The Concept of Labour in the Danish Medieval Wall-paintings

Tbe Concept of Labour
in tbe Danisb Medieval Wall-paintings
Martin Bo N@rregard
Throughout the Middle Ages, the main part of the population was
occupied with cultivating the soil. But our knowledge of the attitude
towards labour at the time is very scarce. Furthermore, the little knowledge
we do have is dictated by written sources, and hence by the few persons
that could write.
In Denmark, the written sources conceming agriculture are either
legal or fiscal. 1 If one wants to examine the attitude towards labour, it is
therefore necessary to Iook for other sources. Such sources are to be found
in the Danish churches, in which a !arge quantity of medieval wallpaintings
have survived till today. Through this material it may be possible
that another and less elitarian attitude towards labour than is found in the
written sources will appear.
Pictorial material is used by historians as illustrations, and seldom as
actual sources to our knowledge of the past. When they are used as more
than mere illustrations, it is often to throw light on the material conditions
of a specific age? Another use, however, might be possible.
The wall-paintings in the Danish churches are by and !arge religious,
their purpose is to illustrate the religious texts. But a text does not tell
everything, it leaves space for the painter to fill out: How for example is
Adam to till the ground? The fillling out of this space would be entirely up
to the painter, but he is actually defined by the corrunissioner, the
iconographic tradition and by the time and society, of which he is a part.
The space left by the text is in that respect almost completely filled out,
but for that very reason it, and thereby the picture, can be used as a source
for the period of the painter.3 The problern and the eilallenge is to identify
and interpret the space left by the text.
1 Erland Porsmose, Det do.nske landbrugs historie I (ed. Claus Bjern), 1988, p. 212-
213.
2 ex. Niels M. Saxtorph, „Kalkmaleriets kildevrerdi“, Fortid og Nutid XXIV. 1970, p.
2 1 1 -229; Rikke A. Olsen, „Bäuerliche Sachkultur Dänemarks im Spätmittelalter“,
Bäuerliche Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters, 1984, p. 219-233; Erland Porsmose, Det
danske landbmgs historie I (ed. Claus Bjern), 1988, p. 294.
3 Axel Bolvig, Billeder – Seidan set, 1974, p. 30.
76
To do so one must compile all the knowledge available about the
period of the picture. Any attempt to interpret the painting without such
knowledge would be reckless. It is also necessary to know the text to
which the picture relates, and the tradition of depicting that specific text.4
Is it known who the commisisoners, the painters and the spectators of the
pictures were, and are the text and tradition known, it is possible to go
beyond the religious universe of the wall-paintings? If one juxtaposes the
compiled knowledge with the picture, accordances and discordances or
perhaps both will appear. 5 The simple ascertainment of either one or the
other is a statement about the time of the picture. But especially
discordances between picture and knowledge demand the use of one’s
knowledge to interpret the meaning of the Statement.
Thus, it is necessary to find out what the written sources can tell us
about the attitude towards Iabour, before we can use the picture as a
source to the past.
The attitude towards labour in the written sources of the Middle Ages can
be found in a theological context, that is to say the conunentaries of the
Bible, monastic rules, or in the discussion of these; but also in a profane
context, most outspoken in the theoretical works about society, though
also in Iiterature and Iegislation. The attitude towards labour was of course
neither constant nor unequivocal, the huge Iimespan of the period alone
denies the possibility.
The attitudes were rooted in a number of traditions, none of which
had an unambigious attitude towards Iabour. Both the Greeks and Romans
and later the invading people of Europe feit contempt for Jabour, because
of the discrimination between the free and unfree, but they did however
respect the crafts. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, Adam was punished
with labour, but in the Creation God bimself laboured, though how he did
it was disputed. In the New Testament, Jesus seems to be against labour
when beholding the fowls of the air and considering the lilies of the field,
whereas Saint Paul takes the view that one must labour to eat.6
This ambiguity disappeared in the monastic rules of Saint Benedict
from the beginning of the sixth century. Labour and prayer were to him the
• Rainer Wohlfeil, „Methodische Reflexionen zur Historische Bildkunde“, Hislorisehe
Bildkunde – Zeitschrift für Hislorisehe Forschung Beiheft 12, 1991, p. 3 1 ; Axel
Bolvig, Billeder – Sädan sei, 1974, p. 52.
s Rainer Wohlfeil, „Methodische Reflexionen zur Historische Bildkunde“, Historische
Bildkunde – Zeitschriftfür Historische Forschung Beiheft 12, 1991, p. 33.
6 Jacques LeGoff, Time. Labour and Cu/lure in lhe Middle Ages, 1980, p. 73 ff;
Georg Ovitt, Restoralion of Perjection, 1985, p. 57 ff; Herbert Applebaum, The
Concept of Labour, 1 992, p. 180-194.
77
central parts of monastic life. Manual labour was seen as something good,
especially because it prevented loitering, but also because it made alms
possible and was an expression of humility. 7 Saint Benedict’s rules had an
enormous impact on the monastic communities which foilowed, and
manual labour was held in respect because of them.8 But one must always
be careful to adopt the attitude towards labour by monks as the one which
was not done by monks. Monks‘ labour was part of a strictly regulated
religious devotion, and that detennined the attitude towards their labour.
But opposite to Saint Benedict’s rules, the more physicaily tainted labour
had a tendency to disappear completely from the monks‘ daily schedule.
This was partly because the monks became occupied with other things, as
weil as because the majority of monks belonged to the upper strata of
society.9 Labour was then either taken care of by tenants, as on a normal
estate, or left to the so called conversi. 1° Furthermore, the theoretical
tripartition of society also seems to have had an impact on the monasteries.
Theory distinguished between the clergy and the labouring groups, and
hence disrnissed manual labour as a necessary part of the religious life. 1 1
The appearance of the Mendicant Orders in the late Middle Ages can be
seen as an expression of this, even though they feit sympathy for the
labouring. 12
The tripartition of society was common from about the beginning of
the twelfth century. lt was a theory which distinguished between three
orders of society: those who prayed, those who fought and those who
worked. 13 lt appears that labour primarily meant manual labour, though it,
at times, also did cover labour less physically demanding, as, for example,
trading and teaching. 14 Since, furthennore, the main part of the manual
labour was done by peasants, it is difficult to teil difference of the
attitudes to labour from that towards the peasants. 15 The fact that those
who worked are mentioned at ail can be taken as recognition of their
1 Herbert Appelbaum, The Concept oj Labour, 1992, p. 202.
8 Jacques LeGoff, Time, Labour and Crtlture in the Middle Ages, 1980, p. 8 1 .
9 H.-W.Goetz, Leben im Mittelalter, 1 986, p. 69, p. 7 3 & p. 1 13.
10 Herbert Appelbaum, The Concept oj Labour, 1992, p. 204. 11 Georg Ovitt, Restoralion of Perjection, 1985, p. 156-157.
12 Georg Ovitt, Restoralion oj Perfection, 1 985, p. l60; Herwig Ebner, „Der Bauer in
der mittelalterlichen Historiographie“, Bäuerliche Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters,
1984, p. 95-96.
13 Otto G. Oexle, „Tria Genera Hominum“, Institutionen. Kultur und Gesellschaft in
Millefalter (eds. L. Finske, Werner Rösner & Thomas Zotz), 1984, p. 494.
14 Jacques LeGoff, Time, Labour and Culture in the Middle Ages, 1980, p. 78; Jacques
LeGoff, „Arbeit und Arbeitsteilung im sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Wandel“, Lexikon
des Mittelalters I, 1, 1 980, S. 873.
11 Jacques LeGoff, Time, Labour and Culture in the Midd/e Ages, 1980, p. 78 & p. 79.
78
importance, but there was no doubt about their position at the lower part of
society.16 lt is one thing to recognize the importance of labour, another and
whoily different thing to Iook positively upon those who labour. The
peasants‘ labour was recognized as important, but is was looked upon with
contempt.17 But the Iack of discrimination between the peasant and his
labour came to mean that it was the peasant who was held in contempt and
not so much labour per se. The Danish bishop Absalon would not be
looked down upon for chopping wood in his idle hours, just as the knight
could perform his extremly physical task with great honour. 18
In Denmark the elite must have had much the same attitude towards
labour, but the written sources cannot shed light on these matters because
of their legal and fiscal content ( except of course Saxo’s note about the
wood chopping Absalon). But if the written sources cannot teil us about
the attitude to labour in the Danish areas, they can give important
information about medieval society.
Derunark was like most European countries at that time an
agricultural country. The !arger part of the population were peasants, who
as tenants tilled the soil of their Iord, i.e. the king, the aristocracy or the
clergy. In the Iate Middle Ages the soil was divided into medium sized
tenant holdings, which had superseded the big estates, and smail tenant
holdings that had earlier been plentiful in numbers.19 The transition to the
average sized holding is possibly an effect of the decrease in population
experienced over most of Europe in the fourteenth century.20 A
consequence of this decrease was a Iack of manpower, which forced the
landowner to increase the size of bis tenant holdings, if he wished to keep
bis land cultivated. This increase in land per tenant probably Ied to better
conditions for the average peasant, because the size of the holding was
now more viable. But Iack of manpower also Iead to a tightening of the
legal restrictions. A peasant had much less chance of leaving his holding,
and on Zealand, Men and Loiland-Falster even viileinage was
introduced?1 The increased legal restrictions were not necessarily simply a
16 Jacques LeGoff, Time, Labour and Culture in the Middle Ages, 1980, p. 86; Helmut
Hundbichler, „Arbeit“, Alltag im Spätmittelalter (ed. Harry Kühne!), 1984, p. 190-191.
17 Helmut Hundbichler, „Arbeit“, Alltag im Spätmittelalter (ed. Harry Kühne!), 1984,
p. 192; Herwig Ebner, „Der Bauer in der mittelalterlichen Historiographie“, Bäuerliche
Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters, 1984, p. 95.
11 Saxo Grammaticus, Saxanis Gesta Danorum (eds. J0rgen Olrik & H.Rreder.), Liber
Decimus Quartus XXV I I ., 193 I, p. 4 29 .
19 Erland Porsmose, Det danske landbrugs hist01·ie I (ed. Claus Bj0rn), 1988, p. 34 1-
343. 20 Kai H0rby, Dansk socialhistorie 2, 1980, p. 246.
21 Rikke A. Olsen, „Bäuerliche Sachkultur Dänemarks im Spätmittelalter“, Bäuerliche
Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters, 1984, p. 221 ; Kai H0rby, Dansk socialhistorie 2,
79
direct consequence of the shortage in manpower, but can be seen as a
means to control a less humble peasantry, possibly a result of the new
conditions.
T o say anything further about the conditions of the peasantry is rather
difficult. The land of each village was probably cultivated in an open-field
system, and the long strips of field indicate the use of heavy tools using a
Iot of tractive force (i.e. the wheel plough). But rules for the open-field
system and field shapes are primarily known from later times?2 As for the
size of the animal busbandry at an estimate, the average holding in about
the year 1300 accounts the animal stock to consist of two horses, two
oxen, two cows, ten sheep?3 lt is not known whether the peasant owned
his plough hirnself or whether the village as a whole owned one or more
ploughs, nor the amount of tractive force needed, and therefore not if the
two horses ofthe average holding were enough to pull the plough?4
Though not much is known about this, the increasing nurober of
medium-sized holdings would indicate a higher and more equal living
standard in the peasantry as a whole. The !arger but fewer holdings did not
Iead to an increase in the amount of poor and landless, because the
population had decreased and, therefore, there was more land to be
divided among fewer people.
During the same period, the peasantry must have begun visiting the
village church more often. In the early Middle Ages the village church was
mainly reserved for the landowning part of the population. The nurober of
free Iaudowners was small, and the organization of the church room is
marked by that fact.25 But from the beginning of the fourteenth century the
organization ofthe church room was changed, the brick-built interieur was
removed, and many churches were enlarged. The enlargement of the
church room cannot be explained by an increasing population, because the
population, as mentioned, decreased. But it is natural to connect the
upcoming of the average tenant holding with the changes in the church
room. One might argue that the village church became „democratized“26.
1 980, p. 228; Erland Porsmose, Dei danske /andbntgs hislorie I (ed. Claus Bjem},
1988, p. 397-398.
22 Erland Porsmose, Det danske /andbmgs historie I (ed. Claus Bjem), 1988, p. 266,
p. 284-285 & p. 364-365.
23 Erland Porsmose, Dei danske /andbmgs historie 1 (ed. Claus Bjern), 1988, p. 292.
24 Erl and Porsmose, Det danske /andbmgs historie I ( ed. Cl aus Bjern), 1 988, p. 282;
Jean Gimpel, The Medieval Machine, 1 992, p. 40-4 1 .
25 Axel Bolvig, Kirkekunslens storhedstid. Om kirker og kunsl i Danmark i romansk
Iid, 1 992, p. 76-89.
26 Axel Bolvig, BondeliS Bi/leder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmiddelalder, 1994, p.
60-74.
80
At the same time a change took place in the style of the wallpaintings;
it became more plain, more popular and thereby less aristocratic.
Does this change in style indicate that the peasantry took over the
commission of wall-paintings as well as the church room or is it a result of
an elite to adjust to a new situation?27 The founders or commissioners
known from the late Middle Ages are mainly aristocratic, but not entirely,
and in most cases nothing is known about them?8 Only few of the painters
are known by name, and they are all Danish. The inscriptions which they
are part of are in Latin, however, and that seems to indicate a connection
with the elite. Nevertheless, the painters claim to have done the labour
with their hands, and that means that they, unlike the elite, laboured
manually.29
It is extremely difficult to find out who commissioned the pictures:
the sources are simply too few to give a clear picture of who did it and
why. This, of course, makes it difficult to use the wall-paintings as sources
to the attitude of labour in Derunark. Nevertheless an amount of
knowledge has been compiled; sufficient or not, it is now time to return to
the pictural material itself.
The Danish wall-paintings depict several kinds of labour: craftsmen
building the tower of Babel and Noah’s Ark, farm labourers in The Mirade
of the Comfield, while chuming is seen in The Legend of the Milk Hare.
Most frequently depicted is peasant labour, as seen in Adam and Eve’s
Life on Earth.30 Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth is not only the most
frequently depicted motif, but the sort of Iabour they are doing is what the
majority of the population did. It is therefore natural to use this motif as a
source for studying the attitude towards Iabour in medieval Denmark.
In the Bible Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth is a consequence of the
Fall of Man. Eve is punished by having to bear the manifold increased
burden of pregnancy, and the rule of her husband. Adam has to labour the
cursed ground and eat his bread in the sweat of bis face. Before they were
driven form the Garden of Eden, God clothed them in coats of skins.31 The
27 Axe1 Bo1vig, Bondens Bi/leder. Om kirker og kunst i dansk senmidde/alder, 1 994,
p. 87-89; S0ren Kaspersen, „Om fo1ke1ighed og ufo1ke1ighed i senmidde1a1der1igt
vcegma1eri“, Kunst, Samfund, Kunst – En hilsen Ii/ Broby, 1 987, p. 1 0 & p. 28.
28 Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske ka1kma1erier 1375-1475“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 4,
1985, p. 36-38; Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske ka1kma1erier 1475-1500“, Danske
kalkmalerier Vol. 5, 1991, p. 48-49; Ulla Haastrup (ed.), „Danske ka1kma1erier 1 500-
1536“, Danske kalkma/erier Vol. 6, 1 992, p. 72-75.
29 U11a Haastrup (ed.), „Danske ka1kma1erier 1475-1500″, Danske kalkmalerier Vol.
5, 199 1 , p. 13, p. 1 9-20.
30 See tab1e I.
31 Genesis 3, 14-24.
81
Bible says little more about Adam and Eve: they had Cain and Abel, and
after Cain killed Abel they begot Seth. 32 Adam is, therefore, normally
depicted tilling the soil, either with a pickaxe, a spade and, at times, even
with a plough. Sometimes he is helped by Eve, though she is usually
depicted while spinning surrounded by children.33
In the old Danish area 4 7 churches are known to have wall-paintings
of the Life on Earth. 3 1 of them date back to 1 425 – 1 536, whicb roughly
equals the 1ate Middle Ages in Denmark 1 1 of the motifs date back to an
ear1ier period, i.e. from c. 1200 and onwards, and six to a later period, that
is to say after the Danish Reformation in 1536. Only tbe pictures of the
Iate Middle Ages will be used here as source material, because of the
relative !arge amount of wall-paintings within a relatively short period. But
not all 3 1 churches can be used for an analysis. Some of the wall-paintings
are badly preserved, others only known from drawings or from written
descriptions. Which wall-paintings can be used and which cannot must be
decided by the form of ana1ysis.
A reading of the unsorted material sbows that the main part of
churches depicting the Life on Earth is situated in the dioceses of Lund and
Roskilde, with respectively 1 5 and I I churches, the last 5 are found in the
dioceses of Odense, Viborg and Arhus. This distribution in the different
dioceses almost equals the general distribution of known wall-paintings in
Denmark34. How important the dioceses were for the wall-paintings has
not yet been properly examined, though it seems that the dividing water of
the Great Bett was of greater importance than the dioceses. But until this
examination has been done, the dioceses represent a feasible way of
grouping the material.
Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth is most often placed in vau1ts together
with other motifs from the beginning of Genesis, thus they fonn part of a
pictorial narrative. The Life on Earth is seldom placed near wall-paintings
depicting devils or other motifs that could have a negative connotation (see
table 1 ) – in Opposition to the Churning where the woman churning often is
assisted by one or more devils. The Life on Earth is seldom placed as a
secondary motif in a pendentive, often it is the main motif in its own vault
cell, but just as frequently it shares the vault cell with another motif (table
235).
32 Genesis 4, 1-3 & 25.
33 Louis Reau, /conographie de L’art Chretien Vol. !1., 1957, p. 91-93.
34 Jesper Jacques Borrild, http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/feature/chart/2/2.htm
3s Co1umn: place in vault cell.
82
Tab/e /: Motifs appearing in the same va11lt as The First Labo11r
Rel11ted to Number % of number % of number
Genesis Motif of motifs of motifs of churches
. The First Labour 31 1 4 , 1 % 100%
. The Expulsion 24 10,9% 77%
. Creation of Eve 21 9,5% 68%
. The Fall 1 9 8,6% 6 1 %
. Kain and Abel 1 7 7,7% 55%
. Creation of Adam 1 3 5,9% 42%
. God waming Adam and Eve 1 1 5,0% 35%
. Adam and Eve provided with tools/clothes 9 4 , 1 % 29%
. The Creation 8 3,6% 26%
Saints 7 3,2% 23%
The life of Christ 5 2,3% 16%
. The Temptation 4 1,8% 13%
. God bringing Adam and Eve Iogether 4 1,8% 13%
Oroleries 4 1,8% 13%
The Childhood of Christ 4 1,8% 13%
Unidentified Saints 4 1,8% 13%
. Adam and Eve grieving 3 1,4% 10%
Judgment Oay 3 1,4% 10%
Unidentified Scenes 3 1 ,4% 10%
. God condemns Adam and Eve 2 0,9% 6%
Devils 2 0,9% 6%
Fables 2 0,9% 6%
Man shoeing cat 2 0,9% 6%
Man with crossbow 2 0,9% 6%
Owl 2 0,9% 6%
. Adam praising his Creator 1 0,5% 3% . The Death of Adam 1 0,5% 3%
. The 7th day 1 0,5% 3%
The Prayer of the Rich and the Poor Man 1 0,5% 3%
Fabulous monsters 1 0,5% 3%
Plaited Cross 1 0,5% 3%
lnscription 1 0,5% 3%
John the Baptist 1 0,5% 3%
Man crushing claws of Cat 1 0,5% 3%
The Purification of Mary 1 0,5% 3%
Building of the Ark of Noah 1 0,5% 3%
Pelican 1 0,5% 3%
Tree 1 0,5% 3%
Unidentified Morality 1 0,5% 3%
Total 220 100,0%
The motifs are generalized (ex. The Miracle ofthe Comfield and The Presentation and
Christ in the Temple are changed to The Childhood ofChrist) and reduced (i.e. a motif
is only registered once even it covers more severies ofthe vault).
83
Notes to Table 2:
This diagram represents the attempt to textualize the wallpaintings. Each
post of the diagram represents a depiction of Adam or Eve or both, each
church has a number and the decimals denote that there are more
depictions in the same church.
Abbreviations:
ADAM: Work: d=driving hay, 2h=with 2 horses, pl=ploughing, tie=tie
sheafs, sow=sowing, ch=chopping, dig=digging, ha=hacking, 2o=with 2
oxes. Beard: no=none, b=with beard. Feet: f=foot-wear, na=naked.
Clothes: c=coat, b=blouse. Legs: t=trousers, na=naked. Other:
w=whip, h=hat, s=stick, p=purse, ba=bareheaded, a=axe, k=knife,
ho=hood.
EVE: Work: har=harvesting, s=spinning. Feet: No V =not visible,
na=naked. Clothes: dr-dress. Head: wi=wimple, ba=bareheaded.
Other: pi=seated on pillow, fo=seated on footstool, be=seated on
bench, in=inside, si=sickle, pi=pithfork.
CHILDREN: the number before colon is the complete number of
children. he=helping with whatever follows after the colon, d=driving,
pl=ploughing, er-in craddle, ch=chopping, sw=in swaddling-clothes,
la=in Eve’s lap or skirt, ri=riding hobbyhorse.
PLACE IN CHURCH: N=nave, Ch=church, C=chancel, W=wall,
V=vault and the number ( I ., 2. etc) before denotes vault, numbers
starting from east, es=east severy, ns=north severy, ss=south severy,
ws=west severy, e=east, n=north, s=south, w=west.
PLACE IN V AUL T CELL: Ch=fills half a valut cell, C=fills whole vault
cell, Wp=fills part ofWall, P=in pendentive.
WORKSHOP: B=Brarup, E=Elmelunde, Ev=Everlöv, F=Fjälkinge,
l=lsefjord, O=Ottestrup, aK=as in Kirke Säby, aO=as in O.Jngelstad,
V=Vittskövle, A=Aie.
generally: -=nothing is missing, ?=uncertainty/unknown, *=indistinct.
Sources: Nationalmuseets Ikonografiske registrant; The iconographic
database (http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/); Medieval Danish Wallpaintings
Database (http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/); Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 4-6
(ed. Ulla Haastrup), 1985-1992; A catalogue of wall-paintings in the
churches of medieval Denmark 1 1 00-1600 Scania Hailand Blekinge Vol.
ll-III (ed. Knud Banning), 1976.
84
..“00
Diocese
Lund
Nr
1 ‚ 1
1 , 2
2,1
2,2
2,3
3
4
5
6
7
8
9,1
9,2
10,1
10,2
10,3
11 ‚1
1 1 ,2
12,1
12,2
12,3
From
Church name year
Benestad 1 500
Benestad 1 500
Emmislöv 1 450
Emmislöv 1 450
Emmislöv 1 450
Everlöv 1 500
Fjälkinge 1 430
Fultofta 1 475
Gladsax 1 475
Hästveda 1 500
Kävlinge 1 500
Linderöd 1 498
Linderöd 1 498
N. Strö 1 450
N. Slrö 1450
N. Slrö 1450
Nymö 1450
Nymö 1450
Rinkaby 1450
Rinkaby 1450
Rinkaby 1450
Table 2: The Life on Earth in details.
Till Adam
year Work Beard Feet Clothes Legs
1 500 d 2h no ? c ?
1 500 pl 2h no ? c ?
1 475 lie b ? ? ?
1475 pl b ? ? ?
1475 sow b ? ? ?
1500 eh no ? c na
1460 pl 2h b f c ?
1525 pl 2h b? na c na
1525 pl 2h b f c t
1 500 pl 2h b f c t
1 500 pl 2h b ? c na
1 498 – – – – –
1498 pl 2h b f c I
1 475 – – – – –
1 475 lie? s* ? c* ?
1475 dig b f c I
1 500 – – – – –
1 500 pl? ? ? c* ?
1500 – – – – –
1500 tie b f c t
1500 d 2h b f c t
Eve
Other Work Feet Clothes Head Other
w – – – – –
w – – – – –
h har No V dr wi –
h, s/w? s No V dr wi* pi,fo
h – – – – –
p – No V – – –
ba,a,s s No V dr wi be, in
s – – – – –
h,s s No V dr wi –
ba,k,p,s s No V dr wi –
– s ? dr ba* –
– s ? dr* wi –
w – – – – –
– s No V dr wi be
h har No V dr wi
h – – – – –
– s No V dr wi/ha be
s? – – – – –
– s No V dr wi be
h har No V dr wi si
h har No V dr wi pi
000\
Diocese
lund
Odense
Roskilde
Viborg
Arhus
Nr
1 2,4
1 3
1 4
1 5
1 6
1 7
1 8
1 9
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30,1
30,2
31
From
Church name year
Rinkaby 1450
Silväkra 1 500
Äspö 1 500
Ö. Herrestad 1450
Tägerup 1500
Elmelunde 1499
Hjembmk 1500
Herlev 1480
H0jelse 1430
Kvmrkeby 1 500
Kgs. Lyngby 1 500
Lynge 1450
Nr. Asmindrup 1450
Ottestrup 1 500
Over Dräby 1 460
Vallensbmk 1450
lihme 1525
Gjerrild 1 500
Hyllest ed 1 500
Hyllest ed 1 500
Tamdrup 1 500
Tab/e 2: ‚l11e Life on Earth in detai/s.
Ti II Adam
year Work Beard Feet Clothes Legs
1 500 pl 2h b f e t
1525 ? ? ? ? ?
1 500 pl 2h b na b t
1475 dig b f e t
1520 ha? b f e t
1 507 pl 2h no f e t
1 500 dig no f e t
1480 – – – – –
1430 dig b na e na
1 500 ? ? ? ? ?
1500 dig no• f e t
1 480 ha? no ? c ?
1480 dig no na c na
1 500 ha b na e t
1480 ha no na e na
1480 ha/eh no na e na
1 525 eh ? ? ? ?
1500 pl 2o & 2h• b f e t
1 520 eh b ? e t
1520 pl 2o & 2h b f c t
1500 – – – – –
Eve
Other Work Feet Clothes Head Other
h,w,ba – – – – –
– s No V dr wi fo?
– s ? dr wi• be?
– s? No V dr ba –
ba,a s No V dr wi be
ha – – – – –
– s No V dr wi –
– – – – – –
– s No V dr wi –
? ? ? ? ? ?
– s No V dr wi fo?
– ‚ s na• dr wi* –
s No V dr wi
– s NoV dr wi• b􀀐 I
– s No V dr wi –
ho s No V dr wi –
– s ? dr• ba –
w s No V dr wi fo
– s No V dr wi be
h,w,ba – – – – –
– s No V dr ha fo
..00..
Dlocese
Lund
Nr Church name
1 , 1 Benestad
1,2 Benestad
2,1 EmmisiOv
2,2 EmmisiOv
2,3 EmmisiOv
3 EveriOv
4 Fjalkinge
5 Fultofta
6 Gladsax
7 Hastveda
8 Kavlinge
9,1 Linderod
9,2 LinderOd
10, 1 N. StrO
10,2 N. StrO
10,3 N. StrO
1 1 , 1 NymO
1 1 ,2 Nymo
12,1 Rinkaby
12,2 Rinkaby
1 2,3 Rinkaby
From
year
1500
1500
1450
1450
1450
1500
1430
1475
1475
1500
1500
1498
1498
1450
1450
1450
1450
1450
1450
1450
1450
Table 2: The Life on Earth in details.
place :E 0
ln 0 0
* ::s
Tlll Place ln Vault ::(II :J“ 9:::!:
year Children church CeI I ‚C0 0::s lnscrlptlons
1500 1: 1 he: d N 2. V ws n Ch Ev
1500 1: 1 he: pl N 2. V ws s Ch Ev indsk: HUIST, HO, FRAM, SO BATH, ADAM
1475 – N 2. V es n Ch V
1475 2: 1 er, 1eh N 2. V ss c V
1475 – N 2. V es s Ch V
1500 1: 1 he A 2. V ss c Ev
1460 3: 1 er, 2 eh N 2. V es c F ved Adam: SWA : NEY : FRAM
1525 – N 4. V ns c –
1525 – N 2. V ns c V
1500 – N 1. V ss w Ch Ev „HUIST HVO_DO. HAT ADAM“
1500 1: 1 sw ChnWw Wp –
1498 2: 1 er, 1 tr N 2. V es s p –
1498 – N 2. V ss e p –
1475 2: 1 SW, 1 eh N 1 . V ns e p V
1475 – N 1 . V ws n p V
1475 1: 1 he: eh N 1 . V ns w p V
1500 1 : 1 er N 2. V ss c V
1500 – N 2. V es c V
1500 3: 1 er, 2 eh N 2. V ss c –
1500 2: 2 he: h N 2. V ns c –
1500 – N 2. V ws c –
0000
Diocese
Lund
Odense
Roskilde
Viborg
Arhus
Nr
12,4
1 3
1 4
1 5
16
17
1 8
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30,1
30,2
31
From
Church name year
Rinkaby 1450
Silväkra 1500
Äspö 1 500
O.Herrestad 1450
Tägerup 1500
Elmelunde 1499
Hjembcek 1 500
Her1ev 1480
H0jelse 1430
Kvcerkeby 1500
Kgs. Lyngby 1500
Lynge 1450
Nr. Asmindrup 1450
Ottestrup 1500
Over Dräby 1460
Vallensbcek 1450
Lihme 1525
Gjerrild 1 500
Hyllest ed 1500
Hyllest ed 1 500
Tamdrup 1500
Table 2: The Life on Earth in details.
place :E 0
in 0 0
􀉅 ::I
Tl II Place in Vault VI::r :!:!:!:
year Children church Ce II „t:l0 0::I lnscriptlons
1500 – N 2. V es c –
1525 – N 2. V ns m Ch –
1 500 2: 1 er, C 2. V ws m c Ev HUIST HOC FRA(M) SAA BAD
1 he: ha ADA(M) og VAL OP TU MA VARTH
1475 – N 2. V ws s Ch aO
1520 3: 3 1a N 1. V ns e Ch 8
1507 – N 3. V ns e Ch E lndsk: HIPSIH, HOO, FREM, SOO ..
1500 1 : 1 er TrV ns e Ch aK
1480 – C 1 . Vws Ch – +
1430 – C 3. V ns e Ch –
1500 ? N 2. Vws c –
1500 3: 2 eh. 1 ri. C 2. V ws n Ch 8
1480 1: 1 Ia Ch V ws n Ch I
1480 1: 1 er“ N 2. Vws Ch – +
1500 – N 1 . Vws c 0
1480 – Ch V ns w p I
1480 1: 1 er N 2. V ns w p I +
1 525 2: n: 1 eh, 1 ri Ch V ss w Ch – +
1500 1 : 1 Ia N 2. Vws c 8
1520 – N 1 . V ss Ch 8
1520 1: 1 he N 1. V ss Ct 8
1500 – Ch V ws s p A —
To make a juxtaposition between the textual knowledge and a picture
possible, it is necessary to textualize the picture. This is done by
describing the picture.36 When one is concerned with more than one or two
pictures, it is necessary to systematize the material and to emphasize the
more generat features.
The actual labour done by Adam and Eve is a generat feature. Eve is
always spinning, only in the more extensive scenes in Enunislöv, Norra
Strö and Rinkaby churches is she seen partaking in other tasks. The
children somtimes help with ploughing and wood chopping, but more often
they are seen with the spirming Eve either in their cradles or just around
her. Adam’s labour is much more varied: he is chopping, hacking,37
digging,38 ploughing,39 sowing, gathering the harvest or perhaps even
fishing as in the church ofHerlev. But most frequently he is ploughing. All
in all he does that in 14 of t11e churches, 1 1 of which are situated in the
diocese of Lund.40
AnotJ1er general feature are the clothes worn by Adam and Eve, and
here the text is more specific than about the the type of labour done. As
mentioned above, Adam and Eve were given coats of skins, but it is very
seldom that they are dresssed in anything that can be identified as
skincoats. Eve is always wearing a dress and is only seldom witJ1 out a
wimple.41 Adam is often dressed in some sort of coat, but never as
explicitly depicted in skins as is t11e case in an earlier depiction in the
church of N0debo (c. l 350-75).42 In most cases Adam wears shoes and
trousers, but naked feet and legs is not unusual.
There are no conspicuous discordances found juxtaposing the
textlknowledge and the wall-paintings, though certain tendencies have
emerged. However, because of the small amount of wall-paintings, the
tendencies must be used with great precaution. On the otJ1er band one
should not abstain from using the pattems that emerge.
lt is very interesting tJ1at ploughing is tJ1e dominant type of labour
done by Adam, and even more so because it ahnost only seems to appear
36 Axel Bolvig, Billeder- SMan set, 1974, p. 85-86.
37 http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search the pictures: SHI 552, 9/ 65.
31 http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search the picture: SHI 24.
39 http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search the pictures: SHI 315, SH/
316 & 201 90.
40 Table 2, column: place in vault cell.
41 Table 2, column: Eve, Head. church nr.: 8; 1 5; 23.
42 Depicted in Sissel F. Plathe, „Eva Spinder“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol. 4 (ed. Ulla
Haastrup), 1989, p. 150.
89
in the Danish wall-paintings.43 If the peasants commissioned the wallpaintings
in just a few of the churches, it is understandable that they would
prefer to see their alter ego, i. e. Adam, ploughing, the plough being the
biggest and most valuable tool that they possessed, whether they owned it
themselves or just simply provided tractive force. Normal self-assertion
would partly explain why the plough dominates.
But to explain the predominance of ploughs with self-assertion causes
problems. Most of the ploughs depicted are not wheel or mouldboard
ploughs, but ploughs of a simpler type. Were the peasant only selfasserting
up to a certain point? Perhaps one should not put too much
emphasis on the actual execution of the plough, a plough is a plough, and
together with Adam it fulfills its role as a manifestation of Life on Earth.
The theory of self-assertion is also problematic, if one leaves the diocese
of Lund and tums to the diocese of Roskilde. Only in one of the churches
in that diocese Adam is seen ploughing, in all the other depictions of Life
on Earth he is either digging, hacking or chopping.44 Either the peasants in
the diocese of Roskilde were less vain, or perhaps they had a different
attitude towards their labour. The last could be explained with the
viilainage introduced on Lolland-Falster, Zealand and M0n, the two latter
constituted the diocese of Roskilde. Perhaps it was easier for the peasants
on Zealand to understand the wrath of a Iord and master because of their
legal situation. But it does not explain the non-ploughing Adams outside
Zealand or the one plouging scene on Men. And if the peasants commissioned
the wall-paintings why would they want to be depicted in that way?
One should rather suspect a higher rate of self-assertion and further more
so, if the increased legal restrictions was a result of a more self-conceited
peasantry.
If the pictures where not commissioned by the peasantry as asswned
above, but by the clergy or aristocracy, the ploughing Adam can be
understood as a good example for the peasants as weil as a reminder of
their God-given place in society.45 Then perhaps the ploughing Adam can
be seen as a pictorial attempt to control the peasantry,46 an alternative to
43 Michael Camille, ‚“‚When Adam Delved“: Labouring on the Land in the English
Medieval Art“, Agriculture in the Midd/e Ages. Technology, Practice, and
Representation (ed. Dei Sweeney), 1995, p. 258.
44 Table 2, column: Adam Labour.
•s Michael Camille, „“When Adam Delved“: Labouring on the Land in the English
Medieval Art“, Agricu!ture in the Middle Ages. Technology, Practice, and
Representation (ed. Dei Sweeney), 1 995, p. 260 & 270.
46 Jane W. Williams, „The New Image of Peasants in the Thirteenth-Century French
Stained Glass“, Agriculture in the Midd/e Ages. Techno/ogy. Practice, and
Representation (ed. Dei Sweeney), 1995, p. 299.
90
the viilainage in the diocese of Roskilde. If so, no chances were taken on
Mßn. But a hacking or chopping Adam would be able to express such
messages just as weil, except if the plough was something exclusively held
by the landowners. If, however, the peasants owned their own ploughs,
whether individually or together, the point would be lost.
Perhaps the predominance of ploughing scenes is a concequence of
only one workshop painting them. Many of the wall-paintings in churches
with ploughing scenes are not ascribed to any workshop, while the others
are attributed to four different workshops. Most of these workshops have
also depicted Adam doing something eise but ploughing.47 When Adam is
seen ploughing, it is therefore not caused by that specfic workshop’s
preference to paint Adam like that. Another way to explain the choice of a
chopping or hacking Adam instead of a ploughing one could be Iack of
space. But even if the ploughing Adam is most often the main motif in the
vault cell, Adam is seen ploughing in the vault cells shared with other
motifs as weil as in the pendentive.48
If the predominance of ploughing scenes cannot be explained by
referring to the preference of the workshop or the Iack of space, then the
choice of Adam ploughing must be due to something else. But whether it
expresses the taste or type of the commissioner, the temperament of the
painters, model books or something eise is difficult to teil.
Apart from the majority of ploughing scenes it is interesting that
Adam and Eve are not dressed in coats of skin. lt is anyway a depature
from the Bible, if not so much from the iconographical tradition. In The
Life on Earth Adam and Eve are clothed plainly and not in rags, as it is the
case with the poor in The Prayer of the Rich and the Poor Man in the
churches of Elmelunde and Keldby. But they are not clothed as weil as the
rich man.49 Nor are Adam and Eve dressed as comically as The Sheperds
in the Field, who in the churches of Tuse and M0rk0v do their labour with
sagging stockings50. Adam and Eve resemble more closely the peasants
seen harvesting in The Miracle of the Comfield.51 Adam and Eve are
dressed as one could expect the tenants of medium sized holding to be.
The situation between the rich and the poor dresswise can be understood
as a dissociating one from both groups, and thereby an assertion of one’s
47 Table 2, column: Workshop. church nr.: 3; 10,3; 16; 30,2.
48 Table 2, co1umn: Place in vault cell. church nr.: 1,2; 7; 9,2; 17.
49 http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search the picture: 30-21 81.
so http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search the pictures: 9/ 34 and 30-3/
81.
SI http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/english/search.htm search the pictures: SHI 44, SHI 45
andSHI 388.
91
own position. Through their clothes Adam and Eve are characterized as
average peasants, and not as the wretched loosers of a paradise.
In connection with the dressing of Adam and Eve it is difficult to
assess the importance of naked feet and legs. But in view of the Danish
climate naked feet seem either to depict the conditions of the first humans
or the less well-off amongst the peasants. One could also, as was the case
with the plough, interpret footwear as an expression of self-assertion. If
that is the case, it is interesting that in 1 4 of35 instances Adam is wearing
some sort of footwear, while only in seven instances he is without52. But it
will be difficult to explain, why the ploughing Adam is not always wearing
shoes of some kind.53 He ought to, if footwear and plough both can be
taken as expressions of self-assertion. But nothing can be stated for
certain, because the material is too small and the doubtful cases are too
many.
The different interpretations of dress rest on the assumption that it
was the peasants who conunissioned the wall-paintings. But there need not
be any self-assertion connected with simple clothes. The simple clothes
can in both cases merely be based on the painter’s observations of peasants
in the field.
The relationship between the painter and the commissioner has been a
recurring problern in the reflections about Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth:
Whose expression is painted on the vaults?
It was always the painter who held the brush and, therefore, in the
end he who gave the message its pictorial fonn. Whatever the demands of
the comrnissioner as to the motif, the painter hirnself would always have to
realize the demands unless he was following a model (i. e. a print).54 Many
of the details used in this article as indicators of the attitude towards labour
should therefore be taken more as an expression of the painters‘ attitude to
labour than that of the commissioners. The peasants may have found that
the wall-paintings of Adam and Eve both in regard to the labour depicted
as weil as the clothing were a fitting representation of peasantry. But that
does not mean that they commissioned the wall-paintings. Therefore, it is
interesting to note the relationship between the painters and the peasantry.
It has already been mentioned that all the few known painter names
are Danish, and that some of the painters stressed that they were working
with their hands. These things suggest a connection between the working
people and the painters. Therefore it seems significant, when Adam in five
12 Table 2, column: Adam, Footwear.
13 Rable 2, column: Adam, Footwear. church nr.: 5; 14.
s• Axel Bolvig, Billeder- SÄdan set, 1974, p. 5 1 .
92
churches is shouting to his team in Danish. ss lt is the language of the
peasants one hears above the draught animals and not Latin, as in the other
religious motifs. The Iinking of the labour of the peasant with the language
of the painter depends on the assumption that the mother tongue is used on
what one likes best. But the use of Danish can have been caused by the
Iack of text in the models used, and thus simply compensate for the
missing Latin.
Whether the painters were connected with peasantry or not, they very
rarely had the chance to depict Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth. Only 3 1 of
6 1 9 churches with known wall-paintings from the late Middle Ages give
space to this motif. This fact seems a bit strange, if the peasants
commissioned the wall-paintings and if they thought themselves
represented in Adam and Eve’s Life on Earth; but not less strange if it was
propaganda commisioned by the aristocracy or clergy, the same which in
this period tightened the legal restrictions for the peasantry.
Adam and Eve do not Iook as if they are working the accursed land, both
are neatly dressed, and Adam is steering the plough. Perhaps he is not
always ploughing, but there is none of the wretchedness in the situation as
it is in the case in the Expulsion from Paradise or in the grief after the
Expulsion.56 This suggests a positive view on labourers and their work, a
view which the elite or aristocracy according to written sources did not
share. The wall-paintings could, therefore, be claimed to express the view
of the broader population. But using the material in an attempt to examine
the attitude towards labour in the Danish wall-paintings is problematic. It
is in several respects very limited: Only Adam and Eve’s life on Earth has
been included, and a very small amount of pictures. A more thorough
investigation of the theme would demand the use of many more wallpaintings,
but also other fonns of pictorial material, and not only from
Derunark. Easy access to such a vast material is not yet available, but
through the setting-up of databases with free and quick admission
hopefully this will soon be the case.
55 J. Bnmdum-Nielsen, „Den plajende Adam“, Acta Philo/ogica Scandinavica Vol.
24, 1960; Niels Haastrup, „Huist hoo fram, saa bad adam“, Danske kalkmalerier Vol.
6 (ed. Ulla Haastrup), 1 992, p. 98-10 I ; table 2, column: lnscription, church nr.: I ,5; 4;
7; 14; 17.
56 http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/englishlsearch.htm search the pictures: SH/485, / 7159
& Ko/14.
93
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
39
KREMS 1998
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KULTURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
Herausgeber: Mediwn Aevwn Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der
materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500 Krems, Österreich.
Für den Inhalt verantwortlich zeichnen die Autoren, olme deren ausdrückliche
Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdmck, auch in Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Dmck:
KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, A-l 050 Wien.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Axel Bolvig, Danish Wall-paintings -an Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Axel Bolvig, Ars /onga- vita brevis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Jesper Jerre Borrild, Medieval Danish Wall-paintingsan
Internet Database . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Annedorte Vad, Devils here, there and everywhere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Steen Schj0dt Christensen, Mysterious Images –
Grimacing, Grotesques, Obscene, Popular:
Anti- or Conunentary Images? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Martin Bo N0rregärd, The Concept ofLabour
in the Danish Medieval Wall-paintings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
Axel Bolvig, Images ofLate Medieval ‚Daily Life‘:
A History of Mentalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Annamäria Kovacs, Costumes as Symbols.
The Pictorial Representations of the Legend of
King Ladislas of Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Anca Golgtitan, Family, Patronage, and Artistic Production:
The Apafis and Mäläncrav (Almakerek, Malmkrog),
Sibiu District, in Transylvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
3
Vorwort
Medium Aevum Quotidianum legt mit Heft 39 einen Band vor, welcher
sich schwerpunktartig mit der Analyse von Bildquellen, vor allem
Wandmalerei, auseinandersetzt Die Autoren der Beiträge stammen aus
zwei Institutionen, in denen Bilddokumentation und Analyse konzentriert
betrieben werden: dem Department of History an der Universität
Kopenhagen und dem Department of Medieval Studies an der Central
European University, Budapest. Das erstgenannte Institut ist besonders
durch seine Digitalisierung des Gesamtbestandes dänischer Wandmalerei
bekannt geworden, der über das Internet allgemein zugänglich geworden
ist und als Basis für umfassende qualitative und quantitative
Bilduntersuchungen herangezogen werden kann. Das Department of
Medieval Studies der CEU konzentriert sich in Zusammenarbeit mit dem
Institut für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften auf die Sammlung,
Katalogisierung, Dokumentation und Analyse zentraleuropäischen
Bildmaterials. Die VerfLigbarkeit des aufgearbeiteten Bestandes via
Internet ist in Vorbereitung.
Medium Aevum Quotidianum ist nun auch mittels Internet
erreichbar (http://www.imareal.oeaw.ac.at/maq/). Im Augenblick bieten
wir das Inhaltsverzeichnis aller seit unserer Gründung im Jahre 1982
erschienenen Bände. Aktuelle Informationen, Links zu anderen, uns
wichtig erscheinenden Websites sowie Berichte werden in Zukunft das
Service-Angebot erweitern.
Gerhard Jaritz, Herausgeber
5