordinary tax in Lviv see Kutrzeba, „Szos we Lwowie,“ 402-408.
47
basic groups of public facilities needed to provide a certain standard of living
for the urban community, to keep order in the town, and to promote its prestige.
In this respect Lviv is quite similar both to the towns of the kingdom of Po land
and to Gennan ones. However, quantitative analyses have shown significant
anamolies in Lviv as compared, for instance, to Cracow.
At the beginning of the fifteenth century, Lviv’s town council paid greatest
attention to the fortifications, the water supply system, and the public bath.
Traditional „matters of prestige“ such as paved streets or the town hall ‚ s tower
clock were clearly subordinated to those predominant groups. On the other
hand, it is reasonable to assume that the fortifications, wells, and the bath, in
addition to their obvious functions, had also a significant prestige value. The
surprisingly low expenditures for a major commercial centre volume on
commerce- and especially monopoly-related facilities is explained by the
character of financing of Lviv’s municipal budget as observed in the studied
period.
Some peculiarities can also be seen in the organisation and financing of
construction, maintenance, and running of various public facilities. These
peculiarities are twofold in nature. On the one hand, the character of the town
council ’s activity in this field is evidence the for the rather low Ievel of development
in the relevant institutional structures. Thus, although during the studied
period the town undertook a number of rather substantial projects, it rarely
happened that more than one such project was conducted at a given time. Lviv
did not have anything similar to the Bauamt of the late medieval Gennan towns.
In most cases, construction and maintenance projects were controlled personally
by members of the town council. Taking into account that there were only
twelve councillors (six of them being additionally occupied with legislature and
political representation of the town), one can easily understand why various
projects were worked on interchangeably rather than simultaneously.
On the other hand, funding for facility projects is connected to the system
of financing practiced in Lviv at that time. As the analysis of the public
faci1ities‘ genera1 development has shown, direct taxation was not always a
reliab1e source (consider the sudden decrease in facility-related expenses in
1 4 1 5 and 1421 ). Thus, it seems that at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the
ability of Lviv’s municipal government to support communa1 needs was much
1ower than 1ater in that century, when the institutional structure of the
govemment had significantly developed and direct taxation was replaced with
more reliable sources of income. In connection to this, it would be interesting to
compare the municipa1 govemment’s support for public facilities at the
beginning and at the end of the fifteenth century. There is source material
available for both these periods, but none of the two sets of sources has been
used for a proper quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Taking into account the results obtained in the present investigation, it is
clear that even limited application of quantitative methods to the sources
48
relevant to this kind of analysis has yielded a range of new possibilities for the
study of medieval material culture, especially in an urban context.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Akta grodzkie i ziemskie z czasow Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z archiwum tak zwanego
Bernardynskiego we Lwowie (Castrensial and terrestrial acts from the times of
Rzeczpospolita Polska from the so-called Bemardine archive in Lviv). Vols 1-10, Lviv:
Galicxjski wydzial krajowy, 1868-1884.
Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa z archiwum miasta (Historical documents of Lviv from the city
archive). Vol. I, Najstarsza ksi(/ga miejska: 1382 – 1389 (The oldest city book: 1382 –
1389), edited by Aleksander Czolowski. Lviv: Nakladem gminy kr61. stol. miasta
Lwowa, 1892.
Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa z archiwum miasta (Historical documents of Lviv from the city
archive). Vol. 2, Ksü􀂳ga przychod6w i rozchod6w miasta: 1404 – 1414 (The book of
incomes and expenses ofthe city: 1404 – 1414), edited by Aleksander Czolowski. Lviv:
Nakladem gminy kr61. stol. miasta Lwowa, 1896.
Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa z archiwum miasta (Historical documents of Lviv from the city
archive). Vol. 3, Ksi􀂳ga przychod6w i rozchod6w miasta: 1414 – 1426 (The book of
incomes and expenses of the city: 1414- 1426), edited by Aleksander Czolowski. Lviv:
Nakladem gminy kr61. stol. miasta Lwowa, 1905.
Secondary Literature
Badecki, Karo!. Archiwum Akt Dawnych miasta Lwowa: A. Oddz ial staropolski. (Archive of
the early acts of Lviv: A. Department of old Poland). Vol. 3, Ksi(/gi i akta
administracyjno-sqdowe: 1382 – 1787 (Books and acts of the administration and court:
1382 – 1787). Lviv: Nakladem gminy kr61. stol. miasta Lwowa, 1935.
__ . Archiwum Akt Dawnych miasta Lwowa: A. Oddzial staropolski. (Archive of the
early acts of Lviv: A. Department of old Poland). Vol. 4, Ksi􀂳gi rachzmkowe
(lonherskie): 1404 – 1788 (Account books: 1404 – 1788). Lviv: Nakladem gminy kr61.
stol. miasta Lwowa, 1936.
__ . Sredn iowieczne ludwisarstwo lwowskie (Meta! casting in Lviv in the Middle
Ages). Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego imienia Ossolinskich, 1921.
__ . Zaginione ksi(/gi sredniowiecznego Lwowa: Studjum rekonstrukcyjne (The lost
books of medieval Lviv: A study in reconstruction). Lviv: Nakladem gminy miasta
Lwowa, 1927.
Bogucka, Maria, and Henryk Samsonowicz. Dzieje miast i mieszczanstwa w Polsee
przedrozbiorowej (History of the cities and burghers in Poland before its division).
Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1986.
Charewiczowa, Lucja. Handel sredniowiecznego Lwowa (The commerce of medieval Lviv).
Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego imienia Ossolinskich, 1925.
49
__ . Lwowskie organizacje zawodowe za czasow Polski przedrozbiorowej (Craft
corporations in Lviv before the division of Poland). Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladu
Narodowego imienia Ossolinskich, 1 929.
__ .. Wodociqgi starego Lwowa, 1404 – 1663 (Water ducts in old Lviv, 1404 – 1663).
Lviv: Wydawnictwo Zakladow Wodociljgowych miasta Lwowa, 1934.
Czolowski, Aleksander. Lwow za ntskich czasow (Lviv in the Ruthenian period). Lviv:
Gubrynowicz i Scmidt, 1891.
Dirlmeier, Ulf. „Die kommunalpolitischen Zuständigkeiten und Leistungen süddeutscher
Städte im Spätmittelalter.“ In Städtische Versorgung und Entsorgung im Wandel der
Geschichte: 18. Arbeitstagung in Vil/ingen 3.-5. November 1979, edited by Jürgen
Sydow, 1 1 3- 1 50. Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1 98 1 .
__ .. „Zu Arbeitsbedingungen und Löhnen von Bauhandwerkern in Spätmittelalter.“ ln
Deutshes Handwerk in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit: Sozialgeschichte –
Volkskunde – Literaturgeschichte, edited by Rainer S. Elkar, 35-54. Göttingen: Otto
Schwartz, 1983.
–􀁊..· .,. „Zu den materiellen Lebesbedingungen in deutschen Städten des Spätmittelalters:
Äußerer Rahmen, Einkommen, Verbrauch.“ In Stadtadel und Bürgertum in den
italienischen und deutschen Städten des Spätmitte/alters, edited by Reinhard Elze and
Gina Fasoli, translated by Peter Sandrini, 59-87. Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1991 .
Dohm-van Rossum, Gerhard. History of the Hour: Clocks and Modern Temporal Orders.
Translated by Thomas Dunlop. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996.
__ . „Les ‚orologeurs‘: Artistes et experts, XIVe-XVe siecles.“ In Prosopographie et
genese d’erat moderne: Actes de Ia tab/e ronde organisee par Ia Centre National de Ia
Recherche scientifique et I ‚Ecole Normale Superieure de jeunes jilel s, Paris, 22 – 23
octobre 1984, edited by Franyoise Autrand, 231-247. Paris: Ecole Normale Supeneure
de jeunes filles, 1986.
Eltis, David. “Towns and Defense in Later Medieval Germany.“ Nottingham Medieval Studies
33 (1989): 9 1 – 1 03.
Fouquet, Gerhard. ‚“Ad Structuram civitatis‘: Der öffentliche Baubetrieb Hamburgs und die
Errichtung von Mühlen- und Schleusenanlagen in Fuhlsbüttel während der Jahre
1465/87,“ in Öffentliches Bauen in Mittelalter und fi’iiher Neuzeit: Abrechnungen als
Quellenfür die Finanz-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des Bauwesens, edited by Ulf
Dirlmeier, Rainer S. Elkar, and Gerhard Fouquet, 206-292. Siegen: Scripta Mercaturae,
1 99 1 .
—=–· Bauen fiir die Stadt: Finanzen, Organisation und Arbeit in kommunalen
Baubetrieben des Spätmittelalters: Eine vergleichende Studie vornehmlich zwischen den
Städten Basel und Marburg. Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 1999.
__ . „Die Finanzierung von Krieg und Verteidigung in oberdeutschen Städten des
späten Mittelalters (1400-1500).“ In Stadt und Krieg: 25. Arbeitstagung in Böblingen
1986, edited by Bernhard Kirchgässner and Günter Scholz, 41-82. Sigmaringen: Jan
Thorbecke, 1989.
Fouquet, Gerhard, and UlfDirlmeier. „Probleme und Methoden der quantitativen Finanz- und
Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Spätrnittelalters: Öffentliche Finanzen und städtische
Militärpolitik in Basel und Harnburg während der Jahre 1460 bis 1481.“ In
Geschichtswissenschaft und elektronische Datenverarbeitung, edited by Kar! Heinrich
Kaufhold und Jürgen Schneider, 175-228. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1988.
50
Hrons’kyj, Josyp. „Oboronni ukriplennia seredn’ovichnoho L’vova“ (Defensive fortifications
ofmedieval Lviv). Zhovten ‚ 6 ( 1 979): I 16-125; 7 (1979): 122- 1 3 1 .
Hummelberger, Walter. „Die Bewaffung der Bürgerschaft im Spätmittelalter am Beispiel
Wiens.“ In Das Leben in der Stadt des Spätmittelalters: Internationaler Kongress,
Krems and der Donau, 20. bis 23. September 1976, edited by Heinrich Appelt, 1 9 1 -206.
Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1 980.
Hundsbichler, Helmut. „Stadtbegriff, Stadtbild und Stadtleben des 1 5 . Jahrhunderts nach
ausländischen Berichterstattern über Österreich.“ In Das Leben in der Stadt des
Spätmittelalters: Internationaler Kongress, Krems and der Donau, 20. bis 23.
September 1976, edited by Heinrich Appelt, 1 1 1 – 133. Vienna: Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1980.
Jaworski, Franciszek. Lw6w za Jagielly: Opowiadania historyczne (Lviv in the times of the
Jagello: Historical sketches). Lviv: Towarzystwo Milosnik6w Przeszlosci Lwowa, 1910.
Kapral‘, Myron. „Pryvilej 1365 roku jak povtome nadannia magdeburz’koho prava dlia mista
L’vova“ (The privilege of 1365 as the second granting of Magdeburg law to Lviv). In
L ‚viv: Misto, suspil’stvo, kul’tura: Zbimyk naukovykh prats ‚ (Lviv: City, society,
culture: A collection of scholarly works), edited by Marjan Mudryj, 1 1 -2 1 . Lviv: LDU
im. Ivana Franka, 1 999.
Kis‘, J. P. Promyslovist‘ L ‚vova u period feodalizmu (Xlll – X1X st.) (lndustry in Lviv in the
period offeudalism, 1 31h – 1 9’h c.). Lviv: Vydavnytstvo L’vivs’koho universytetu, 1968.
Knoll, Paul W. “The Urban Deve1opment of Medieval Po land: With Particular References to
Cracow.“ In The Urban Society of Eastern Europe in Premodem Tilnes. Edited by
Barisa Krekic, 63-136. Berke1ey: University of Califomia Press, 1987.
Kutrzeba, Stanislaw. „Finanse Krakowa w wiekach srednich“ (Finances of Cracow in the
Middle Ages). Rocznik Krakowski 3 (1900): 27-152.
–,–c- · „Szos we Lwowie w poczatkach XV. wieku“ (Extraordinary tax in Lviv at the
beginning of the fifteenth century). Przewodnik naukowy i /iteracki 28 ( 1 900): 401-41 1 .
Nicholas, David. The Later Medieval City, 1300 – 1500. London and New York: Longman,
1997.
Rigaudiere, Albert. „Le financement des fortifications urbaines en France du milieu du XIVe
siecle il la fin du XVe siecle.“ Revue historique 273 (1 985): 19-95.
Sander, Antje. „Die Lüneburger Bauamtsrechnungen von 1386 bis 1388.“ In Öffentliches
Bauen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit: Abrechnungen als Quellen für die Finanz-,
Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des Bauwesens, edited by Ulf Dirlmeier, Rainer S.
E1kar, and Gerhard Fouquet, 89- 1 15. Siegen: Scripta Mercaturae, 1991.
Skoczek, J6zef. „Studja nad patrycjatem lwowskim wiek6w 5rednich“ (A study on Lviv
patriciate in the Middle Ages). Pami􀃵tnik Historyczno-Prawny 7.5 ( 1 929): 233-303.
—,–· „Ze studj6w nad sredniowiecznym Lwowem“ (From studies on medieval Lviv).
Pami􀃵tnik Historyczno-Prawny 6.3 ( I 928): 257-366.
Zubrzycki, Dionizy. Kronika miasta Lwowa (The chronicle of the city of Lviv). Lviv:
Nakladem autora, 1 844.
5 1
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
42
KREMS 2000
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KULTURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung
der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500
Krems, Österreich. Für den Inhalt verantwortlich zeichnen die Autoren,
ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch in
Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Druck: KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner
Hauptstraße 8-10, A-1050 Wien.
Inhalt
Vorwort …….. ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5
Rostyslav Paranko, Standards of Living, Order, and Prestige:
Public Facilities in Early Fifteenth-Century Lviv (Lemberg) ………………. 7
Christa Petschko, Galgen und Schlachtfelder. Der gewaltsame Tod
in den Chroniken der Stadt Augsburg, 1368-1468 ………… …………….. ….. 52
Buchbesprechungen ………………………………………………………………………………. 85
Ankündigungen …………………………………………. ………………………………………… 90

Vorwort
Das vorliegende Heft von Medium Aevum Quotidianum beschäftigt sich
vorrangig mit Alltag im städtischen Raum des Spätmittelalters. Die Arbeit von
Rostyslav Paranke (Lviv) ist aus einer MA-Tbesis hervorgegangen, welche der
Autor an Central European University (Budapest) abgeschlossen und verteidigt
hat. Er beschäftigt sich darin vor allem mit der Rolle, Finanzierung und
Kontrolle öffentlicher Einrichtungen im Lviv (Lemberg) des 15. Jahrhunderts.
Christa Petschko (Graz) setzt sich mit dem Phänomen des gewaltsamen Todes
und seinen unterschiedlichen Ausformungen auseinander, wie sie in den
städtischen Chroniken Augsburgs im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert rezipiert, konstruiert
und vermittelt wurden.
Das nächste Heft unserer Reihe wird noch im Jahre 2000 als Sonderband
erscheinen und sich – wie bereits angekündigt- alltagsrelevanten Bereichen der
„Neithard-Rezeption in Wort und Bild“ (Herausgeberin: Gertrud Blaschitz,
Krems) widmen. Die Bildüberlieferung wird mit Hilfe einer dem Band
beiliegenden CD-Rom zugänglich gemacht werden. Im Februar/März 2001 wird
ein weiterer schon angekündigter Sonderband zur Auslieferung gelangen, und
zwar die unter der Herausgeberschaft von Detlev Kraack (Berlin) stehende
internationale Bibliographie zu den Graffiti des Mittelalters und der frühen
Neuzeit.
5
Gerhard Jaritz
Herausgeber