The Moral Ambiguity of the Medieval Feast

The Moral Ambiguity of the Medieval Feast MARY FRANCES ZAMBRENO
Moral ambiguity is integral to the medieval concept of the feast. On the one hand, the feast is a ceremonial a rmation of the stability of society. It es­ tablishes the power and position of the king or Iord who gives it, and main­ tains his tness to rule. On the other hand, the feast is an opportunity for excess and self-indulgence. In several illustrated manuscripts of Prudentius‘ PJychomachia, the vice Luxuria is represenled presiding over a banquet. The text describes the approaching Luxuria as „languidly belching after a night­ long feast“ (pervigilem ructabat marcida cenam; PJychomachia, 316), but her debauchery is not part of the narrative.1 That this „off-stage“ feast should be depicted by the poem’s illustrators seerns to e to indicate the grip which the abuse of the feast has on the medieval imagination. I propose, therefore, to examine the nature and extent of this abuse. What precisely constitutes immorality at the feast? Why should a positive, joyous, and Iegitimale cele­ bration be so explicitly associated with vice and vicious behavior? I believe that considering these questions will tell us a great deal about the edieval attitude towards food and dining in general.
I rst noted the ambiguity of the concept of the feast through an examina­ tion of the stability of its conventions. In whatever rnanner the medieval feast is represented, the meal itself seldorn changes signi cantly. There are always feasters, one of whorn generally dominates the others; there is a richly draped table, lavish food and drink, the necessary utensils, and specialized servers and entertainment. Any representation which does not include several of these elements cannot properly be called a feast.2 They indicate that the eal so depicted or described is more than people eating; it is an event recognized by participants and observers as distinct fro the daily round. And yet, at the heart of this occasion is the physical act of eating, a daily necessity which must inevitably remind feasters oftheir own mortality. In some senses, the feast is a
1 s�� Prudentiu&, trans. H. J. Thomson (Cnmbridge, Mnssnchusetts: Hnrvard University Pr�ss, 1949), I, 300-301. All referenc�s to th� Paychomnchin of Prudmtiu& use this edition. 2 For a mor� complet� discussion of the f�aat and its c�r�mony, nnd of several oth�r iasues consider�d bri�ßy in this �ssny, •�� my disa�rtntion, „Th� Image of th� Feaot: Content nnd Conv�ntiono of th� M�di�vnl F�not-Sc�n�“, Univ�rsity of Chicngo (in progr�ss).
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ritual made to embellish and contain that necessity – even to make a pleasure out of weakness.
To this extent, aU feasts are similar. What, then, makes some vicious and others virtuous? In spite ofdidactic diatribes agai st gluttony, neither the abundance nor the richness of food serves as su cient to make a feast immoral.3 All medieval feasts were lavish, by de nition. Each had three courses, with each course serving one or more pottages, several meats or sh, and various vegetable or egg dishes. Wine and bread accompanied each course. A fourth dessert course of sweets, fruit, and spiced wine was often o ered as weil. The coronation feast of Henry IV, described by Froissart, served fty dishes, and white and red wine owed from an elaborate table fountain. Marvellous „table
fountains“ for wine were evidently a common conceit, especially in France and Burgundy.4 They surface in English Iiterature at Arthur’s New Year’s feast in the AlliterativeMorte Arthure, where fountains of ne gold and clear silver offer feasters not merely white and red but seven di erent kinds of wine (Alliterative
Morte, 200-205).5 Arthur’s feast itself has twenty-one dishes, but its lavishness is praised even by his enemies:
There ne es prelatte, ne pape, ne prynce in is erthe, That he ne myghte be wele payede of ees pryce metes.
(AlliterativeMorte, 229-230)
In short, there is little that is modest or humble about the medieval feast; its richness is a cause for marvelling and admiration. The potential viciousness of the concept must therefore stem from something eise. But what?
To answer that question, I return to the illustrations of Prudentius with which I began. We have several examples of Luxuria’s feast, from both conti­ nental and English manuscripts. I note in particular Brussels 9968-72, Paris
3 An exnmple of the condemnntion of gluttony may be found in Chaucer’s Ponon’s Tale. See The River!ide Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd edition (Boston: Houghton Mi in Compony, 1987), 316-320. References to Chaucer throughout use thio edition.
4 See Henry L. Horder, „Feooting in the AlliterativeMorte Arthure“, Chivalric Literature, ed. Lnrry D. Benson nnd John Leyerle (Knlamazoo, Michigan: Medievo!Institute Publications, 1980), 52; ondMorte Arthure: A Critical Edition, ed. Mory Ha e! (New York ond London: Gorland Publishing Inc., 1984), 261-262. For the precise citation, see Oeuvre! de Froi•!ar!, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels: Devaux et Cie, 1871), XVI, 208. I nlso note the En­ glish version of Froissnrt’s Chronicleß, selected nnd trans. George Brerton (Hnrmondoworth, Middlesex, Englond: Penguin Books Ltd., 1978), 465.
5 References to the text of the Alliterative Morte Arthure use throughout The Alliterative Morte Arthure: A Critical Edition, ed. Volerie Krishno (New York: Burt Fronklin & C o . ,
Inc., Publishers, 1976).
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8085, the manuscript called the Codex Burmannorum, the Codex Vossianus, London 24199, and Corpus Christi 23.6 All of these represent Luxuria’s feast as charming. The text speaks of vice, but were these illustrations taken out of context it would be di cult to determine if they depicted scenes of debauch­ ery or of celebration. Our clearest clue to the presence of vice is in the two English manuscripts, London 24199 and Corpus Christi 23. Both manuscripts are Anglo-Saxon and very similar in style, with elegant feasters and detailed furnishings. In both, there are puddies of spilled wine on the tables. Luxuria in these English manuscripts presides over not a lavish feast, but a wasteful one. The carelessness of the diners provides us with our first real distinction between the virtuous feast and the vicious, for the watchword at the virtuous fe t is control.
In fact, the medieval feast is more than merely controlled; it is so organized that we might almost call it regimented. Certain foods are to be cooked in certain seasons and served in certain combinations; to do otherwise is not only incorrect, but unhealthy. Medieval health handbooks speak at length of the dangers of careless indulgence in particular foods. Beets, for example, set the blood on re unless they are served with vinegar and mustard; and chestnuts cause headaches if they are not cooked in water before being eaten.7 Wine, especially red wine, causes dizziness and loss of memory when taken to excess.8 Wine is also and more seriously associated with Iust and rage, of which we have several literary instances. The de on in the Anglo-Saxon Juliana, to mention one such instance, serves strife out of a goblet to encourage men to kill each other in the hall (Juliana, 486-490).9 In the Que$te del Saint Graal, to name another, Perceval is tempted to lechery immediately after eating weil and
6 The manuscripts in question dnte from npproximntely thc tcnth nnd elcvcnth ccnturics, though prccise dating is of coursc not thc focus of this study. I rcf r those interested to Helen Woodru , The Illu•lrated Mantucripll of Prudenlitu (Cambridgc, Mnssachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1930); and to Richard Stcttiner, Die illu1trierten Prudentiu•handuhriften (B rlin: Druck von J.S. Pr uss, 1896) and Die illu•lrierlen Prudentiu•hand1chrijten, Tafel­ band (B rlin: G. Grot , 1905).
7 See The Medieval Health Handbook: Tacuinem Sanilali1, d. Luisa Cogliati Arnnn, trans. and adapt d by Oscar Ratti and Ad le Weatbrook (New York: George Brazill r, 1976), Color Platea 4 and 5.
8 A circumstance which I do not nd particularly surprising. See The Four Sea•on• of the Hou•e of Cerruti, trana. Judith Spencer (New York: Facts on File Publicntions, 1984), 96-97.
9 Referencea to the Anglo-Saxon Juliana use The E eter-Book, ed. George Philip Krapp and Elliott van Kirk Dobbie (New York: Columbin University Press, 1936). I nole also the English translation provided in S. A. J. Bradley, trana., Anglo-Sa�on Poetry (London: J. M. Dent & Sona, 1982).
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drinking strong wine. The Que�te ’s author excuses Perceval’s weakness on the grounds that the young knight was not accustomed to such a potent vintage, since wine was rare in Britain „in those days“, but the principle is unchanged.10 I n addition, Chaucer’s Pardoner explicitly links the res of lechery with both gluttony and drunkenness (Pardoner’s Tale, 483-484; 498-499). Food and drink at the feast must be lavish but appropriate; there is no fault in abundance, only in carelessness.
Service and manners are equally well-organized. A feast requires many servants, among them a butler, carvers, cup-bearers, basin-holders, and an almoner. Each has his own speci c function to ful ll according to the medieval books of nurture.11 Food is served in measured portions, and leftovers are
gathered up by the almoner and given to poor.12 The behavior and duties of the diners are also speci c. The feast-givcr, the king or ranking Iord, rules the feast. He eats rst and best, and all present defer to him. His roJe is to govern others by wise example. The feast is his showcase, and his function is to be the center of it, to demoostrate how worthy he is as both Iord and feast-giver. His guests, in turn, predicate their actions upon his. They Iisten when he speaks, drink after he does, and refrain from swearing, lying, gorging, drunkenness, tale-telling, and scratching the dogs.13 All of these things and more earn praise for the dinner-guest; his manners demoostrate his courtesy and, by extension, his virtue. Even a minor deviation is shameful. When the feast follows a set, acceptable pattern, it is a virtuous celebration; when it varies from that pattern by so uch as a cup of spilled wine, it becomes vicions.
The loss of control understandably manifests itself rst and most impor­ tantly in the behavior of the ranking Iord. I n the description of Belshazzar’s
See La Que•fe Dei Saint Graal, ed. Albert Pouphilet (Paris: Libroirie Ancienne Honore Chompion, 1923), 108-109. References to the Que•te throughout use this edition. I note nlso the English tronslotion, The Que.•t of the Holy Grail, trons. P. M. Motorosso (Hor­ mondsworth, Middlesex, Englond: Penguin Books Ltd., 1969).
1 1 For severnl exnmples of medievol books of nurture, aee Frederiek J. Furnivall, ed., The Babee• Book (London: For the Enrly English Text Society by N. Trübner & Co., 1868; rpt. New York: Greenwood Press, Publishers, 1969).
12 See A Co/lection of Ordinance• for the Government of the Royal Houuhold (London: Prinled for lhe Society of Antiqunries by John Nichols, 1790), 89-90.
13 For exnmples of medieval courtesy books, see ngoin Furniv ll. Jonnthon Nicholls orgues in fovor of n distinction between these works, nimed nt members of the nobility, ond the books of nurture, intended to instruct servont.. However, he conclude•, nnd I ngree, thnt ll such works nre reloted and Logether demonstrnle the imporlonce of outward behovior ond orgnnizntion at o medievnl fenst. See his Tht Matttr of Courteoy: Medieval Courte•y Boob and thc Cawain-pod (Woodridge, Suffolk: D. S. Brewer, 1985), 7-18.
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feast in the Middle English poem Cleanne��. it is the king whose actions break decorum.14 Belshazzar, his heart warmed by wine (Cleannes�, 1420), is the one who conceives of using sacred temple vessels at his very secular feast.15 His announced motive in so doing is to demonstrate his liberality to the dissolute ladies of his court:
Bryng hem [the vessels] now to my borde, of beuerage hem fylles, Let pise ladyes of hem lape – I luf hem in hert;
pat schall I courtaysly kype, and pay schin knawe soon,
per is no bounte in burne lyk Baltazar pewes.
(Cleanness, 1433-1436)
Validation of a lord’s magni cence and generosity is, of course, one of the purposes of a feast; it is for these very qualities that the Arthur of the AlLit­ erative Morte is praised. However, Belshazzar’s generosity is suspect. In using temple vessels as table service, he claims an excellence which is not rightfully his by appropriating goods which are not rightfully his, and his feast, from being rich, becomes excessive and vulgar – even vicious. As the handwriting on the wall will soon make clear, everyone who follows Belshazzar’s example is equally at fault.
Even more relevant is the behavior of Holofernes in the Anglo-Saxon Ju­ dith.16 The poet does not change events in the Biblical story unduly, but he does stress the feast and Holofernes‘ governing of it as contributing to the lord’s downfalL In the traditional account, llolofernes‘ drinking is exceptional behavior for him, but the Anglo-Saxon poet makes it seem customary and a part of this feast-giver’s normal wildness.17 The feast is a perversion of a Iegit­ imale celebration on several levels. To review, Holofernes prepares his mighty banquet to celebrate his victory over the people of Bethulia, and commands all of his noblest thanes to attend. At the feast, bowls and cups and tankards
14 Sec Elizabcth B. Kciscr, „Thc feslive dccorum of Cleanneu“, Chivalric Literature, cd. Larry 0. Benson and John Leyerle (Kalamozoo, Michigan: Medieval Institute Publications, 1980), 72-73.
15 All references to the works of the Gowain-poet (speci cnlly to Cleanneu nnd to Gawain and the Green Knight) use The Poem• of the Pearl Manu.cript,ed. Moleolm Andrew and Ronald Waldron (Berkeley ond Los Angeles: University of Coüfo ia Press, 1978).
16 References to the Anglo-Soxon Judith use Beowul/ and Judith,ed. Elliott van Kirk Dobbie (New York: Columbia University Press, 1953). I note also the English trnnslotion provided in Riehard Hamer, trans., A Choice of Anglo-Sa on Ver•e (London: Fober and Faber Ltd., 1 970).
17 See Hugh Magennis, „Adaption of Biblical Detoil in the Old English ‚Judith‘: The Feast Scene“, Neuphi/o/ogi1che Mitteilungen 84 (1983), 332-333.
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of strong drink are carried around to the men. Their Iord, „in festive mood“, laughs and roars exultantly. More, he encourages his men to overindulge, as he does:
… se stipmoda (Holofernes) styrmde and gylede, modig ond medugal, manode geneahhe bencsittende p t hi geb rdon wel.
Swa se inwidda ofer ealne d g
dryhtguman sine drencte mid wine,
swipmod since brytta, opp t hie on swiman lagon,
oferdrencte his dugupe ealle, swylce hie w ron deape geslegene, agotene goda gehwylces.
(Judith, 25-32)
Though his men do not know it yet, both they and their Iord are already dead, in vice if in no other way. Holofernes‘ debauchery Ieads to his assault on Judith and to his own death, though in this version ofthe story his vice seems to be as much drunkenness as lust.18 More signi cantly, Holofernes‘ example and encouragement Iead his men to be rst drunk and then unready when attacked the next morning. They are destroyed becanse they obey their leader’s will and copy his excess. In Prudentius, the vice Luxuria is herself a Ieader in battle. She tempts men to sin and death by scattering sweet owers before them and by dazzling them with wealth (P�ychomachia, 321-339); for a moment, she even succeeds in sedncing the virtues who oppose her:
et iam cuncta acies in deditiones amorem sponte sua versis transibat per da signis Luxuriae servire volens dominaeque uentis iura pati et laxa ganearum lege teneri.
(P�ychomachia, 340-343)
As feast-giver in the illustrations, her importance and leadership are stres­ sed by the position and size of the gure. The resemblance to Holofernes is instructive: when the Iord of the feast counsels Iack of control, as Holofernes does, he is acting as the representative of Luxuria.
The relationship between this vice and loss of control is only the begin­ ning, however. Luxuria is frequently translated as Iust, but in point of fact sbc is all wasteful, excessive, sensual behavior. Her direct opposite among the vices is Avaritia – Avarice, the desire to possess goods for their own sake and
18 In the P•ychomachia, in contrnsl, Jttdith is nn emblem of chnotity. The focus in the Anglo-Snxon poem di ers slightly in thnt it concentrntes on tempernnce.
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not for use. 8oth of these vices are o en linked in medieval imagcry. 19 In the P�ychomachia, Avaritia and Luxuria are the only two of the original vices to threaten the virtues seriously. Avaritia gathers the wealth which Luxuria has tossed aside and nearly deceives the virtues into following her greedy example (P�ychomachia, 454-571). It seems that in avoiding Luxuria, one falls into the traps of Avarice, and vice versa. A wastrel is also prone to greed, while a miser enjoys excess (though not sharing). Chaucer’s Pardoner declares that the theme of his sermon is „alwey oon, and evere was -/Radix malorum est Cupid­ ita�“ (Pardoner’s Prologue, 333-334), but he begins bis Tale with exhortations against lechery, gluttony, drunkenness, and gambling – all forms ofexcess asso­ ciated more with Luxuria than Avaritia. The three young men whose story he teils do eventually die because of their greed, but they begin in wastefulness, and even their greed is partially motivated by the desire to possess enough gold to fulfill all their pleasures (Pardoner’s Tale, 833). Most interesting, though, is the fact that both of these sins dentonstrate a loss of control over material things, over the needs and desires of the body. Such a loss of control is not only a component of Luxuria. It is in the nature of vicc, perhaps of all vices, so that carelessness at the feast immcdiately creates a vicious feast. The motives may vary; the cause and consequences are the same.
We have, then, vice at the feast directly resulting from loss of control over the feast. This connection, however, is complicated by feasts which are not vicious, at least not overtly. The excessive feasts which I have described so far all seem to end in death or at least in bloodshed; but so do some apparently virtuous feasts. In the Alliterative Morte, for example, Arthur’s feast is a pre­ lude to war, as is William of Normandy’s great feast in the Bayeux Tapestry
just before the Battle of Hastings.20 That these feasts precede victories does not invalidate the violence of the conßicts which follow them. Hrothgar’s feast in Beowulf is not excessive, yet it is marrcd by the night-attack of Grendel’s mother, as many earlier nights of celebration were darkened by Grendel him­ self.21 The feast in the Que�te del Saint Graal does not end in war, but the quest to which the knights pledge themselves at it certainly means death and dishonor for many of them. In the Stanzaic Morte Arthur, as in its French
19 Adolf Katzenellenbogen calls Avaritia and Luxuria togelher „the most dongerous embod­ imenls of sybaritism“ ; sec his Allegorie. of the Virtue& and Vice• in Medteval Art, trons. Alan J. P. Crick (London: The Warburg Institute, 1939), 2.
2° For consideration of the Bayeux Tapestry, see ank Stenton, The Bayeu Tape.try: A Comprehen•ive Survey, 2nd edition (London: Phnidon Press, Ltd., 1965).
21 See Beowulf and Judith, ed. Elliott vnn Kirk Dobbie (New York: Columbin University Preu, 1953). I note also Beowulf: The Donald•on Tran•lation, ed. Joseph F. Tuso (New York nnd London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1976).
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source, Guenevere presides at a feast which literally results in murder, when she innocently hands a poisoned apple to a knight who is dining with her (Stan­ zaicMorte, 834-855).22 At none of these meals (except perhaps Guenevere’s) is there any obvious loss of control, yet they are hardly ta e or peaceful occa­ sions. Does the fact that all apparently Iead to or end in strife mean that there is something inherently wrong with the concept of the feast? I doubt it, but this association with conflict has far-ranging implications for our discussion. The feast, though a moment of pleasure and joyous satisfaction, also seems to be a moment of danger. lnevitably, at all feasts, there is some risk of injury.
To consider the meaning of that risk, we must return to the virtuous feast.
It is, as I have demonstrated, characterized by control and restraint. However, the control does not automatically prevent disaster; it merely makes disaster less likely. Eating remains a necessity; and the temptation for us here is to see the feast as unnecessary, as a kind of ostentatious luxury. But the Last Supper is also a feast. lt too centers around the act of eating, as does its recreation in the Eucharist. At the Last Supper, the feast directly nourishes the soul which is contained in the body; in this way, it extends our understanding of eating and the feast until both become necessities. To come to terms with the image of the Last Supper is beyond the scope of this essay. Nonetheless, a brief exploration into the medieval interpretation of a single Biblical feast, particnlarly of a Gospel feast, may o er us at least some insight into the signi cance of such feasts. As my example, I choose the exegesis of the Marriage at Cana (John 2:1-12) in the Glossa Ordinaria. The Glossa Ordinaria suits our needs here because of its compact selection of various authorities, and because of its status as the rst widely used commentary on the whole text of the Bible.23 The Marriage at Cana is a good feast to consider because it Iooks forward to the Last Supper (without being as complex as that meal) and because of the nature of the commentary on it. 24
The miracle at Cana is one oftransformation: water becomes wine, as wine will later be transformed into blood at the Last Supper. This change is central
22 References to the Stanzaic Aforle Arthur throughout use Le Marle Arlhur: A Critical Edition, ed. P. F. Hissiger (The Hngue and Paris: Mouton, 1975). For the French version of the episode, aee Le Morte /e Roi Artu, ed. Jean Frappier (Geneve: Librairie Droz, 1 964), 75-78. All references to this work use Frnppier.
23 For n diocusoion of the Gloua Ordinaria and ito pooition in medievnl Biblicnl exegeoio, eee Beryl Smolley, The Study o/ lhe Bible in the Middle Age• (Oxford: Bosil Blockwell, 1952), 46-66.
24 For speci c references to the exegesis of the Morringe nt Cono in the Gloua Ordinaria, see the ßiblia cum gloHa ordinaria (Strnssburg: Adolf Rusch, cn. 1480). This printing does not include poge numbers.
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to the exegesis of the marriage-feast. That interpretation has the traditional four Ievels. First is of course the Iitera!: water turns into wine. Second is the moral: by attending a marriage, Jesus Iegitimales the sacr ment of marriage, while by doing his Mother’s bidding (and turning the water into wine) he shows that he does not deny her. Third is the allegorical Ievel: by changing water into wine rather than creating wine out of nothing, Jesus demonstrates that the new Christian dispensation is created from the Old Law – that the law of the Old Testament is not rejected but is ful lled by his coming. Fourth is the anagogical Ievel: the marriage represents the ultimate wedding between Christ and his Church (promised by the New Law). The Iitera! Ievel involves physical change, while both moral and anagogical interpretations rely to some extent on the centrat allegory – on the transformation of water into wine (at the marriage-feast) which represents the shift from Old Law into New. The signi cance of the marriage-feast at Cana, therefore, is that it is a moment of change, and therein lies the danger. So long as any change is possible, there is a risk of change for the worse – of decay and pain replacing plcasure and happiness. The virtuous feast is bene cial and nurturing, but in this world nothing, good or ill, lasts forever. By acknowledging the inevitability of change
– even embracing it – we accept the possibility of loss.
Ultimately, then, whether virtuous or vicious, the feast must be seen as
transitory. An individual risks hi self by attending a feast. lf he makes the wrong choices – if he misbehaves – then he will lose something. Jt may be recognition of this risk which causes so many medieval literary feasts to be interrupted by a call to arms or a challenge. After the murder in the Stanzaic Morte, for example, the dead knight’s brother arrives to demand justice as thc court is being served the third course at yet another feast (Stanzaic Morte, 1512-1519).25 Such a late interruption is unusual for Arthurian feasts, which are usually disrupted as they begin – in part due to Arthur’s well-known vow to wait for an adventtue or miracle before dining on feast days. In Gawain and the Green Knight, Arthur is waiting for his wonder when the Green Knight provides it by riding into the hall with his challenge to a Christmas game ( Gawain, 85- 106). In the Que�te del Saint Graal, Arthur has to be rerninded of his vow by Sir Kay, but the arrival of Galahad’s sword and later of Galahad himself offer marvel, interruption, and challenge together, as will the entry of the Grail that evening ( Que�te, 34-44). Even when the tradition of Arthur’s vow is omitted, though, the feast if o en immediately interrupted. In the Alliterative Morte, Arthur waits for no adventures, but the Roman emissaries arrive with their
25 A si lor int rruption, o tting in pnrticulnr lh ddnil of which cours it occurs ot, is olso in th Fr nch original; see Froppi r, 84-104.
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emperor’s demand for tribute just as the court is going in to its New Year’s feast.26 As interesting and less purely literary is an incident which Froissart includes in Henry IV’s coronation feast, where a knight in crimson tmppings rides into the hall to issue a challenge to all present on behalf of the new-made king.27 The feast is thus easily established as a moment at which challenge is appropriate; from there, it is only a step to perceiving the feast as a challenge in and of itself. We may conclude, therefore, that the feast tests human behavior. Speci cally, it tests the human capacity to control mortal weakness, to satisfy human needs without surrendering to human desire.
And that, of course, returns us to our starting point: the question of why the feast is associated with vice. In general, the feast can most usefully be approached as a creation of the human mind, which surrounds it with ceremony and endows it with power. The ritual of the feast is the means by which the human mind controls its own creation. The feast is thus not inherently vicious; it is inherently human, and so potentially either virtuous or vicious. It is associated with vice because it mirrors humanity, and vice is an adjunct of human nature. Mortal weakness and necessity can be transformed into spiritual immortality, but only if the individual uses caution and control. Man must eat, after all, but he who Jives to eat rather than eating to live will injure hirnself by his own excess. Even more, medieval man eats to feed both body and soul, but pandering to the body can destroy the soul. The feast, therefore, functions as an opportunity to control physical desires and as a warning of what might happen if that control gives way. As human nature is dual – both physical and spiritual – so too is the feast.
26 This feast and entry occur also in chronicle versions of the story of Arthur and the Emperor, notably those of Geo rey, Wace, Laynmon, and Manning. Malory entiona a feast, but not explicitly that it ia interrupted.
27 See Oeuvre� de Froiuart, XVI, 208-209; and Brerton, 466. 27

MEDIUM AEVUM QUOTIDIANUM
newsletter 13
Krems 1988
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidiamun. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters. Körnermarkt 13, A-3500, Ösl(rreich. ·- Für den lnhult verant­ wortlich zeichnen die Autoren, ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch in Auszügen, nicht gestaltet ist. – Herstellung: D ck & Kopie Wille • Tel. 587 97 12
Inhaltsverzeichnis/ Contents
Editor’s Preface 4
Terence Scully: Studies in Medieval Food 6
John D. Fudge: Supply and Distribution of Foodstuffs
in Northern Europe 1450-1500 ……………………………… 8
Mary Frances Zambreno: The Moral Ambiguity of the
Medieval Feast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Liliane Plouvier: La con serie europeenne au Moyen Age 28 Berichte – Besprechungen – Mitteilungen 48 Adressenverzeichnis der Autoren 59

Editor’s Preface
The present volume of Medium Aevum Quotidianum-Newsletter is an indirect result of the editor’s participation at the 23rd International Congress on Me­ dieval Stu ies at Kalamazoo this May. Among the numerous other papers delivered there, which have been relevant for historians of material culture and daily life of the Middle Ages, my attention was particularly drawn to a ses­ sion on medieval food organized by Terence Scully from the Department of French Language and Literature of Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, On­ tario. Terence Scully is one of the few specialists on medieval food and cooking in North America and weil known for his editions of French cookery books and recipe collections (cf., e. g., „Du fait de cuisine par Maistre Chiquart 1420“, Val/e$ia40, 1985, 130-231; Chiquart1$ On Coo ery. A Fifteenth-Century Savo­ yard Culinary Treatüe. New York, Berne, Frankfurt/M., 1986; The Viandier of Taillevent, to be published this October by the University of Ottawa Press). For several years now, he has been organizing sessions on „Foods in the Euro­ pean Middle Ages“ at Kalamazoo.
When I offered Terence Scully and the speakers of his session – John D. Fudge, Mary Frauces Zambreno and Liliane Plouvier- to publish the papers in Medium Aevum Quotidianum-Newsletter, they all immediately accepted. By that, we get the opportunity to be quickly informed about some important new research. I would like to thank the authors, particularly for their readiness to send their manuscripts in such a short time after the conference, in spite of their many other obligations.
This Newsletter 13 will soon be followed by Newsletter 14, which is dedi­ cated to the conference „Mensch und Objekt im Mittelalter. Leben – Alllag – Kultur“, organized by Medium Aevum Quotidianum and the Institut für mit­ telalterliche Realienkunde Österreichs, taking place in Krems from September 27 to 30, 1988. As in the years 1984 and 1986, we would like to present sum­ maries of the papers delivered at the conference to inform our members about the main topics and aspects to be discussed.
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Two gucst editors will be responsible for Newsletter 15. Grethe Jacobsen and Jens Christian Johansen, both from Copenhagen, have agreed to edit thc volume, which will be dealing with the research on daily life and material culture of the Middle Ages in Den ark. It will be the rst of the already announced volumes concerning research in particular countries. We hope that this newsletter will be published at the end of 1988.
For 1989, we already have started the preparations for two volumes contin­ uing our select bibliographies. One volume will be devoted to medieval dress, the other to medieval ships. We also plan an updated version of the gen­
eral select bibliography, which was published as Medium Aevum Quotidianum­ Newsletter 7/8 in 1986. Numerous new books and articles have come out since then; a second edition seems to be necessary.
At last, I would like to thank those members of our society who have been – some of them continuously – contributing to Medium Aevum Quotidianum­ Newsletter. All others, I again would like to invite to send us articles, reviews, notes or announcements.
Gerhard Jaritz, editor
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