“ Transeuntes ad alium Ordinem.“•
The position of Cistercians and Carthusians in the Middle Ages2
Gerhard Jaritz
Monks and nuns, who – deliberately or forced – wandered around in the secular
world, or moved from one monastery to another have often been seen as a
particular problern in monastic communities and Orders.3 This is particularly true
for the late Middle Ages and the sixteenth century, when we are con.fronted with
quite a large nurober of „evagationes“ and “fugilivi“.4 In the forced form, we can
find them, e.g., in connection with the Hussite wars, when many monks and nuns
had to move away from their communities, mainly to other houses of their Order,
were often rejected there, moved onwards to a third monastery, were rejected
again, moved on to the fourth community, and so on.5
1 Cf Maurice Laporte, Ex Chartis Capitu/orum Genera/ium ab initio usque ad 1951, (Grande
Chartreuse: typoscript, 1953), 393-397: „Transitus de alia Religione ad nosrram“.
1 Revised version of a paper delivered at ‚Heremitae, Monachi, Fratres. International Conference
on the Interactions ofMedieval Monastic Orders‘, Pannonhalma (Hungary), March 2 1 –
23, 1996.
J Cf Gerhard Jaritz, ‚Monastische Kommunitäten und räumliche Mobilität in Mittelalter und
Frühneuzeit‘, in Migration in der Feudalgesellschaft, ed. G. Jaritz, A Müller, (Frankfurt]
Main: Campus, 1988), 157-178 (lit.).
4 Cf, e. g., Kaspar Elm and Peter Feige, ‚Der Verfall des zisterziensischen Ordenslebens im
späten Mittelalter‘, in Die Zisterzienser. Ordensleben zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit, (Bonn:
Rheinland-Verlag, 1980), 237-238.
5 Cf Gerhard Jaritz, ‚Cistercian Migrations in the Late Middle Ages‘, in Goad and Nail.
Studies in Medieval Csi tercim1 History X, ed. E. Rozanne Eider, (Kalamazoo/Mich.:
Cistercian Publications, 1 985), 1 9 1 -200.
32
Another problern with regard to ignoring or having to ignore monastic
stability were those monks or nuns who changed the Order. This could certainly
be judged and evaluated rather differently, depending on the situation if they
joined one’s own Order coming from another one or if they moved away. Already
the Rule of St. Benedict stated that an abbot should avoid to take over a monk
from another monastery without a Ietter of recommendation of his own abbot.6
Such agreements of abbots also played an important roJe in later periods. They
got often connected with the wish of monks to change to a more rigorous
commtmity. ln 1 097, Cluny received the privilege of pope Urban II to accept
monks from other monastefies without caring about objections of their original
houses, if those changes happenedpro vitae melioratione.7
Those who left were at least seen as suspicious and dangerous, and the
authorities of Orders, e.g., General Chapters, regularly dealt with them generally
or concerning specific cases. Again, mainly the fifteenth century was the period,
in which many of those cases and difficulties obviously occurred. We are, in
some statutes, on the one hand, confronted with the necessity to keep up the
position of one’s own Order against the others. On the other band, we sometimes
find compromises and/or permissions, either initiated by various supporters of
individual monks and nuns who wanted to change, or out of the wish of the
authorities of an Order to keep up the COtUJections to other Orders in a positive
state without major disturbances.
ln this paper, I would like to try to show the importance, the developments
and the changes of those problems in the Middle Ages with particular references
to the position of Cistercians and Carthusians.
rn the early periods of the Cistercian Order we are often confronted with
the positive connotation of and position towards members of other Orders who
joined the new communities.8 This can be seen to a higher degree than for the
6 Regula Benedicti, c. 6 1 : Caveat autem abbas. ne aliquando de alio noto monasterio
monacho ad habitandum suscipiat sine consensu abbatis eius aut litteras commendaticias;
quia scriptum est: Quod tibi non vis fieri, alio ne feceris [Regula Benedicti. Die
Benedikllisregel lateinisch/deutsch, (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1 992), 214]. Cf Adriaan
H. Bredero, ‚Das Verhältnis zwischen Zisterziensern und Cluniazensem im 12. Jahrhundert:
Mythos und Wirklichkeit‘, in Die Zisterzienser. Ordensleben zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit.
Egänmngsband, ed. K. Elm, (Köln: Rheinland-Verlag, 1 982), 5 1 .
7 Cf Bredero 50.
8 Cf the tak.ing over of already existing monasteries by the Cistercians like, e. g., in midtwelfth
century that of the reform congregation of Savigny (Louis J. Lekai, The Cistercians.
Ideals and Rea/ity. (Kent: Kent State University Press, 1 977), 36].
33
Carthusians. Concerning Carthusians, the necessity of general stability in any
fonn is of major and special importance and is shown in regular statutes of the
General Chapter that mainly forbade to change from one monastery to another
house of their Order.9 Therefore, the position of the Carthusians is generally
stricter. Concerning the actual change of the Order, those monks occur more
regularly who intend to move from other Orders to the more rigorous Carthusians.
Already in 1 1 56 the Carthusian General Chapter decided not to accept any
members of the Cistercian or of the Premonstratensian Order, „propter ipsorum
reverenliam et pacem „.1o This was a statute to be changed in 1 1 80 when it was
decided to accept Cistercians and Premonstratensians with recommendation
letters, „si fuerint notae personae, et idoneae et sine infamia . . . . . . . non tarnen
passim et leviter“. “
In the Cistercian Order the change from one monastery to another
community ofthe Order was already dealt with in the Summa Cartae Caritatis of
before 1 120: „None of us shal\ dissuade any man who wishes to enter any other
one of our abbeys, nor entice anyone to our own abbey; but rather each of us
shall retain that one who chooses of his own accord, after a change of mind, to
remain. If after arriving at the place of his choice he should regret his decision
before the completion of the period of probation, he shall be free to Jeave if he so
desires.“Il The Summa Cartae Caritatis also gives orders concerning fugitive
members of communities. „If a monk, or laybrother, secretely flees from one of
our monastefies to another, Iet him be persuaded to return. If he refl.tses, he shall
not be pennitted to stay in that place for more than one night. If he is a monk, he
shall be deprived of his habil, if he is wearing it, unless there is evidence that he
had been a monk before he entered our Order.“ll Concerning those monks of
other Orders, it is, from the Cistercian side, stated in 1 1 95 not to accept any
Carthusian without the agreement and consense of this Order, „pacis
charilatisque gratia“, and the Carthusians were not supposed to accept any
Cistercian without the Cistercian General Cbapter’s consense.14 In 1 222 we find
9 Laporte 1 24-1 26, 375-381 (stabi/itas).
10 Laporte 393, n. 2653: “ … Quod constitutum si quis nostrum fuerit transgressus, etiam
professum expellere cogatur et a foto Ordine separare. “
II Jbid., n. 2654.
12 Lekai 447.
13 Ibid., 447-448.
14 Josephus-Maria Canivez, Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinsi Cisterciensis ab anno
1116 ad anm1m 1786, I, (Louvain: Bureau de Ia Revue Ecclesiastique, 1933), 187-188. See
note 27.
34
the Carthusian statute that Cistercians, who had afterwards made their profession
in a Carthusian monastery, should not be allowed to hold any office in the
monastery without the acceptance of the Carthusian General Chapter. 1 l
Particularly in the secend half of the thirteenth and in the fow1eenth
centwies we are mainly confronted with the problem of Mendicants obviously
wanting to join the Carthusian Order. In 1261, they are still combined with the
Cistercians. Without the dispensation of the Carthusian General Chapter it is
again not allowed for monks, who had first professed in the Minorite. Dominican
or CistercianO rder, to hold an office in a Charterhouse.1″ These restnctions \\ ith
regard to offices, especially of former Mendicants, we again find in very similar
ways in statutes of the Carthusian General Chapter in 1 309, 1 3 1 9, 1 363, 1 368,
1404 and 1434;17 moreover, there are statutes tauehing any kind of monks of
other Orders (1368, 1391),18 such coming from the Cannelites (1496)1″ or a
number of mentioned other Orders (1391 ).211 ln 1368 it was stressed by the
Carthusian General Chapter that secular priests or members of other religious
communities who would not know the Carthusian kind of service and regular life
or, among others, would not be acquainted to the solitary way of living, should
not be adrnitted because a Iot of scandals in the Order had arisen through such
persons.21 1363 the statute was given that fonner Mendicants should not have any
vote in the Carthusian community n But in 1 386 a monk of the Charterhause of
Strasbourg, who had come from another Order, was allowed to Iake over offices,
except from becoming prior.21 From the Cistercian point of view, we do not find
I Laporte 394, n. 2655: Cisterc:iensihu· nt“‘ posrfacU/111 111 110.\fl’l.\ /)omihus f’rtifessumes. nisi
de /icemia Capil11li Generalis. obedien11a 11011 comnntarur.
16 lbid., n. 2656; The Charrae tif Fht‘ (arthusian Ueneral („haprer. Cava Ms. 61, Aula De1:
The Louber Manuale jrom the Charrerhouse tif Buxheim, ed. J. Hogg and M. Sargent,
(Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik und Amerikanistik der Universität, 1982), 3 1 (Analecta
Cartusiana, I 00: I).
17 Ibid. 394-396 , n. 2657, 2658, 2659, 2660, 2668, 2670.
18 fbid. 394-395, n. 266 1 , 2665.
19 Ibid. 396, n. 267 1 _
2o Ibid. 395, n. 2666.
21 lbid. 394, n. 266 1 : Sacerdvtes el caereri qui Je saeculo ve/ altera Religione veniam ad
Ordinem, si in Missarum celebratione et vbservallliis regularibus jormae Ordinis se noluerinl
conformare, vel in suslinenda opinione sua jueri111 obstinati, vel in modo vivendi singulares,
ad Projessionem nu/latenus admillantur, quoniam per ta/es personas olim mu/ta in Ordine
scandala pervenerrmt.
22 lbid., n.2659.
2) lbid., n.2662.
35
such severe statutes. We sometimes come across monks of other Orders having
changed to the Cistercians, and becoming abbots there: A former Dominican
became, though illegally, abbot of the Cistercian house of Aiguebelle in 1 44 1 ,
tmtil he was deposed in 1448 and excommunicated in 1450.24 Benedictines were
elected at Benisson-Dieu in 1 4 1 9, at Septfons in 1 4 19, at Les Pierres in 1436 and
at Dalon in 1 443.25
The generat position of Cistercians conceming the acceptance of monks of
other Orders proves to have been more compromising. Already in 1 1 82, one
deals with the problern and makes it very much connected with matters of outer
appearance. Those monks of other Orders who appeared in secular dress should
have probation for a whole year. lf they came in their monks‘ dress or if this bad
been taken away violently, it should be the decision of the abbot to accept them
as monks or to have them in probation.26 Such a general statute was, as we have
already seen, restricted conceming Carthusians in 1 1 95 .27 Again, there arose the
problems regarding Mendicants. The Cistercian General Chapter decided in 1 223
that those monks or laybrothers of their Order who changed to the Domi.nicans or
Minorites should be judged as ‚Jugitivi“.28 And in 1 266, to keep peace with
Minorites and Dorninicans and „ad remotionem scandalorum „, it was stated that
no person of those Orders should be accepted without the specific licence of the
Cistercian General Chapter.29 Again in the form of prohibition, we find the
24 Lekai 99-100.
25 Ibid. I 00.
26 Canivez I, 90: „Monachus de alio Ordine, si antequam sit benedictus, ad nostrum Ordinem
veneril, si veneril in habitu saeculari, sil in prebatiene per annum integmm: si in habiht
monacha/i, vel forte per vio/entiam ei ablatus fuerit habitus, in abbate sit ipsum admiftere
inter monaches auf ponere in probationem; benedictus in Ordine a/io illler monachos
recipiatur. “
27 Canivez I, 187-188: „De Cartusiensibus pacis charitatisque gratia, statuimus. ut nullum de
eorum Ordine sine ipsontm licentia recipimnus, et ipsi de nesrro sine assensu nestro mtllum
recipiant. “
28 Canivez n, 24: „Monachi vel conversi qui ad Ordinem Praedicaterum vel Fratrum
Minerum transierint, habeantur pro jugitivis. “
29 Canivez lll, 37-38: „Ad conservationem pacis et remotionem scandalorum, quae possent
inter Ordinem nostrum et Ordinem Fratrum Minerum et Praedicatorum in posterum suborri i,
statuit et ordinat Capilulum generate ut mtlla persona ilol rum Ordinum recipiatur ad nostrum
Ordinem, nisi de Capituli licentia specai /i, ellam si habeat lilieras cemmendatitias vel
suorum licentiam praelatomm, maxime cum viderimus lilleram sanctissimi patris domini
Clememis Papae inhibitionem lwiusmodi continentem.“
36
dealing with that problern still in 1 5 1 5 .1o Those and some other examples of the
Carthusian and Cistercian Orders show that there is a general and regular
negative connotation in connection with Mendicants. When leaving the monastery
legitimately for some travel, there was the danger that particularly Carthusians
showed an outer appearance being unlike for them; In 144 1 , e.g., it was
emphasised by the Carthusian General Chapter that, if they wore the wrong, not
Carthusian-like dress like a secular coat („ch/amys secularis“), etc., they, by that,
„potius Mendicantes quam Cartusienses ab omnibusjudicantur“.J1
A similar situation as we had above in 1 223 with regard to the Cistercians
having moved to Mendicants and seen as ‚jugitivi“, occurred in 1 2 5 1 concerning
other Orders. The General Chapter decided that Cistercian monks who moved to
the Benedictines or to other Orders should be excommunicated.32 Mainly the 15th
century, though, became a period of recommendations, petitions, indulgencies
and permissions for Cistercian monks to change the Order; e. g. for Thomas from
Thlo (Scho/a Dei, Eastem Frisia) who wanted to join the Carthusians in 1423 with
the supplication of the Benedictine abbot of Termunten (Menterna;
Netherlands),JJ for monks of Weiler-Bettnach ( Villerium, Lorraine, diocesis of
Metz) who wanted to join another Order in 1 426;14 the same for two nuns of the
German convent of Beuren (Bure, in the Eichsfeld) in 1426 with the help of a
JO Canivez VI, 470: Praesens generate Capilulum dehite informatum quod nommlli abhales
Ordinis, co111ra Ordinis privilegia. difif niliones e/ statu/a, imo iura communia e/ decrela
Summarum Pontificum, religiosos Mendica/1/es in SilOS projessos e/ monachos recipere 11011
jonnidanl, ex quo plurima Ordini incommoda. sicul docenle experiemia in praeterilllm
constaJ evenisse. ila in postemm jormidandum est evenire; quare … praed1ctum genaale
Capilulum, praedictas diffiniliones et statu/a innovando. onmibus el singulis Ordinis
abbatihus … prohibet. ne de ce/ero quoscwnque de Ordine Mendica/1/ium in Sttos projessos
recipianl, … “
31 Laporte 2 3 1 , n. 1479; Charlae (see note 16), 135; The Chartae oj lhe Carlhusian General
Chapler. Aula Dei: The Egen Manuale jrom lhe Charlerhouse oj Buxheim, Oxjord: Bodleian
Library Ms. Rawlinson D. 318, ed. M. Sargent and J. Hogg, (Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik
und Amerikanistik der Universität, 1983), 36, 166 ( Analeeta Cartusiana, I 00:2); 17Ie Chartae
oj the Carllmsian General Chapter. Paris, Bibliolheque Nationale Ms. Lalin 10887. part I,
ed. M. Sargent and J. Hogg, (Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik und Amerikanistik der
Universität, 1984), 8 I ( Analeeta Cartusiana, I 00:3).
32 Canivez Jl, 3 6 1 : Cum grande periculum noslro Ordine possei evenire. si personae noslri
Ordinis transeun/es ad nigros, sive ad alios Ordines. posselll ibt remanere comra volum Simili
et privilegia Ordini indu/ta, praecipilur abbatibus universis ul regulari monilione praemissa
excommunicent eos. et excommunica/os demmlient, et ea quae asportavenml efficaciter
repela/11, e/ eos ad se revocenl, si sibi viderilll expedire.
33 Canivez IV, 264.
34 lbid. 303-304.
37
petition of John, count of Lignigen and Rukosingen;J5 in the same year for frater
Alardus of Ihlo who wanted to join the Carthusians.36
From about the mid-fifteenth century onwards the Cistercian General
Chapter got very keen on being the only institution having the licence to allow
monks of any monastefies of the Order to change to another one (1437; 1443
with special reference to Carthusians and dealing with the possibility of monks
moving the other way round),37 and to force those monks back who bad joined
another Order ( 1 449).38 There, e.g., is the example of the monk Johannes Ouban
who had changed from the Cistercian monastery of Montheron (Tela;
Switzerland, diocesis of Lausanne) to the Benedictines, and the attempt to get
him back to his fonner community [ 1 45 1 ; a si.milar case in 1479 at La Merci-Dieu
in France (Misericordia Dei)).39 There is the case of the Iaybrother Gregorius de
Lesines from the monastery of Igny (Jgniacum, diocesis of Reims), who had –
against Cistercian statutes and without licence – moved to the Carthusian
community of Bourfontaine (diocesis of Soissons) and was ptmished by
excommunication ( 1 469; a similar case in 1485).40 There is the strict attempt to
recall a monk of Montpeyroux (Mons Petrosus, Auvergne) who had joined the
Minorites ( 1494).41 But there is still the position of compromise. In 1489 it is
allowed for a monk of Trois-Fontaines (Tres Fontes, Catalania) to move to the
Benedictines;42 also in 1 5 1 1 for a monk of Le Miroir (Miratorium, diocesis of
Liege) with the recommendation of a secular nobleman and of the abbot of Le
Miroir.4J
JS Ibid. 303.
36 Ibid. 307.
37 Ibid. 434: . .. praesens Capitulum … omnibus abbaiibus el abbalissis Ordinis dis/riete
inhibit ne de cetero a/iquibus ex suis monachis vel monia/ibus /icentiam ad alium Ordinem
pro quacumque ccmsa transermdi conferant, absque genera/is Capituli /icentia speciali . . . . ;
ibid. 540.
38 Ibid. 618: „Praecipitur omnibus et singulsi abbatibus Ordinis sub poena depositionsi a
statu et dignilate abbatiali quatinus, si quod habeant religiosos, qui ad alium Ordinem
transierint, ad sua propria monasteria infra proximum generate Capitulum secuturum jaciant
redire. ·•
39 Jbid. 656; Canivez V, 391 .
40 Ibid. 234 and 501.
41 Canivez VI, 78.
42 Canivez V, 703.
43 Canivez VI, 403.
38
Let us sununanse: For both Orders the „transitus ad alium Ordinem“
became a problern with regard to „stabilitas“ and „perseverantia in vocatione“.
The statutes and the position of the General Chapters of both Orders regularly
show the consciousness of the dangers of scandal and disturbance to occur in
such cases, in tbose when rnembers of one’s own Order left, as weil as in tbose
when rnernbers of other Orders wanted to join. Nevertheless it can be seen that
the Cistercians became on the one hand rnore willing to accept and cornpromise
than the Carthusians; on the other hand, both Orders saw the authority of the
General Chapters as detennining in all cases, to decide between tl1e role of monks
as “fugitivi“ and their acceptance. Neitlm the individual monasteries nor their
abbots or priors were allowed to decide but only the General Chapters.
The comprornises and permissions of the Cistercüm authority rnainly
occurred in the 1 5th century, and they were often connected with supplications of
secuJar and clerical petitioners. For both Orders, Mendicants seem to have been
those conceming whom most arguments and prohibitions were necessary.
Regarding the problern of „transitus“ between Cistercians and Carthusians the
explicit „peace“ between the two Orders played its most important role as a part
of the arguments in the 1 2th century. From then onwards, we are still regularly
confronted with such Situations, once rnore showing t11at from the Cistercian side
the willingness to accept individual changes occurred rnore often, particuJarly
again in the fifteenth century. We also find more Cistercians trying to change to
the more rigorous Charterhauses than the other way round. As an example, in
1 554/55, Jobarmes Fein, the Cistercian abbot of Neukloster in the Austrian town
of Wiener Neustadt, asked the abbot of the mother rnonastery Rein and king
Ferdinand I to accept his resignation. He would like to Iead a barder and more
severe life in the Charterhause of Gaming, where the rule and observance would
be held better: „da man regularem vitam und Observantz halt“.44 The stricter
observance had rernained a phenomenon that regularly attracted monks frorn
other Orders.
Generally, for the Carthusians the „mutatio domus“ and the problerns occurring
with it obviously played, as already said, a more irnportant role than the
„transilus ad alium ordinem“. Great relevance is tme for both Orders conceming
„evagationes“ and “fugitivi“ generally. All of those problems Iogether show that
the realisation of rnonastic stability in rnedieval religious conununities was
something tl1at could initiate a !arge number of difficulties, arguments and
discussion.
44 Gerhard Jaritz, ‚Das religiöse Leben in den niederösterreichischen Kartausen im Zeitalter der
Reformation‘, in Die Kartäuser und die Reformal/on (Salzburg: Institut fur Anglistik und
Amerikanistik der Universität, 1 984), 87 ( Analeeta Cartusiana, I 08).
39
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
37
KREMS 1997
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARJTZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KUL TORABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
Titelgraphik Stephan J. Tramer
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der
materiellen Kultur des Mittelalters, Körnermarkt 13, A-3500 Krems, Österreich.
Für den Inhalt verantwortlich zeiclmen die Autoren, ohne deren ausdrückliche
Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch in Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist.- Druck:
KOPITU Ges. m. b. H., Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, A-1 050 Wien.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Iliana Tschekova, Die chronistische Erzählung
über den FürstenOleg und das skandinavische Epos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Ryszard Grzesik, Dynastische Machtbegriffe
in den ostmitteleuropäischen Chroniken des Mittelalters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Gerhard Jaritz, „Transeuntes ad alium Ordinem.“
The position of Cistercians and Carthusians in the Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Kyril Petkov, Die ‚Orientalisienmg‘ des Balkans
in der deutschen Vorstellung des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts.
Eine Untersuchtmg spätmittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher
Walm1ehrnungsmuster in Deutschland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Rezensionen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Vorwort
Wir freuen uns, Ihnen mit diesem Heft verschiedene Beiträge vorlegen zu können,
die von Mitgliedern und Freunden von Medium Aevum Quotidianum verfaßt
wurden. Sie repräsentieren in der Mehrzahl Forschw1gsergebnisse von
osteuropäischen Kollegen aus Bulgarien und Polen, die dadurch einem
internationalen Fachpublikum zugänglich gemacht werden sollen. Unsere
Gesellschaft versucht somit neuerlich, ihrem Ziel einer Brückenfi.mktion zwischen
östlicher lmd westlicher Geschichtswissenschaft gerecht zu werden.
Die Planungen für die nächsten Hefte von Medium Aevum Quotidianum
sind bereits abgeschlossen. Wir können Ihnen mitteilen, daß im September 1997
mit dem Erscheinen von Sonderband VI zu rechnen ist, der eine Arbeit von James
Palmitessa (New York-Kalamazoo/Mich.) beinhalten wird, welche sich einer
systematischen Analyse der Prager Bürgerinventare des 16. und 17. Jaltrhunderts
widmet. Als letztes Heft des heurigen Jallres wollen wir die Ergebnisse einer
Round Tabte-Diskussion präsentieren, die beim International Medieval Congress
in Leeds im Juli des heurigen Jahres stattfinden und sich mit „History of Everyday
Life: the Variety of Approaches“ auseinandersetzen wird. Das erste Heft des
Jahres 1998 soll lffigarische Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Ernältrung
beinhalten, während die darauffolgende Publikation einer internationalen Gruppe
von Archäologen Gelegenheit geben wird, sich mit Möglichkeiten ihres Beitrages
zu einer Alltagsgeschichte des Mittelalters zu beschäftigen.
Gerhard Jaritz
4