Weather and Weather-Related Natural Hazards
in Medieval Hungary III: The Fourteenth Century
Andrea Kiss
As a third part of the series dedicated to an analysis of documentation of
weather events in medieval Hungary, 1 this paper discusses in detail systematically
collected weather events and weather-related phenomena documented in
the fomieenth century. Earlier studies, based on a much smaller database, have
already presented in brief shorter or longer periods of the century.2 A new,
revised, !arger, and more comprehensive set of evidence is examined in this
paper. Similar to the previous two papers, in which weather-related evidence
conceming the eleventh through thirteenth century were presented, here
evidence is discussed conceming the fourteenth-century Hungarian kingdom and
(if available) also weather-related information reported for other lands of the
Hungarian Crown.
Similarly to the two earlier parts of the series, here flood-related information
is mentioned only when the weather background is also mentioned in the
documentation. Apart from direct reports on weather, indirect (physical, biophysical)
information such as the freezing over of water bodies, low water
levels, phenological and harvest-related evidence, locust invasions, and fires are
also included. Furthermore, reported bad harvests, high prices, food shortages,
and famine, when detectable, are discussed, as preceding and/or ongoing bad
1 For the first part, related to the eleventh through the twelfth century, see A. Kiss, „Weather
and weather-related environmental phenomena including natural hazards in medieval
Hungary I: Documentary evidence on the 11 th and 12′“ centuries.“ Medium Aevum Quotidianum
66 (2013): 5-37. The second part deals with weather-related evidence reported for
the thirteenth century: A. Kiss, „Weather and weather-related natural hazards in medieval
Hungary II: documentary evidence on the 13th century.“ Medium Aevum Quotidianum 68
(2014): 5-46. The present, fourteenth-century, part will be followed by an analysis of
fifteenth-century weather-related reports.
2 A. Kiss, „Sorne weather events from the fourteenth century (1338-1358),“ Acta Climatologica
Universitatis Szegediensis 30 (1996): 61-69; eadem, „A 14. szazadi Magyar Kiralysag
klimajanak vizsgalata“ (A study of the climatic conditions of the fourteenth-century
Hungarian kingdom). Egyetemi Meteorologiai Fiizetek 10 (1997): 238-241; eadem, „Some
weather events in the fourteenth century II (Angevin period: 1301-1387)“ Acta
Climatologica Universitatis Szegediensis 32-33 (1999): 51-64.
5
weather conditions – apart from other problems – may have seriously affected
the rather vulnerable medieval agriculture and economy. Because bad harvests,
food shortages, and famine in the fourteenth century are discussed elsewhere in
detail,3 here the cases are only mentioned in brief. Compared to the previous
centuries, more weather-related information is available, mainly due to a
significant increase in the number of detailed source records and their increased
availability.4
The temporal distribution of the available data is uneven. Most of the
direct weather-related information comes from the mid- and late fourteenth
century while much less evidence is known from the first decades ofthe century.
Most of the evidence for the spatial distribution of information comes from the
north-northeastern part ofthe kingdom (today’s eastern Slovakia), and less from
the western and west-central parts of the country (today’s western Hungary and
western Slovakia; see fig. 1). Additional evidence, mainly narratives about areas
west ofthe kingdom, often describes cases which also refer to Hungary.
Charters (and letters) are the major types of sources for the fourteenth
century, providing most of the evidence. Narratives still play some role, but are
much less important than in the previous centuries. In one case, indirect
information also comes from account books – a source type that had no
importance in the high medieval period but gained great significance in the
fifteenth century,
3 A. Kiss, F. Piti and F. Sebök, „14. szazadi rossz termesek, elelmiszerhiany, dragasag,
( ehjinseg – es feltetelezhetö okaik Magyarorszagon“ (F ourteenth-century bad harvests, food
S?ortages, high prices, famine – and their probable causes in Hungary). Gazdasagtdrteneti
Evkönyv (2016): in press.
4 The late fourteenth-century database is not yet complete and other weather-related
documentation may come to light in the future. However, because all the charters from the
first half of the century have been published in the last 20 years in regesta form by the
Szeged Hungarian Medievistics research group of the Hungarian National Academy of
Sciences (see later the references to individual volumes), we have the opportunity to study
the material from this period in its entirety.
6
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Weather-related information from the beginning of the fourteenth century
„Afulgure et tempestate libera nos Deus“ – Jntroducing a ‚thunder'<procession
The late fifteenth-century Missale Quinqueecclesiensis by Bishop Zsigmond
Emuszt notes that sometime around the turn of the thirteenth century a
procession against lightning and thunderstorms was introduced into the liturgy
of the Pecs diocese by Bishop Pa! Szecsi (bishop between 1293 and 1306). The
procession took place on the day after Corpus Christi (which moves between
dates in May and June).5 lt is an interesting question whether the bishop had any
specific practical reasons for this particular type of procession, namely, whether
or not the introduction of this new liturgy in Pecs was influenced by potential
damage due to an increased number of convective events in this or the preceding
period.
A potential parallel (which might have evoked the introduction of this
procession type) was mentioned in 1297. The son of Henrik Köszegi, the
western Hungarian oligarch, was struck by a lightning holt, and as the Continuatio
Vindobonensis further suggests, many other people (that is, in Austria) were
also killed by lightning bolts in that summer.6 Unfortunately, there is little
further data conceming these events in Hungary or the neighboring areas; the
Austrian and Czech narratives – similar to the available Hungarian source
evidence – are mostly silent about the character ofthe summers in this period. In
5 T. Fedeles, Püspökök, prepostok, kanonokok. Fejezetek Pecs kozepkori egyhaztorteneteböi
(Bishops, provosts and canons. Chapters of the medieval church history of Pecs), Capitulum
5 (Szeged: Szegedi Tudomanyegyetem Törteneti Intezet, Közepkori es Kora Ujkori
Törteneti Tanszek, 2010), 159: In Nomine Domini amen. In tempore venerabilis in christo
Patris et domini domini Pauli dei gracia episcopi Quinqueecclesiensis per eum statutum est
ut hie in ecclesia cathedrali et per totam dioecesim secundo die Corporis Christi contra
tempestatem et fulgura solennis fiat processio et fidelis grex dominicus devote ieiunans illo
die accedat crucem sequens et processionem ad monticulum retro castrum iuxta vineam
beate virginis ibi crux alte figatur per p/ebanos beati Bartholomei. Sed antequam missa
processionalis celebretur Suffragia que sequuntur jlexis genibus canentur, prima de S.
Trinilate. [ .. .] Quibus finitis sacerdos paratus ad missatn jlexis genibus alta voce dicat: A
fulgure et lempestate libera nos Deus. A clero et populo similiterflexis genibus trina vice
repetere. Post hec descendant inde processionaliter cum cantu ad ecclesiam Corporis
Christi. Ubi missa, que sequitur, cantetur ferialiter per totum de necessitatibus. Source:
Missale secundum morem alme ecclesie Quinqueecclesiense (Venice: Johannes Emericus
pro Johanne Pape librario Budensi, 1499, L 4a). This fact might have some further
importance for us since this type of procession was originally initiated, for example, in the
fifth century in the area of Vienna, when the town was hit by various natural hazards,
including lightning strikes and earthquakes; and then the procession was introduced later
throughout Gallia by the Synode of Orleans in 511. A further interesting point is that this
part of the liturgy was introduced in the Hungarian liturgy as a „simple“ procession, while
the earlier procession was specifically introduced to ask God for protection against lightning
and thunderstonns. See Fedeles, Piispökök, 165.
6 Kiss, „Weather,“ II, 43.
8
German areas, however, many convective events were documented in 1293 and
1294, while in many other cases, hot ~nd/or dry summers (usually also richer in
nvenctive events) were reported m 1295, 1297, 1301, 1304, and 1305.
:oreover, ev
7
en as early as the 1280s notable convective events were noted in
rhe summers.
Thus, although it is still uncertain whether the higher frequency of
convective events and their destructive consequences would have been the
reason for introducing the new ceremony, the scarce Austrian (and Hungaryrelated)
evidence, and especially the richer German evidence, raise the
possibility that the period of the late thirteenth-early fourteenth century was rich
in convective events (for instance, thunderstorms and hail).
Why did Czechs die during the coronation? „Intemperie aeris“ in 1301 or 1304
The Continuatio Zwetlensis (III) gives an interesting description of the
circumstances of King Wenceslaus‘ coronation in Hungary for the year 1304.
The annalist reported that in Hungary many Czechs died due to „bad weather
conditions“ (quamplures suorum ex intemperie aeris mortui sunt).8 Apart from
this general description, no clearer information is available about these weather
conditions. In the same year, the Continuatio Zwetlensis (III) mentioned the very
]ow water level of the Danube between Klosterneuburg and Krems.9 The
problem with this report is that the coronation of Wenceslaus, called King
Laszlo in Hungary, took place in 1301 ( on 27 August).“
While no information is available concerning the weather in the Czech
Lands or the Polish areas for these years, in the German areas the summer of
1301 was rather hot, according to Glaser. The summer of 1304, however, was
described as a hundred-year summer with extreme dryness when the spring had
also been warm and dry, with very low Danube and Rhine water levels and early
7 R. Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas: 1200 Jahre Wetter, Klima, Katastrophen (Dannstadt:
Primus, 2013), 64.
8 G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, vol. 9 (Hannover: Hahn, 1851)
(hereafter MGH SS, vol. 9), 660 (Continuatio Zwetlensis III): 1304. Rex Bohemus
Wencezlaus cum maxima multitudine armatorum Ungariam intrans, muneribus et
calliditate, partim etiam potentia, insignia regni Ungarie, hoc est gladium et tunicam beati
Stephani regis Ungarie et coronam obtinuit; ubi quamplures suorum ex intemperie aeris
mortui sunt.
9 MGH SS, vol. 9, 662 (Continuatio Zwetlensis III): Eo etiam anno Danubius ariditate nimia
ita inaruerat, ut inter Neunburgam et Chremsam in tribus locis vadabilem equis et curribus
se preberet.
1° For the date of the coronation, see, for example, P. Engel, The Realm of St. Stephen: A
History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526 (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001), 134. Several charters
also discuss the coronation question. See, for example, Gy. Kristö, Anjou-kori okleveltdr
(Angevin Chartulary), vol. 1 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 1990), 79,
80, 83, 87, 88, 97.
9
ripening of grain and grapes.11 This latter information agrees well with the
description in the Continuatio Zwetlensis and might be related to the extreme
heat ofthe summer of 1304.
1304: Ragusan council reports on great poverty in „Slavonia „(Dalmaüa
On 8 May 1304 the Council of Ragusa (today Dubrovnik in Croatia), in a
letter to their overlords the V enetians, reported that great poverty and war
prevailed in Slavonia at that time.12 The intemal war situation was clearly a
major reason for the poverty of the people, but (also referring back to the
previous cases) to some extent it may have been related to the situation in
Germany, where, as Glaser suggests, this summer was a 100-year summer of
heat and drought; basically the entire year was dry and even the spring was
warm.13
Natural or artifical? Fire in Pozsegavar prior to 1305
A fire in the beginning of the fourteenth century destroyed the Minorite
church of Pozsegavar (today Pozega in Croatia) and the charters kept there
perished. The exact reasons and date of this fire are not kown; the negative
consequences of the fire (that is, the loss of charters) were mentioned without
giving a date. The consequences of this event were further mentioned in charters
dated to 1305,14 1306,15 and also 1317.16 No information is available on the
cause of the fire, but – as is apparent in the previous case – 13 04 was a very dry
11 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 64, 84. For 1304, see also P. Alexandre, Le climat en Europe au
Mayen Age. Contribution a l’histoire des variations climatiques de 1000 a 1425, d’apres
les sources narratives de l ‚Europe occidentale (Paris: Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences
sociales, 1987), 428.
12 Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 1, 298. I. K. Tkalöic, Monumenta spectantia historiam
Slavorum meridionalium, vol. 13: Monumenta Ragusina. Libri reformationum. tomus 2.
(Zagreb: Academia Scientiarum et Artium ex officina societatis typographicae, 1882), 306:
Die VIII Madii. In consilio rogatorum aptum, quod propter maximam paupertatem et
guerram Sclavonie omnibus illis personis, que debeant cooperire eorum domos de cuppis et
non ceperunt ad terminum ordinatum, delongatus fuit terminus omnibus usque ad duos
annos, qui cooperire debeant de cuppis sub poena ypp. xxv.
13 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 64, 76, 84.
14 1305: Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 1, 375.
15 Hungarian National Archives (hereafter HNA), DL 86978: 1 Jul 1306; regestum: Gy.
Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 2 (Szeged-Budapest: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
1992), 27.
16 T. Smiöiklas, Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae / Diplomaticki
zbornik Kraljevine Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slavonije, vol. 8 (Zagreb: Academia scientiarum
et artium Slavorum meridionalium auxilio regiminis Croat., Daim. et Slav., 1910), 458;
regestum: Gy. Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum
Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 4 (Szeged-Budapest: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
1996), 213.
10
·n the German areas and these weather conditions probably also
and h_ot J~a\;rge parts of Central Europe. Due to the political uncertainties of
prevail~ ;n human intervention as a cause of fire cannot be excluded either;
the P~::~ ‚because, as one can see in the reference to the preceding year in
especi . y the southem and southwestern parts of the realm were not peaceful
Slavonia, .
areas in those nmes.
Weather and probable weather-related information in the 1310s
1312 _ and the surrounding years: high prices and need?
A chaiter issued in 1343 describes a purchase and reambulation of several
•eces of property,17 namely, a property in Pechunya (Petenye; today.pa1t of
~encice in northeastem Slovakia) and villa Chanta (Csantafalva; today Cenöice)
·11 medieval Szepes (Spis) county. During the same discussion, earlier charter
~vidence, dated to 1312, was applied: 18 due to the high prices and need
prevailing in that year (pr~pte~ anni tunc cur:entibus /currentis?/ caristia‘:1 et
sumptus necessarios, venditioni exposuzsset), 111 order to buy necessary thmgs,
the owners had to seil a piece of land ( one-third of their Petenye possession).19
17 L. Bärtfai Szabo, Okleveltar a grof Csaky csalad torteneiehez, vol. 1. Okleve/ek 1229-1499
(Cartularyto the history ofthe count Csäky family, vol 1: Charters 1229-1499) (Budapest:
Stephaneum, 1919), 90: (included in a charter dated 18 Nov. 1343): … in crastino festi beati
Johannis baptiste, anno domini Mo CCCo Xllo emanatis, in quibus reperiebatur, quod
constituti coram nobis personaliter Dobak … parte ab una, ac Detricus balistarius parte ab
altera, … quod quandam possessione Pethunye vocatam videlicet duorum aratrorum tercie
partis dimidiam ipsos contingentem propter anni tune cernentibus caristiam et sumptus
necessarios vendicioni exposuissent, ac eandem Detrico prenotato pro XII marcis fini
argenti p/ene habitis ab eodem cum omnibus utilitativus vendidissent, sibi et heredibus suis
perpetuo possidendam. Based on the original charter, ‚currentibus‘ (or for grammatical
correctness: ‚currentis‘) is suggested instead of ‚cernentibus‘. For more infonnation on
earlier studies and further details of the question, see Kiss et al., „14. szazadi rossz
termesek.“
18 Regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum
Andegavensium il/ustrantia, vol. 27 (Szeged-Budapest: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
2007), 474. Although the regestum ofthis charter has been already published in the relevant
(3rd
) volume of the same series, no indication was made in it of the „need“ question. See
Gy. Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum
Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 3 (Szeged-Budapest: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
1994), 144-145.
19 The transcription of the same charter(s), erroneously dating the 1312 charter to 1316, was
included in an early (late eighteenth-century) source edition of the Annalecta Scepusiensi.
M. Schmauk, Supplementum Analectorum terrae Scepusiensis, vol. 2 (Szepesvaralja
[Spisske Podhradie]: Typis typographiae episcopalis, 1889), 93-95. In the original charter
(HNA, DL 71639) the year of 1312 is clearly included (for the Hungarian regestum, also
clarifying the situation, see Piti, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 27, 474) and thus, the dating
(1312) of the Csaky family cartulary is the correct version.
II
The document is also interesting because ten days before the „need“ charter ( 15
June), at the battle of Rozgony (today Rozhanovce in Slovakia, ~ottheast of
Koäice) the joint armies of the Amade family (the northeastem oltgarchs) and
Mate Csak (the great north-northwestem oligarch) lost to the king’s army.
The seventeenth-century Spis chronicler, Caspar Hain (also using archival
documentation from the town of Löcse/Levoöa), dated a famine that lasted for
three years to around the time of the great battle of Rozgony (in 1312).20 Even if
the author was writing in the seventeenth century, his information is worth
mentioning because he used earlier local narratives and medieval archival
evidence in his compilation and, thus, even if the dating of the famine is
uncertain, it is an interesting fact that local (written) tradition preserved the
memory of a serious food crisis that occurred around the same time. Although
one cannot draw conclusions based on the information preserved in a much later
narrative, it is worth emphasizing that both the contemporary charter and the
early-modem source mentioned the famine in the areas controlled by the Amade
family. The territories of Mate Csak were located west of this area (with the
castle of Trencsen – today Trenöin in northwest Slovakia) neighboring Moravia.
There bad been problems earlier in the same area; almost 1.5 years before
the battle of Rozgony, in a charter of 25 F ebruary 1311, the Palatine Amade –
taking their ( current) poverty into consideration (Nos considerantes necessitates,
pauperiem et inopiamy – corroborated the privileges of the nobles of Spis
(originally received during the reign of King Bela IV). Thus, in this case the
noble „nation“ of a !arge area had difficulties, not single individuals.21
Although the previous reportfs) clearly referred to the northem and
northeastem territories, other sources (contemporary charters) suggest that need
(and even famine) also occurred in other parts of the country in these years. A
rather interesting example comes from the central parts of the country, the area
that is today Budapest. On exactly the same day (25 July 13 12) when the „high
prices“ charter was issued in the north (see above), the convent of the
Dominican sisters – located on the island of the Blessed Virgin (today Margit
Island in Budapest) – decided to seil two pieces of their real estate, referring to
their poverty and actual current needs (propter diversas necessitates, inopiam et
20 J. Bai, J. Förster and A. Kauffman, Hain Gaspar locsei kronikaja (The Chronicle of Caspar
Hain), vol. 1 (Löcse [Levoöa]: Reiss Jozs. T. könyvnyomo intezete, 1910-1913), 12: Anno
1312. König Caro/us muste dasz Zipser Hausz verlassen vor den Graffen Matthaeus von
Trentschin. Da haben die Caschauer, Leutschauer vnd Zipser dem König hiilffe gesendet
vnd den Graffen helffen vertreiben, dadurch sie ihre vornembste Privilegia vnd freyheiten
erlanget. / Eodem Anno haben die Zipser von König Carola Ihre Willkiihr, so Ihnen noch
König Stephanus Anno 12 72 ausz sonderbahren genaden verliehen, verbeszert vnd vermehret
bekommen. / Zu dieser Zeit war auch 3 Jahr lang so groszer Hunger, das die
Menschen einander geschlachtet und gessen auch die Diebe von galgen sind vor Hunger
abgeriszen worden. Desgleichen war auch undter dem Viehe.
21 Original charter: HNA, DL 39640. Regestum: Kristo, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 3, 15-16.
12
riam rerum temporalium).22 The case is even more interesting if one takes .pe;u consideration that the Dominican nunnery on Margit Island had been the
1~ hest nunne1y in the country since the second half of the thirteenth centmy.23
~~e case of the Margit Island Dominican nunnery in Hungary shows interesting
rallels to a Czech case. In 1318 the convent of Zbraslav similarly had to sell
p:operties in order to prevent its members from „dying of hunger“ – during a
famine (due to a poor harvest caused by unfavorable weather conditions) in the
24 Czech Lands.
Another important piece of corresponding information in the Chronicon
Aulae regiae is that in 1312 there was a poor harvest in the Czech Lands caused
by great heat and drought.25 However, for the German areas Glaser generally
suggests cooler and wetter summers for the 131 Os. The summer of 1311 was too
humid and not really warm; the consequence was again a bad harvest, for
example, in the area of Passau and in Landau an der Isar. On 9 September 1311
frost damaged fields and gardens in Augsburg. In 1312 and the following three
years bad harvests caused by unfavorable weather conditions resulted in starvation
and the deaths ofmany people.26 Thus, 1312 was a year with bad harvests in
the Czech Lands, the German areas (mentioned especially in the south), and
Austria. In the German areas it was already (at least) the second bad year that
resulted in food shortages, need, and (together with the next three years)
starvation. Only the Czech source gives the direct reason (heat, drought) for the
bad harvest of 1312. Since this problem also affected Moravia, the immediate
neighbor of Hungary at that time, there is a good chance that the same problems
were responsible for the need and famine mentioned in Hungarian charters.
Moreover, the Czech Lands were seriously affected by food shortages and
hunger not only in 1312 but also in 1315 and 1316 ( discussed in more detail
below).
Another interesting story may also shed some light on the situation that
prevailed at that time. According to John of Winterthur, around the year 1313,
people in Alsace, hit by severe hunger, decided to find a new homeland in
Hungary. The travellers‘ ship, however, was scuppered by the captain, who said
it was better for them to die in the river than to entirely consume the lands of
Hungary. Winterthur also added that many people (in Hungary) actually agreed
22 HNA, DL 40341. Regestum: Krist6 Anjou-kori okleveltdr, vol. 3, 158.
23 The example of another (formerly) rich and powerful nunnery, the Blessed Virgin Nunnery
of Veszpremvölgy (located in Central Transdanubia), yields more information about the
general circumstances: in May 1317 the nunnery had to seil one if its properties at Lake
Balaton to repair their dormitory, as they were poor due to the injustice of nobles and
magnates. HNA, DL 1892. Regestum: Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 4, 181-182.
24 R. Brazdil and 0. Kotyza, History of Weather and Climate in the Czech Lands 1 (Period
1000-1500). Zürcher Geographische Schriften 62 (Zurich: ETH, 1995), 112.
25 Ibidem, 111.
26 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 63, 64, 88.
13
and praised him.27 Since John of Winterthur was a child around 1313, his
information probably comes from memories and/or reflects infonnation he heard
from other people. Thus, it is not sure that the story happened in the way he
describes it, probably decades later. However, the story clearly has some
important elements; it refers to a severe hunger crisis in Alsace that occurred in
the early to mid-131 Os, and also to the fact that in Hungary the hunger migrants
were not particularly welcome. This inhumane reaction, however, also reveals
some contemporary problems that prevailed in Hungary at that time. Apart from
the feudal anarchy, which had been a large-scale problem in the country for
decades already, the great food crisis of the 131 Os led to a a crisis situation. lt
may have been less severe than in the west, but still considerable enough to
refuse the arrival ofmore (poor and hungry) people. In Europe generally, a crisis
that combined long-term economic stress and repeated bad harvests that were
the result of multiannual unfavorable weather conditions may also have affected
Hungary negatively.
Locust invasion(s) in the early 1310s? The testimony of Austrian and ltalian
source evidence
According to the Anna/es Foroiulienses and the Chronica Anonymus
Leobiensis, in summer 1309 there were locust invasions in Camiola, Styria,
Istria, and Northem Italy and the Continuatio Mellicensis reports the same for
Austria for two years.28 Although this time no reference to this locust invasion is
mentioned for Hungary, based on the affected locations it is rather likely that
this locust invasion also affected the Carpathian Basin. lt might be important
27 F. Baethgen, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum. Nova
series III. (Berlin: Weitmann, 1924), 76 (Chronica Johannis Vitodurani): (1313.) Circiter
ista tempora propter karistiam, que invaluerat in pluribus mundi partibus, perierunt nimia
pre fame in civitate Alsacie dicta Colmur tot homines, quod in duabus foveis extra muros
ad hoc paratis sepulti fuerant XX et XVII centena et in aliis tribus LXXX XIX centena
hominum, qui pro maiori parte de Westerrich et de Lothoringia, ut fertur, extiterunt. Nam
illic James crude/ius inhorruerat et, ut eam homines ibidem habitantes effugerent, ad
civitatem prenominantam terre fructivus tune magis exuberantem turmatim confluxerunt. I
Tempore eodem famis accidit homines de terris prefatis fugere et ad terram Ungarie tune
fertilem et uberem, sterilitatem aliarum terrarum penitus nescientem, properare. Cum
autem in mangna (sie!) multitudine ad unam navim jluvii Danubii consedissent, ut
proficiscerentur ad terram Ungarie, nauta intelligens ipsorum intencionem et iter et
insuper perspiciens eos fame prevalida maceratos, confenctos et pene comsumptos navem
subvertit et omnes pariter in profundum Danubii dimergendi eos precipitavit dicens:
‚Melius est, quod in hoc jluvio pereant, quam quod terram totam Ungarie depascendo
consumerent:‘ Quod factum inhumanum immo dyabolico perswasum instinctu, dum
hominos terrigenos relacione plurimorum pervenisset, nautam celebriter commendabant.
28 For sources and analysis, see: Ch. Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse im Ostalpenraum.
Naturerfahrung im Spätmittelalter und am Beginn der Neuzeit (Cologne-Weimar-Viem1a:
Böhlau, 2007), 467-468; D. Camuffo and S. Enzi, „Invasioni di cavallette e fattori climatici
dal medioevo al 1800,“ Bollettino Geofisico 14/2 (1991): 24-40 (25-26).
14
infonnation in this respect that great drought was reported in the Czech Lands in
307.29
1 Among the hazards that affected mainly the northem part of Italy in 1314,
Italian sources further report on another locust invasion. Based on the
descriptions, the locusts arrived in Northem Italy in the „usual“ way, namely,
[rorn the southem regions of the Carpathian Basin.30 This suggests that at the
tatest in 1314, but probably in 1313, locusts were present in great numbers in the
Carpathian Basin. Although no direct infromation is available on the prevailing
weather conditions of these years in the Carpathian Basin, a long dry spell (with
heat) is again mentioned in the Czech Lands for 1312.31
Fire in Pozsony prior to May 1314
In a charter dated to I May 1314, the negative consequences of a fire
(when an earlier charter perished) in Pozsony (today Bratislava in Slovakia) is
mentioned (incendio civitatis posonii essen! combuste).32 Because of the
complicated situation of those times, it is not clear whether human intervention
or weather conditions were more responsible for this event.
Transylvania: wintery weather in early November 1315
In Hungary, up to now the only known direct report for this year is related
to the auturnn. A charter dated 9 November describes that during a
perambulation process in Szomordok, Transylvania (today Sumurducu in
Romania, around 15 km northwest of Cluj Napoca, ca. 440 m a.s.l), in one
section the boundaries could not be resettled due to the „wintery weather. „33
29 Alexandre, Le c/imat, 431; Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 110.
3° Camuffo and Enzi, „Invasioni di cavallette,“ 26-27. This data is also interesting because
invasive locusts usually appeared in great numbers during or after dry periods. 1313 was
reportedly dry in Northem Italy (Alexandre, Le c/imat, 435).
31 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 111.
32 HNA, DF 227758. Regestum: Kristo, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 3, 331.
JJ HNA, DL 28717: … et qui fluvius cadit in fluvium Zomordok, et ibi novas metas Ostendissent,
quas Magister Gywla erexerat, qui magister Gywula praedictus fassus esset, coram
eis, qua meta praedicta inter eos esset communis, quorum com(m)etanei circumqu(oque)
quae exponendum in nulla meta prohibuerunt. et quia in yemali tempore esset, et metas
reformare 11011 potuissent, eundem Johannem deliberavimus, quod alio tempore vel/et metas
ipsis reambulandas revocaret. Datum in Klus-Monostora, die dominico proximo ante
festum beati Martini confessoris, Anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo decimo quinto …. lt
has to be mentioned that – although the original charter had some gaps – two eighteenthcentury
transcriptions are also available from 1761 (HNA, DL 73673, 51), and from 1780
(also included under DL 28717). Although the later transcription suggested 1314 for dating
the charter (included in a 1418 charter), the style of abbreviation indicates 1315. For the
Hungarian regestum (also with a 1315 dating) see: Kristö, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 4, 72-
73.
15
Since according to contemporary legal practices the perambulation had to be
documented within some days after the completion of the process, the
perambulation itself probably occurred in early November (that is, before 9
November). The winter weather that obstrncted the clear identification/settling
of the boundary was perhaps connected to frosty (and/or snowy) conditions.
Based on the location (elevation and topographical conditions) of the landed
possession, it can be stated that winter weather conditions at the beginning of
November may have occurred too early, which suggests a cold spell in late
autumn.
1315 was a bad year in the neighbourhood of the Carpathian Basin: in
central Bohemia, before 25 July 1315, great drought caused a bad harvest, then
great rains and floods occurred in Bohemia and Moravia from 25 July onwards,
and the same problems were reported for early September in Austria, combined
with delayed vintage in the Vienna region. German sources suggest a rather wet
May and summer in 1315; moreover, September was particularly wet with longlasting
rainfall that caused t the Wertach and Lech rivers to flood.34 In Poland,
the late fifteenth-century chronicle writer, Dlugos, mentions famine in 1315.35
Nevertheless, no information is yet available conceming the late autumn
conditions.
Continuous rainfall caused floods in 1316
Without mentioning any specific location, the Chronicon Aulae regiae
reports on the great abundance of water caused by a continous downpour (ex
continuatis imbribusi, ‚just like a deluge“ (more diluviiy, that destroyed
buildings, walls, and castles in Austria, Poland, Hungary, and Missonia in the
summer of 1316. Great damage occurred: hay and sowings were destroyed,
there were great shortages of food and hay, and many people died. According to
the same Czech source, this event and food shortage were followed by a severe
winter with much snow and very cold weather.“
34 F. Curschmann, Hungersnöte im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Wirtschaftsgeschichte
des 8. bis 13. Jahrhunderts, Leipziger Studien aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte 6/1
(Leipzig: Teubner, 1900), 208-209; see also Glaser, Klimageschichte, 84, 88.
35 J. Dlugoss, Historia Po/onica (Leipzig: Sumptibus Ioannis Ludovici Gleditschii & Mauritii
Georgii Weidmanni, 1711) (hereafter HP), vol. 9, 958: Bellis externis & commotionibus
domesticis pau/isper in Regno Pao/oniae sedatis, James omni bello trocior Poloniae
regiones inuasit. Dum etenim, niuibus vltra so/itum terram occupantibus, dies veris
superuenissent, fruges terrae mandatae, a calore vernali paludamento niuis opertae,
depastae & extinctae sunt. Ex qua coe/i inclementia, contagio famis ad vniuersos
perueniens, plures ex agrestibus ajjlixit, plures atrocitate sua confecit, tam senes quam
impuberes.
36 J. Loserth, Fantes rerum Austriacarum. Scriptores, vol. 8 (Vie1111a: Karl Gerold’s Sohn,
1875) (hereafter FRA, vol. 1/8) Liber 1, Cap. 128, p. 379 (Chronica Aulae Regiae): lste
annus domini 1316 tot in se pestilentias et miserias continet, quod eas audire auris refugit,
mens stupescit; in hoc anno, ut supra diximus, cometa quaedam in parte aqui/onari
16
—–~=———-
More information is available for Styria and Bavaria: in Styria the Mur
·ver destroyed 13 bridges in 1316, while in Bavaria ( among other areas) the
Rt 1 h River flooded and caused severe damage. Due to several tributaries of
Sa z;c nube River in Passau, it flooded both the „entirety“ of Austria, and also
the ary where several villages were submerged.37 Similarly to the above
~ungipti~n, the text gives the reason for the flood as continuous rainfall/
/sc:pours that occurred in the (upper) catchment area of the above-mentioned
_owrs Presumably the same event, although listed under the year 1317, is
nv~ti~ned in the Annales Mellicenses.38 The Continuatio Zwetlensis (III) speaks
m:erally about a great flood ofthe Danube caused by rain in 1316.39
ge Sources mention great rainfalls that caused the devastating summer flood
events in !arge parts of Central Europe, including Hungary. However, based on
these sources one cannot say clearly whether or not the summer was similarly
rainy in Hungary. The floods that occurred there might have been mainly the
result of extraordina1y rainfall in the upper catchment areas of rivers arriving in
Hungary from the west.
apparuit, quae disponente deo plurima pericula nuntiavit; aestatis namque tempore contra
naturam huius temporis facta es/ ex continuatis imbribus tam copiosa aquarm habundantia,
quod more diluvii in locis pluribus subverteret aedificia, muros et castra ….. In Austria,
Polonia, Ungaria et Misna de hoc di!uvio omnium hominum quaerimonia nuntiabat infinita
pericula esse facta. See also: E. Pautsch, „Elementarereignisse in den erzählenden
österreichischen Geschichtsquellen des 14. und 15. Jh.,“ unpublished disseration (Vienna:
University ofVienna, 1953), 57-58; Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 111; Rohr,
Extreme Naturereignisse, 223-225.
37 J. Zahn, Anonymi Leobiensis Chronicon (Graz: Leuschner&Lubensky, 1865), 33-34. See
also Pautsch, „Elementarereignisse,“ 57-58; C. Weikinn, Quellentexte zur Witterungsgeschichte
Europas von der Zeitwende bis zum Jahre 1850. Hydrographie, Teil 1:
Zeitwende-] 500 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1958), 177. Glaser, Klimageschichte, 65 also
mentions the heavy rainfall and floods (e.g., three times on the Danube in May and June;
flood damages on the Elbe in Thuringia) andin the South German areas.
38 MGH SS, vol. 9, 511. There is no agreement in this question in the available scientific
literature: while Pautsch, „Elementarereignisse,“ 59, or Brazdil and Kotyza, History of
Weather, 112, do not mention any flood for 1317 (i.e., connect it to the 1316 flood events),
Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse ; 225 – besides the 1316 flood events – clearly mentions it
as a separate flood, dated to 1317); see also Weikinn, Quellentexte, 177. As the Anna/es
Mellicenses do not mention any flood in 1316, it seems more likely that the source still
referred to the great 1316 flood events. However, it is also true that the winter of 1317 was
very hard, and – combined with rapid melting – after hard winters the probability of a
destructive (e.g., spring) flood event is higher than in normal years. Thus, despite the
probable one-year misdating of the Anna/es Mellicenses, the possibility remains that after
the devastating 1316 flood events another flood also occurred in 1317.
39 MGH SS, vol. 9, 666: 1316. Item rex Fridericus stiuram a civibus de omnibus que
habebant, sub iureiurando accepit; et inundatio maxima Danubii ac omnium fluviorum,
tam ex pluviis quam eruption venarum terre, quam nix maxima et nimis diuturna subsecuta
omnia sata destruxit.
17
The southwestern military campaign: a hard winter on the Sava – in early 1314
or 1317?
A charter dated 1323 reports on the military campaign of King Charles
(Robert) I against the Serbian king either in early 1314 or 1317.40 Besides the
attacks of the soldiers of the Serbian King Uros, it blames the hard/cold winter
weather conditions for the difficulties the Hungarian army had when it crossed
the Sava River.41
Although no information is currently available concerning the weather
conditions in Central Europe in the winter of 1314, quite a detailed picture can
be drawn for the famous hard winter of 1317. According to the Continuatio
Zwetlenses, the rains and flood( s) of 1316 were followed by great snow and all
the sowings were diminished; this was followed by unheard-of hunger and land
infertility in the next year ( 1317).42 Similar information appears in the Czech
Chronicon Aulae Regiae, which refers to a large area that also includes
Hungary.43 In the Czech Lands, the winter of 1316-1317 began on 20
November. lt was rather hard with great frosts and much snow in the Czech
Lands as well as in Austria. The snow cover in the Czech Lands lasted until late
March; this hard winter and the bad harvests of 1316 and 1317 resulted in high
prices and intensified hunger.“ Similarly, famine is mentioned by the late
40 HNA, DL 1884. According to P. Engel, „Az orszag ujraegyesitese. I. Karoly küzdelmei az
oligarchak eilen 1310-1323“ (The unification fo the country. Fights of King Charles I
against the oligarchs 1310-1323), Szazadok 122 (1988): 89-146, 115, this military
campaign and the Sava crossing took place in 1317, but Krist6, with a rather convincing
argument, suggests early 1314 as the most possible date, but definitely not 131 7. See Gy.
Krist6, Haboruk es hadviseles az Arpadok koraban (War and warfare in the Arpadian
Period) (Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2003), 311, 329.
41 Part of the charter is published in: I. Nagy and Gy. Tasnadi, Anjoukori okmanytar / Codex
Diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis, vol. 2 (Budapest: Magyar Tudomanyos
Akademia, 1881), 6: … difficilis transitus fluvii Zave per algorem hiemalis temporis
opposito ac resistente nobis exercitu dictorum Sclavorum gentis in litore seu portu transitus
processum nostrum retardaret. For a regestum of the entire charter (HNA, DL 2884), see
Gy. Blazovich and L. Geczi, Anjou-kori okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas tempore
regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 7 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
1991 ), 48-49.
42 MGH SS, vol. 9, 666 (Continuatio Zwetlensis III): 1316. ltem rex Fridericus stiuriam a
civibus de omnibus que habebant, sub iureiurando accepit; et inundatio maxima Danubii
ac omnium jluviorum, tam ex pluviis quam eruption venarum terre, quam nix maxima et
nimis diuturna subsecuta omnia sata destruxu ….. 1317. Fames et sterilitas inaudita ex nive
preteriti anni omnia sata destruente. Unde siliginis quasi nichil ille annus habuit, tritici
vero parum amp!ius, hordei vero et avene ac estivalium satorum mediocriter, et vini
modicum, ita ut rarus esset panis triticeus et siligineus; hordeaceus autem et avenaceus
quasi communiter comedebatur.
43 FRA, vol. 1/8, Liber 1, Cap. 128,379: …. Aestatem hanc fluminibus non fructibus fertilem
hiemps aspera subsequitur, adducens nivis copiam, frigorisque rigorem.
44 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 111-112.
18
fif enth-century chronicler Dlugos for Poland and Bohemia for the year 1317.45
;ht: winter of 1317 ~id no_t pass without some (docum~nted) extreme events in
1 Byzantine Empire either, In the eastern Mediterranean, flash floods
dnevastated Baalbek (in Lebanon) and very strong north winds were reported in e . 46 Constantmople.
Town jires reported in 1317: of what origin?
In November 1317 the citizens of Sopran applied to the king to
corroborate their old rights, as the charters proving them had perished in a fire in
their town. In this case, due to the fundamental importance of possessing these
basic documents in such disturbed times, probably the fire had not occurred
many years before the date of this request.
Sirnilar to the previous cases, a war situation might be one potential explanation
for the fire, as – for example – in the same year, in the summer of
1317, the oligarch Matthew III Csak attacked and burnt down Nitra (because the
bishop had excommunicated him).47 The event was mentioned in later charters,
even many years afterwards.48 Nevertheless, the possibly hard cold winter of
1317 may be also counted as another potential cause or background that
provided more favorable conditions for the occurrence of a significant fire event.
The Great Famine – also in Hungary?
The great famine in Western and Central Europe is known as probably the
most severe famine that occurred in medieval Europe. As noted above in
connection with the great flood of 1316 and partly also with the hard winter of
1317, the contemporary Czech source, the Chronicon Aulae Regis refers to
severe food shortages and hunger in the Czech Lands, Austria, and – among
other areas – in Hungary. Some further evidence may provide more information
on a possible severe food shortage or even famine that occurred at this time.
In Hungary, at that moment, two examples are available that might be
connected to a more severe food shortage. The first case was documented in a
charter dated 19 March 1318; on that day, in front ofthe chapter ofTihany, two
45 HP, vol. 9, 964.
46 I. G. Telelis, „Climatic fluctuations in the Eastem Mediterranean and the Middle East AD
300-1500 from Byzantine documentary and proxy physical paleoclimatic evidence – A
comparison?“ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 58 (2008): 167-207 (206);
idem. Meteorologika fainomena kai klima sto Vyzantio, tomos 2 (Athens: Akademia
Athenon, 2004), 653-654.
47 Gy. Krist6, A vdrmegyerendszer kialakulasa kialakulasa Magyarorszagon (The Development
ofthe Counties in Hungary) (Budapest: Magvetö, 1988), 51.
48 See, e.g., Gy. Kristo, Anjou-kori okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum
Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 6 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely,
2000), 191.
19
noble families declared to take over the lordship of the church of Veszpre111
(both in person and properties, e.g., in Szöllös), for helping them in the disturbect
times, during famine and hunger. They hoped that the church (bishop) of
Veszprem would also protect them in the future ifproblems occurred.V
Another rather clear famine case was mentioned in Bihar County (in the
eastem patt of the Great Hungarian Plain near Transylvania), in a charter dated
20 April 1318. In this charter, a land purchase between a sister and brother is described;
the brother, who already owned the neighboring property, had not only
supported his sister after her husband died, but also fed and supplied her (and
her three children) during the great famine (tempore famis vallide).50 A charter
conceming her dowry had been issued in F ebruary 13 11. Some time after that
her husband died and subsequently the famine occurred – and all these events
happened some time before 20 April 1318. Thus, the great famine took place a
somewhat langer time after February 1311 and some (unknown) time before the
land purchase in mid-April 1318.51 Moreover, the emphasis on the fact that the
brother helped them throughout the famine may suggest a langer duration of this
event.
Summing up all the available information, the famine may have occurred
between February 1311 and April 1318. lt lasted a relatively long time (that is,
more than some months, maybe even a year or years). Based on the scarce
evidence available, by spring 1318 the famine in the areas noted might have
49 I. Nagy, D. Veghely and Gy. Nagy, Zala vcirmegye tonenete. Okleve/tcir (History of Zala
County. Chartulary), vol. 1 (Budapest: Franklin Tarsulat, 1886), 146-147 (19 March 1318):
…. , quibus hoc tempore impaccato, famis et inedie in fovendis, alendis, nutriendis,
defendendis et protegendis, suos fovit, nutrivit et protexit, et ut speratur in premissis
semper suum laudabi/e factum, in eorumdem personis recipiet incrementum, cum omnibus
ipsorum possessionibus in eadem Zeuleus et in locis aliis habitis et possessis, hereditariis
videlicet, emticiis acquisitis et quovis titulo in futurum acquirendis, ad prefatum dominum
Stephanum episcopum et ecclesiam suam prenotatam, ac per eundem ad eiusdem
successores, ad honorem et honus nobilium iobagionum eiusdem Wesprimiensis ecc/esie, se
et suos heredes heredumque suorum successores perpetuo et irrevocabiliter inc/inasse et
annexuisse sunt confessi; … : regestum: B.L. Kumorovitz, Veszpremi regesztcik 1301-1387
(Regesta from Veszprem, 1301-1387) Magyar Orszagos Leveltar kiadvanyai, II.
Forraskiadvanyok 2 (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 1953), 49. The Szöllös mentioned could
be the one fonnerly located near Veszprem, although another Szöllös near Lake Balaton
might also be meant (see Fig. 1).
50 HNA, DL 50333: … et assumpsit idem Stephanus quod hoc tempore famis vallide, ipsam
dominam M [Margaretham] sororem suam cum tribus liberis suis ab alio marito
procreatis usque vitam eiusdem domine nutrire alere et sustentare. Regestum: Gy. Krist6.
Anjou-kori okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium
illustrantia, vol. 5 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 1998), 52. For more
infromation, see: Kiss et al., „14. szazadi rossz termesek.“
51 The last time such tenns (i.e.,fames va/ida) bad been used in Hungarian domestic sources
was in connection with the great famine that occurred during and after the First Mongol
Invasion, in 1241-1243. See, for example, the previous, thirteenth-century patt of this
study: Kiss, „Weather,“ II, 11-15.
20
to an end, unlike in the Czech Lands,52 where very high prices and even
corn•e e were reported as 1 ate as t h e spn. ng o f 1318. 53 fatnill
weather-related information from the 1320s
1321: Food shortages and bad wine in western and northern communities
In 1321, citizens of the town of Sylna (Zsolna, today Zilina in Slovakia,
e Fig. 1) applied to the king for help due to their poverty and need (inopia,
s:upertas). On 12 July the king not only renewed, but also extended their
privileges; they did not have to pay tax in the country at four toll places.54 Food
~hortages are also mentioned in this year (without dating), in another charter
from western Hungary; in front of the chapter of the St. Michael church in
Vasvar (Vas county, westem Hungary), the abbot of the prestigious Jak
monastery exchanged a piece of arable land of the monastery with a noble
family for a vineyard, a mill, and a plough with six oxen. The reasoning is
particularly interesting; the abbot, on the one hand, blamed the food shortage
caused by the unpeaceful times and, on the other hand, he referred to „other
needs“ ofthe monastery and its people (that is, also its servants, serfs, etc.).55
Concerning the weather of Central Europe, 1321 was an unfavorable year
in the German areas; according to a Braunschweig source, 1321 was a rainy year
and the harvest was bad, for example, in Würzburg. Similar reports can also be
traced for Northern ltaly;56 in this year, the summer was similarly rather rainy
(with floods in late June). The harvest was poor in the Czech Lands; the yields
of crops and seeds were small, probably due to the preceding dry weather
52 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 112.
53 Similar to the early 131 Os, problems ofreligious communities in need were also mentioned
around this time. For example, in 1319 a charter describes an exchange of some lands and
tithes between the canons ofEsztergom and the archbishop ofEsztergom in 1319, when the
chapter referred to their great need (HNA, DF 248441; CD, vol. 8/2, 217-221: … et maxime
charitatis viscera circa nos gestans, quos inopia temporalis angebat). For the year 1319,
favorable (mild) weather conditions, a very good harvest, and low prices were suggested
for the Czech Lands (see Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 112).
54 Charter issued on 12 July 1321: HNA, DF 274688. For the early Latin edition: CD, vol. 11,
508-510: … Proinde ad universorum notitiam harum serie volumus pervenire, quod fideles
Hospites nostri de Sylna ad nostrae Maiestatis venientes praesentiam humiliter cum
Instantia supplicando a nobis postularunt, quod cum ipsi mole paupertatis et inopia
plurimum sint afflicti, talem libertatis praerogativam eis concedere dignaremur ut ipsi
numero, et rerum opulentia possent adaugeri, nobis et Coronae nostrae, debitam
jidelitatem semper impensuri. Regestum: Kristo, Anjou-kori okleveltdr, vol. 6, 79.
55 HNA, DF 209129: per impaccati temporis neces[ ] suos fratres ac ad eos
pertinentes graviter per defectum victualium et alium necessitatum dicebat …. ; regestum:
Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar, vol. 6, 145. For more information see Kiss et al., „14. szazadi
rossz termesek.“
56 Alexandre, Le climat, 442-443. Glaser, Klimageschichte, 88.
21
conditions. 57 Taking these circumstances into consideration, there is a chance
that the food shortage mentioned by the abbot was a real situation and a bad
harvest caused by unfavorable weather conditions may also have occurred in
Western Hungary near the Austrian border.
1321: Bad wine in Austria and Hungary
As mentioned by the Continuatio Mellicenses, in 1321 the wines were
. rather bad (rotten, smelly, red, and dirty) in both Hungary and Austria (In
Austria et Ungaria provenerunt multa vina ferme putrida, fetida, rubea et
inmundo).58 These general problems are usually related to fungal diseases
caused by too-humid (and cool) conditions during maturation (that is, before the
harvest) and fermentation of the wine. The condition, color, smell, and opacity
of the wine may all reflect the preceding weather conditions, 59 Although the text
refers to Hungary in general, it is possible that this Austrian source received
information mainly from the western part of the country.
The king’s escapefrom broken Bodrog ice: prior to 1322 (between late 1317
and early 1322)?
Some time before 1322 (when the incident was noted in a charter), the ice
broke while the Hungarian king was crossing the Bodrog River with his
followers; the king’s life was saved by Master Ladislaus, who himself almost
died. This adventure was shortly commemorated in a donation charter issued on
18 March 1322 (and then also in 1329):
And another case, when with our followers we went to find
consolidation on the ice of the river Bodrog, (and) the ice broke
because of our followers‘ weight, the above-mentioned Master
Ladislas, so that our person was not to be threatened in the fearful
moment of death, was not afraid, exposing himself to the terrible
cruelty of death, and he bravely lifted us up from among the broken
pieces of ice …. 60
57 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 112.
58 MGH SS, vol, 9, 511. Pantsch, „Elementarereignisse,“ 60.
59 For related scientific literature see A.A. Girtler, „A bor betegsegei, I-II“ (Wine illnesses),
Mezogazdasagi Szemle 6/11, 12 (1888): 19-22, 21-29.
60 HNA, DL 99892: Ceterum cum vice quadam super glacies fluvij Budrug conso/acionis
causa cum quibusdam nostris fidelibus graderemur et ipsa glacies pre gravitare nobiscum
existencium in p/ures partes rupta extitisset prenominatus magister Ladis/aus, ne in tarn
formidabili mortis articulo nobis persone periculum immineret, se mortis orrende duricie
exponere haud pavescens, nos de discrimine fracturarum glaciei viriliter erexit et eduxit et
ipse in medio ipsi glaciei remansit, cui nisi destra domini faciente virtutem militorum
hominum auxilium confestim affuisset vitam ibidem terminabat. See also: Gy. Györffy,
„Adatok a romanok XIII. szazadi törtenetehez es a rornän allam kezdeteihez. II“ (Data on
22
The donation charter gives no information on the year of this event. lt
k place before mid-March in 1322,61 and presumably after late October 1317,
~o~icated by the fact that the information was not included in a donation charter
; ted 23 October 1317 ,62 where the merits of the sons of Mikl6s of the Balogh
/ndred are described. Since the military campaigns and sieges in which these
b~others successfully participated, according to present knowledge, are not
ompletely mentioned in temporal order in the donation charter of 1322,63 one
can only say that the event might have occurred in any of the winters ( or late
autumns-early springs) from 1318 to 1322. Rather little is known ab out the
winters of these years in the neighborhood; nothing peculiar was reported in the
Czech Lands, and only the winter of 1322 was reported as cold (with flooding in
]ate febrnary) in the German areas.64 However, the fact that the king with his
entourage ventured to cross the river on ice suggests a mostly firm ice cover
(with varying ice thickness, and/or thawing) – at least on that particular section
of the river. At the moment, due to a lack of further comparisons (and also the
seriousness ofthe matter – that is, saving the king’s life), the late February 1322
dating seems like a possible option.65
the history ofthe Romanians in the thirteenth century and the origin ofthe Romanian State
II), Törtenelmi Szemle 7/3-4 (1964): 537-568 (549).
61 Later included in charters dated 1329 and 1347 (HNA, DL 100035): T. Alrnäsi, Anjou-kori
okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 13
(Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkoräsz Mühely, 2003), 94.
62 HNA, DL 100035; included in a charter dated 1347.
63 For dates of the military operations see, e.g., Krist6, A varmegyerendszer, 34-39; A.
Barany, „Debreceni D6zsa küzdelme a bihari oligarchakkal“ (The fight ofD6zsa Debreceni
with the oligarchs of Bihar), in A. Barany, K. Papp and T. Szalkai (eds.), Debrecen varos
650 eves. Varostorteneti tanulmanyok (The town of Debrecen is 650 years old. Studies in
urban history), Speculum Historiae Debreceniense. A Debreceni Egyetem Törtenelmi
Intezet Kiadvanyai 7 (Debreceni Egyetem Törtenelmi Intezet – Debrecen Megyei Jogu
Varos Önkormanyzata, Debrecen, 2011), 75-126 (90-99).
64 See Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 112; Glaser, Klimageschichte, 76.
65 Conceming the king’s itinerary, it is only known that on 9 February he was still in
Temesvar (and issued two charters there). Then – after the 18 March charter (without
location) – the king issued a charter on 21 March in which 110 location is provided, but from
the content of the charter (the king mentions that he promised the corroboration of a
testament while in Temesvar) it seems that he was not in Ternesvar at that time. He
appeared in Temesvar again, issuing a charter on 7 April (Krist6, Anjou-kori okleveltar,
vol. 6, 166, 183, 185, 192). lt is also interesting that – after acquiring the territories ofthe
heirs of the (former) greatest oligarch, Matthew III Csak, in 1321 – intensive military
operations were carried out in Zemplen County against another local noble (Peter, son of
Petenye), among others, to take from him the castles of Bodrogszeg (i.e., at the Bodrog
River), Borostyän, and Bork6 (see Krist6, 1988, 58). Although the dates of the sieges are
unknown (they occurred in either 1321 or 1322), one cannot exclude the possibility that –
due to the very hard fight (as documented, many warriors died; see Krist6, A
varmegyerendszer, 58)- the king, some time between mid-February and the end ofMarch,
might also have appeared to help („for consolidation“) at the Bodrog River.
23
Harvest times in 1326
In the year 1326, at least three reports relate to the approximate timing 0
the cereal harvest; on 25 June, Trau (Trogir in Croatia) citizens in Dalmati
admitted that the (too) small army they had sent to the count of Cordoba was
due to a problem with the harvest.66 Another piece of harvest-related infonna.
tion comes from the northeastem patt of the Great Hungarian Plain; around 13
July, three-and-a-half stooks of harvested grain (that is, still on the stalk) were
illegally taken away from a landed possession in Vaja (Szatmar County).67 Seme
days before 19 July, a hundred stooks of winter and spring yields were taken b}I
force from Chakan (Csakany), a landed possession (Somogy County in southern
Transdanubia).68 Common characteristics of the three cases are that they all
happened during or shortly after the harvest time, and the dates provided ( ca.
mid-July in the northeastem patt of the Great Hungarian Plain as well as i
southem Transdanubia) are approximately related to an average harvest time. As
for parallels in the neighborhood, the summer in the Czech Lands was
characterized as dry, but the winter wheat gave a proper harvest.69
Fires reported in the 1320s
According to another charter dated 1324, some (based on the tex
formulation, probably longer) time before, fire had also devastated Esztergom.?‘
Because the fire probably happened several years earlier, it is possible that the
event is connected to Matthew III Csak’s attack on Esztergom in 1313.71
Mentioned in the Chronicon Posoniense on 28 March 1328, the church
(basilica) of the Blessed Virgin bumt down in (Szekesjf’ehervär;“ the
66 CD, vol. 8/6, 98; T. Smiöiklas, Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et
Slavoniae / Diplomaticki zbornik Kraljevine Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slavonije, vol. 9
(Zagreb: Academia scientiarum et artium Slavorum meridionalium auxilio regiminis
Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, 1911), 297.
67 Gy. Blazovich and L. Geczi, Anjou-kori okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore
regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 10 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkoräsz Mühely,
2000), 185.
68 Ibidem, 191.
69 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 113.
70 N. Knauz and L.C. Dedek, Monumenta Ecc/esiae Strigoniensis, vol. 3 (Esztergom:
Aegydius Horak, 1924), 48-49.
71 As mentioned above, Matthew III Csak attacked the Esztergom archbishopric in winter or
spring 1312. lt is possible that this is the time when the fire occurred; in this case, it would
have been at least partly (or mostly) caused by human intervention, although theoretically
even in this case the weather conditions could have strengthened the destructive effects of
the fire. Related to the dating and further circumstances of the military campaigns, see
Engel, „Az orszag ujraegyesitese,“ 96-97; Kristö, Haboruk, 301-303.
72 I. Szentpetery, Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum. Tempore ducum regumque stirpis
Arpadianae gestarum, 2 vols. (new edition: Budapest: Nap Kiadö, 1999) (hereafter SRH),
24
f rteenth-centmy Hungarian chronicle composrtion and the Chronicon
;~nacense date this event almost one year earlier, to 1 April 1327.73 This
. [onnation is particularly interesting because after the death of the greatest
1~igarchs, the entire country was controlled by the king in the early years of the
~3zos. By 1327 and 1328 there was peace in Hungary (especially in the central
arts). Thus, there is a chance that this event had some ( even if indirect)
~onnection to the prevailing weather conditions. Because all the other versions
of chronicles of the period date this event to 1327, the early text edition
suggested this year as the real date of the fire.74 Notable fire events in early
spring are usually connected to dry/cold and/or windy periods of unknown
duration. From this particular point of view it is interesting that in Zbraslav
(Bohemia) strong winds were reported for four weeks after 25 February 1328,
and before 5 August great heat and drought were documented. 75 According to
Glaser,76 there is no such information for spring 1327 in the German areas, but
there was an early warm spring in 1328.
Weather-related evidence from the 1330s
J 330 winter: severe weather conditions obstruct finding boundaries in mid.
tanuary
The Buda chapter recorded that on 13 January 1330 the perambulators
went out to measure and estimate the landed possessions of U gh (Tiszaug), but
because of the severe weather conditions (propter asperitatem temporis) it was
not possible to define the boundaries ( and landmarks) of the land and thus the
procedure had to be postponed. Two weeks later, in another charter (and then
again on 8 July) it is also added that – due to the severity of the weather – they
vol. 2: 50 (Chronicon Posoniense), 91: Anno Domini M-o CCCXXVIII. feria quarta ante
Dominica Palmarum ecclesia Beate Virginis de Alba Regali, quamvis plumbo tecta fuisset,
j/ebiliter est combusta, uno campanuli excepto, quod es/ supra sacristiam ubi sanctorum
reliquie conservantur, quod nemo dubitat eorum meritis remansisse.
73 SRH, vol. !, 491-492 (Chronici Hungarici compositio saeculi XIV): (S+V) 208. Anno
Domini M-o CCC-o XXVll-o feria quarta ante Dominicam Ramispalmarum ecclesia Beate
Virginis de Alba Regali, quamvis plumbo tecta fuisset contra incendium, ut superies
memini, tamen jlebiliter es combusta et Iota plumbea materia in laminas producta de tecto
eius a facie ignis vehementis fluxit liquide sicut cera, excepto uno campanili, quod supra
sacristiam est, …. SRH, vol. 2, 86 (Chronicon Monacense): Anno XXVII. Ecclesia
Albensis incendio consumitur, sed iterum rex eam restauravit et plumbo legere fecit. Anno
eadem (sie) nascitur eifilius Andreas.
74 See F. Toldy, Chronicon Hungarorum Posoniense e cod. ms. chartaceo capituli Poson
nunc primum editum, qua faustum … (Buda [Budapest]: Typographaeum reg. univers.,
1852), 55.
75 For more details on the analysis of Czech sources, see Brazdil and Kotyza, History of
Weather, 113.
76 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 84.
25
could not recognize the boundaries and that is why the land estimation had to be
postponed.“ No information is available in the Central European (that is, Czech,
Gennan, Austrian) literature about the character of this winter, but in Ferrrara it
was reportedly rainy and windy.78
Great cold and wind obstruct perambulation in mid-January 1336
According to a charter issued some time between 13 and 20 January (a
report from the convent of Jaszö to the palatine), on 13 January the
perambulators went to the lands of Isopo (Izsep; today Vysny Zipov in
Slovakia), Monorous (Monyor6s/Tapolymogyor6s; today Skrabske in Slovakia)
and Felchwa (Felcsicsva; today part of Ciöava in Slovakia; see Fig. !), but due
to the great cold, wind, and the fact that one ofthe parties was not present, it was
not possible to carry out the land division. The same information also appears in
another chaiter of the same lawsuit, dated 27 January.79 No weather-related
evidence is known concerning this winter in the Central European (i.e., Czech,
German, Austrian) literature.
1338: Deep snow melted in late February in the Carpathians
After a very long legal proccess, on 25 February a perambulation of
boundaries finally took place in the area of possessio Trochan, possessio
Cherosyna and Remethe, in Saros County. The perambulators were rather
unlucky; due to flood of waters and snow in those areas it was not possible to
distinguish the properties, to settle landmarks or separate the boundaries.“
77 HNA, DL 69666: …. in dictis octavis Epiphanie domini presente magistro Johanne
concanonico et testimonio dicti Capitu/i Budensi ad faciem diele possessionis Vgh
accessissent, et eandem vicinorum et commetaneorum eisdem convocatibus factis per
veteres et antiquas metas reambulare voluissent memoratis magister Mark propter
asperitatem temporis metas diele possessionis minime passe se reinvenire asseruisset, et sie
ipsam estomacionem fieri nequivissent …. ; regestum: T. Almasi and T. Köfalvi, Anjou-kori
okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium i/lustrantia, vol. 14
(Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2004), 25, 43, 242-245.
78 Alexandre, Le climat, 452.
79 I. Nagy and Gy. Tasnadi, Anjoukori okmanytar / Codex Diplomaticus Hungaricus
Andegavensis, vol. 3 (Budapest: Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia, 1883), 244-245: …. ad
nostram accedentes presenciam literas iamdicti conventus de Jazou nobis presentarunt, in
quarum tenoribus ipsas possessiones propter grande frigus et nimium flatum ventorum
dividere et eciam propter absenciam ipsius Ladislai fi/ii Benedicti non potuisse facero
reperimus, … ; regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regum Andegavensium il/ustrantia, vol. 20 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz
Mühely, 2004), 61, 74-75.
8° CD, vol. 8/4, 356-366 (362-363): … Tandem idem Capitulum ad ipsas octavas Domino
regi rescripsit eo modo: quod praefatus Joannes de Echy, homo regius, una cum Blasio,
Sacerdote de Choro ipsorum Agriensi, et testimonio eorumdem, in dictis quindenis diei
cinerum proxime preteritis, ad faciem dictarum possessionum Trochan, Cherosyna, et
26
There was great ( deep) snow in the area, but some time before mild
ther arrived, because melting (and or rain) was needed to suddenly release a
we\ amount ofwater for a great flood event. The possessio Trochan (Trocsany;
JaJ y Trocany in Slovakia) is situated in the eastem part of Saros County and
t~ aperambulated area was mainly located in the vicinity of the fluvius Topul
\e poly; today Topl’ou in Slovakia). This late February flood and a melting date
~ : a mountanous area in the northem Carpathians might suggest an early arrival
0
~ spring. No information on t~e wi_nter weather is available in the Central
European (Czech, German, Austnan) literature.
1338-1340 or langer? The great locust invasion in Hungary and Central Europe
Locust invasions are mainly connected to dry periods and change or
alteration of prevailing wind directions and thus they have special importance
when discussing weather-related events.81 Although some of the Central
European narratives clearly state that the locust invasion came to their areas
from Hungary in 1338, in Hungary mainly non-contemporary reports are
available, suggesting partly different dates for the beginning (and end) of the
Jocust plague. Maybe this is an important reason why the great locust invasion
of 1338 in Hungary has been only discussed briefly in the scientific literature.82
The main invasion year in most parts of W estem and Central Europe and
Northem Italy was 1338,83 but local sources only mention locusts later in
Northem Italy and Austria, for example, in 1339 and 1340.84 Contemporary
Czech sources such as Francis of Prague or the Vita Caroli state that in Bohemia
(also referring to Moravia and Hungary) locusts arrived in 1338;85 similarly,
Remethe vocatarum, in Comitatu de Sarus existencium accedendo, easdem presentibus
vicinis et commetaneis earum universis, cum omnibus ad eas pertinentibus per veras earum
metas et antiquas, infra declarandas, reambulando modo premisso, …. et quia in illis
partibus habundantia aquarum et nivium tune extitisset, et ipsae aque ac nives ipsas partes
nimium prevaluissent, ideo ipsi easdem divis ipsarum possessionum distinguere et per
metarum erectiones ab invicem separare nequivissent, sed mete, quibus sepe diele tres
possessiones a vicinariis possessionibus distinguuntur et separantur, …. I did not find the
original ofthis charter in the DL-DF database ofthe Hungarian National Archives.
81 See, for example, D. Camuffo and S. Enzi, „Locust invasions and climatic factors frorn the
Middle Ages to 1800“. Theoretical and Applied Climatology 43 ( 1991 ): 43- 73.
82 E. Malyusz, „Kronikaproblernak“ (Chronicle problems). Szazadok 100/4-5 (1966): 713-
762.
83 See, for example, Alexandre, Le c/imat, 462-466; Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 468-476;
Glaser, Klimageschichte, 65-66. In the present short overview only the sources that help a
better understanding of the Hungarian situation (thus, mainly the Austrian and Czech ones)
are considered in more detail.
84 Camuffo and Enzi, „Invasioni di cavallette,“ 28-31.
85 J. Emler, Fantes rerum Bohemicarum / Prameny dejin Ceskych, vols. 3, 4 (Prague: F.
Palacki, 1882, 1884), 354, 427. See also Malyusz, „Kronikaproblemak,“ 727; Brazdil and
Kotyza, History of Weather, 114.
27
Austrian sources such as the Anna/es Mellicenses, Anna/es Zwetlenses, the
Continuatio Claustroneoburgensis (V), the Continuatio Novimontensis, the
Chronicon Anonymi Leobiensis and the Kalendarium Zwetlense all suggest 1338
as the starting year ofthe invasion.86 The Anna/es Matseenses, for example, also
dates the locust invasion for 1338, and adds that locusts were flying through
Bavaria.87 In the area of Frankfurt and Würzburg, where locusts also came from
Hungary in 1338, the great snow that feil in mid-October destroyed all of
them. 88 The fifteenth-century Polish chronicler Dlugosz mentions that locusts
appeared in Polish areas as early as 1335.89
A contemporary eyewitness, John of Viktring (living near Klagenfurt)
suggested'“ in 1338 that locusts arrived from the east through Hungary, Poland,
Bohemia, Moravia, Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola up to the Rhine; in
July and August they consumed the vegetation. They stayed for three
consecutive years and in the eastern-southeastern alpine areas (i.e., Carinthina,
South Tyrol) they were still there (in sharply decreasing numbers) in 1341.91
The Anna/es Zwetlenses mentions the locusts arriving at harvest time from
the „marine areas“ (de partibus marinis) – this would suggest a southerly
direction. The Continuatio Novimontensis“ adds that locusts were especially
destructive in the areas over the Danube; they arrived at harvest time and
86 See, for example, MGH SS, vol. 9, 512, 671-672, 683, 691, 735. Fora complete overview
of Austrian sources (with original texts) related to the invasion see: Rohr, Extreme
Naturereignisse, 468-476.
87 MGH SS, vol. 9, 829.
88 See, for example, Alexandre, Le climat, 462; Glaser, Klimageschichte, 65.
89 HP, vol. 9, 1035-1036.
90 MGH SRG, vol. 36/2, 175 (John of Viktring): lgitur ex partibus orientis multitudo
locustarum eruperat, Bawariam, Franconiam, Sueviam et montana et per Ungariam,
Austriam, Styriam, Karinthiam, Carniolam, Forum-Iulii, Lombardiam usque ad litus Reni
omnia virencia terre tempore Iulii et Augusti ad fundum et tocius absumpcionis ultimum
dispendium dente sevissimo devoravit.
Ibidem 178: … Nunc autem per quatuor annos circa eandem partem anni venientes vel de
suis /atebris exurgentes iuxta maius et minus fructus et terre genimina destruxerunt. In
quarto anno, qui iam volvitur, volucribus, ciconiis, conicibus, sturnis ac aliis rapacibus et
ingluviosis volatilibus devorati in maximo sunt numero diminute, nec tam ferociter ad
consumcionem omnium pervenerunt.
Ibidem 207-209: Eodem anno (1338) ex partibus orientis multitudo locustarum erupit et
per Ungariam, Po/oniam, Bohemian, Moraviam, Austriam, Styriam, Karinthiam,
Carniolam, Sueviam, Bawariam, Lombardiam, Forum-Iulii et montana usque ad litus Reni
omnia terre virencia tempore Iulii et August dente sevissimo usque ad tocius absumpcionis
dispendium devoravit ….. Per tres annos continus de suis latebris exierunt et circa eandem
partem anni iuxta maius et minus terre germina vastaverunt. Quarta anno ab avibus
rapacibus, ciconiis, cornicibus, sturnis et ab aliis ingluviosis devorati in reliquum non
venerunt.
91 Apart from John ofViktring, the Bozen chronicle also suggests 1341 as a closing year of
the invasion (for source and discussion, see: Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 473.
92 MGH SS, vol. 9,671.
28
e ofthem there was no wine in that year (1338); but still, this great locust
becaus was not followed by need (Jack of food or high prices ). According to the
plagu:ource, the problem, combined with a hard winter, continued in the next
same in 1339.93 In 1340, locusts decreased greatly in the alpine area (and
yea~ bly also elsewhere) due to a rainy period and floods.94
pro a No contempora1y source is available about this locust invasion in
Hungary. Later sources, such as the domestic (mid-fifteenth-century) Georgenb
g chronicle dated the appearance and massive damage t caused by locusts to year 1338. From Hungary the locusts continued to Bavaria, Swabia, and
}r:nkonia.95 This information was also cited by later chronicles for the the Spis
region (e.g., the seventeenth-century Chronicon Leibitzeriana).96
According to the Chronicon Dubnicense and the Chronica Hungarorum
by Janos Thur6czy, the locust invasion took place in Hungary in 1340 andin the
rwo subsequent years.97 This text was further utilised in other fifteenth- and sixteenth-
century chronicle variations. lt is difficult to teil, however, why the
invasion in these Hungarian chronicles was dated two years later than in the
European literary tradition. E. Mälyusz suggested that it was mainly because this
part ofthe text was written by one or more non-contemporary authors.98 A rather
important piece of information, however, is that the locusts would have come to
Hungary from the south, through the Syrmium (Szeremseg) area in the southern
part of the Carpathian Basin. In the early modern and modern period locusts
usually entered from the south along the Danube and also from the eastsoutheast
through Transylvania first.99
93 MGH SS, vol. 9, 671-672 (Continuatio Novimontensis, Codex Novimontensis).
94 MGH SS, vol. 9, 672 (Continuatio Novimontensis, Codex episcopalis). See also Zahn,
Anonymi Leobiensis Chronicon, 42.
95 SRH, vol. 2, 284 (Chronicon, quod in Monte Sancti Georgii conservatur): Anno dni
MCCCXXXVIII sein dy hewschreken gewest alhy in Vnger lant, vnd haben gar alles
getreide vndfi·u(e)chte getilgit, vnd seyn von hynnen geczogen ken Peyern, ken Swoben vnd
ken Franken. (In margine add.)
96 C, Wagner, Ana!ecta Scepusii sacri et profane, pars II (Vienna: Trattnem, 1774), 47
(hereafter AS).
97 M. Florianus, Chronica Dubniciense cum codicibus Sambuci Acephalo et Vaticano,
cronicisque Vindobonensi picto et Budensi accurate collatum. Historiae hungaricae fontes
domestici 1/3. (Leipzig: M. Taizs, 1887), 129: (Jncendia) Anno domini millesimo tricentesimo
quadragesimo, tribus annis subsequentibus, videlicet quadragesimo primo, et
quadragesimo secundo infinita multitudo locustarum ingressa est per Syrmiam in omnem
partem Hungarie regni transiens turmatim volitando et gradiendo in terra, super omnia
virencia in arboribus segetibusque ac graminibus potestatem accipiens, preter folia
vinearum. Post triennium autem in circumiacencia regna, scilicet Polonie, Bohemie et
Austrie recedentes se diuiserunt usque ad Jtaliam et Franciam, et sie morte perierunt. See
also: E. Galantai and Gy. Krist6, Johannes de Thurocz: Chronica Hungarorum (Budapest:
Akaderniai Kiad6, 1985), 154.
98 Malyusz, „Kronikaproblemäk,“ 727.
99 A. Kiss, „A säskajärasok nehany területi es tajtörteneti vonatkozasa a Karpat-medenceben“
(Some regional and areal consequences of historical locust invasions in the Carpathian
29
Summing up all the information collected, this major locust invasion
arrived in Hungary and caused great damage at the latest in 1338, but probably
earlier; locusts usually arrive at least in the autumn prior to a great outbreak.l'“
There was a locust invasion in Hungary at least by 1340 and they were quite
possibly still present in 1341.101
At present, no weather reports are available for these years in Hungary. In
the Czech Lands, the spring and summer of 1337 were very dry and hot, which
caused a bad cereal harvest. In the Gennan areas, however, there was a good
harvest in that year.102 Apart from the mid-October frost and snow noted above
that destroyed the locusts in the Frankfurt-Würzburg area, the only information
from the broader neighborhood in 1338 comes from the northem parts of Italy,
where the late August and September were rainy with flooding. Much more is
known about the hard and snowy winter of 1339 in Western and West Central
Europe; there was snow even in late April in Northem Italy. There were floods
in autumn in northem Italy, southern France, and the southem parts of the
German territories. In 1340, frosts and then floods were reported in Austria,
storms and hail in July and August in northern Italy, and an early snow (in midSeptember)
in the mountains of Styria.l'“
Fire reports from the 13 3 Os
On 27 April 1331, the king ordered royal judges not to take decisions in
any land ownership-related legal matters as the diplomas had perished in the fire
that completely destroyed Jak monastery (in western Hungary). This had primarily
been due to a military attack.!“
According to the early seventeenth-century (thus, 11011-contemporary)
Chronica Leibitzeriana, there was a great fire in Löcse (today Levoöa in
Basin). In A taj valtozasai a Karpat-medenceben. Torteneü emlekek a tajban (Landscape
changes in the Carpathian Basin. Historical monuments/memorial places in the landscape),
ed, Gy. Füleky (Gödöllö: Szent Istvan Egyetem, 2012), 123-132, 127.
roo See, e.g., Kiss, „A säskajarasok,“ 123.
101 In this sense, I can accept the starting date of the invasion, but cannot agree with the
statement of E. Malyusz, „Krönikaproblemak,“ 726- 728, who counted the locust invasion
merely in 1338 and saw the 3-year invasion theory as a mistake ofthe Franciscan chronicle
writer. Based on the descriptions mentioned above it seems more likely that locusts did not
appear and disappear within one single year, but stayed in Hungary for (at least) 3 years.
Moreover, beyond the information gleaned from contemporary documents, later evidence
on locust invasions (see, e.g., Kiss, „A saskajarasok“) also suggests that, once arriving in
massive numbers, locusts rarely left Hungary within a year – especially in such an
intensive invasion as this one.
102 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 114.
103 Alexandre, Le climat, 463-467.
104 Only a regestum is available: I. T6th, Anjou-kori okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 15: 1331 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi
Közepkorasz Mühely, 2004), 87.
30
rtheastern Slovakia) in 1332.105 This information – probably using the same
n~onicle as a source – was also mentioned by Caspar Hain in his seventeenthc
ntury Spis chronicle. ’06 Since this data is only available in much later,
c\enteenth-century, documents, it has to be treated with great caution. As for
s~tential Central European weather parallels, mild and windy weather up to 6 j anuary was reported in Bohemia, while the Austrian evidence suggests a hard
winter in 1332.107 In the summer there was great drought and very low water
levels in Silesia and Little Poland. A rather wann summer (followed by a good
grape harvest) might also have prevailed in Bohemia.l'“ The spring of 1332 was
similarlv warm and dry and there was a good grape harvest in the German
109 areas.
In 1338, an accidental fire caused great damage in the street of the
Venetians in the town of Nagyvarad (today Oradea in Romania).‘ ‚0 Not much
infonnation is available for the neighboring areas about the weather conditions
in 1338, but – as noted above – this was the main year of the great locust
invasion in Central Europe when the locusts were reportedly coming from
Hungary.
Weather and related information from the 1340s
1340 or 1341 (or 1342)? Frost and ice in the North: Lucska, Haruncsar
Although without dating the event, there is also further information about
cold and ice (jrigus et gelus) for five consecutive days (probably in spring?),
prese1ved in a charter dated 19 August 1342 in Saros County in the mountain
area of Luchka (Lucska/Fazekasret, today Lucka in Slovakia) and Harunchar
(Haruncsar, today deserted land in northern Slovakia) close to the castle of
Tarkew (Tarkö, today Kamenica in Slovakia), in Saros County (see Fig. 1).111
I05 AS, vol. 2, 47 (Chronica Leibitzerianoy: MCCCXXXII Exarsit Leutschovia, quo incendio
pleraque vetera Scepusii monumenta interierunt. lt is interesting to mention that the same
l 7th-century chronicle also reports on a pestilence, dated by the early-modem source to
1334: MCCCXXXIV Tam saeva pestis grassata est, ut vivi vix suffecerint sepeliendis
mortuis.
106 Bai et al., Hain Gaspar, 12: Anno 1332. ist die Stad Leutsch zum erstenmahl auszgebrandt.
The pestilence mentioned by the Chronica Leibitzeriana for the year 1334 is also reported
by Caspar Hain: Anno 1334. Ist so ein gros Sterben gewest, das auch die lebendigen kaum
haben können die todten begraben.
107 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 113; Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 447.
IO& Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, l 13-114.
I0
9 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 88. See also Alexandre, Le climat, 454.
110 HNA, DL 3171; CD, vol. 8/4, 661-663. Regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori okleveltar /
Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia vol. 22: 1338
(Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2012), 244.
111 HNA, DL 68845; L.C. Dedek, Monumenta Ecclesie Strigoniensis, vol. 3 (Strigonii [Esztergom]:
Typis descripsit Gustavus Buzarovits, 1924), 473-475: Qui demum reversi, nobis
31
Unfortunately, because so far there is no evidence for a royal military campaign
towards Poland in 1342 and even previous dates of such a military campaign are
subject to debate, no firm conclusions can be drawn on the exact dating of the
event.112 Nevertheless, the major Tatar attack on Hungary in 1340 might suggest
that a military campaign striking back against the Golden Horde took place
afterwards, probably in 1341. In Austria (reported in Styria), from 22 Febrnary
1340 great cold occurred and in April and May of 1341 there was also
extraordinary cold.113 Based on all the available data, but mainly based on
political-military conditions, the autumn of 1340 is still probably the most likely
date for the military campaign and therefore the strong frost event, but neither
March-April 1340 and March-April 1341 can be excluded as possible
alternatives. 114
Rainy weather on 26 May 1342
Rainy weather on 26 May was reported in a charter in 1342 during the
reambulation process of Chalanus and Ochalanus (Biharcsalanos; today Cenalos
in Romania; see Fig. 1 ). 115 Due to this circumstance, no field survey could take
concorditer retu/erunt, quod feria secunda proxima post festum Exaltacionis Sancte
Crucis, …. , in dictis possessionibus Luchka et Harunchar habile, comiti Paula iudici curie
serenissimi domini nostri regis, ac vestre magnificencie, pro quibusdam iudiciis in quibus
ipsi convicti extitissent, fitissent occupate; et secundo pro eo, quia cum dominus noster rex
prelibatus, exercitum in Poloniam misisset contra Thartaros dimicaturum, totus exercitus
in eisdem vi//is descendisset et quinque diebus in ipsis permansisset, eo quod in campo
propter frigus et gelu descendere minime potuisset; qua tempore eciam possessiones
aliorum nobilium et eciam ecclesie, non so/um ipsorum extitissent impedite et destructe; ac
eciam tercio ex eo, quia idem Lucas, cum fi/iis suis et filii Pau/i antedicti, item filii
Dominici et Laurencii, filii eiusdem Symonis de eadem Luchka et Harunchar domos,
horrea, stabu/a et alia edificia venderent ad possessiones ipsius domini nostri regis et
quorumlibet aliorum, fitissent destructe ac devastate.
112 Discussed in detail by A. Kiss, „Idöjaräs, kömyezeti problernak es az 1340-es evek
elejenek tatar hadjaratai“ (Weather, environmental problems and the Tatar military
campaigns of the early 1340s). Hadtonenelmi Közlemenyek 125/2 (2012): 483-506.
Dlugos, however, did note a certain military campaign of Charles, king of Hungary, in
1342, towards Moldova. See HP, vol. 9, 1063.
113 Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 448.
114 Kiss, „Idöjaras,“ 504: the dating problem is discussed there (and before) in füll detail.
115 I. Nagy, Anjoukori okmanytar / Codex Diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis, vol. 4
(Budapest: Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia, 1884), 226-232: … , quod sepedicti filii Douse
in prefatis octavis Penthecostes valde mane ad faciem dicte litigiose possessionis cum suis
testibus fuissent congregati, pre/ibatus vero Stephanus filios Bochou cum testibus eiusdem
domini Thome woyvode circa meridiem inibi accessissel, et quia eodem die pluviosum
tempus affuisset et eciam super facto non exhibicionis dictarum literarum procuratoriarum
ac aliarum causarum partes inter se discordassent, …. See also A. Kiss, „Floods and
weather in 1342 and 1343 in the Carpathian Basin.“ Journal of Environmental Geography
2/3-4 (2009): 37-47, 39.
32
Jace on that day (and probably also on the adjacent days). No parallels (that is,
~ rainy Jate May) are currently available in Central European documentation.
1342: A late grain harvest in western Hungary?
On 11 August 1342 (GC:116 20 August) during the perambulation
of Rendec (today Ajkarendek), Ayca (Ajka) and Louuld (Varoslöd; see Fig. 1) in
central Transdanubia (westem Hungary), the owners prohibited others from
harvesting the grain on their arable land and taking already-harvested shooks of
grain.117 In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in the vicinity of the
somewhat cooler and wetter Szombathely118 sharing with the harvesters, fixed
towards the end of the harvest, usually occurred around mid- to late July. In
years with late harvest times, for example in 1697, this date was postponed to
early August. 119 In this case, by 11 (21) August the harvest was partly collected
but still left in the field. Harvesting and then collecting the cereals probably took
somewhat longer in the fourteenth century than three or four centuries later.120
Still, a mid-August date when harvested cereals had not yet been transported
seems to be a late timing for the collection and transportation of harvest. Late
grain harvesting work is usually associated with late cereal ripening, which
mainly sug~ests a cool late spring extending into the early and mid-summer
conditions.1 1
Great snow and extraordinary weather in Zamoly an 15 September 1342
On 15 (GC: 24) September, during a perambulation of landed possessions
in Bahun (today Bahoii in Slovakia) and Zamul (Zamoly; today part of Bahofi in
Slovakia), clearing the landmark with Nogwysta (Nagyvista; today Vistuk in
Slovakia) was also planned, but due to the hard times or weather and the
magnitude of snow(!), it was not possible to carry out the legal process nor to
measure the debated lands. The proposed date of the perambulation is clearly
defined, and – since the previous charter was issued on 1 August and the next
116 According to the Gregorian Calendar (hereafter GC).
117 HNA, DL 66126: …. de quindecim iugeriis fruguum quindecim capecias similiter prohibuissent
quas in eadem terra seminatas inuenissent ….. Regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori
okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol.
26: 1342 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2007), 316-317.
118 Szombathely is located approximately 80 km west ofRendek (c. 250-280 m a.s.l.).
119 Szombathely town council protocols, Vas County Archives V/102a. For more information:
Kiss. „Flood,“ 39.
120 M. Belenyesy, „A földmüveles Magyarorszägon a XIV. szazadban“ (Land cultivation in
Hungary in the fourteenth century). Szazadok 90/4-6 (1956): 517-555.
121 See, for example, A. Kiss, R. Wilson and I. Bariska, „An experimental 392-year
docurnentary-based multi proxy (vine and grain) reconstruction of May-July temperatures
for Köszeg, West-Hungary.“ International Journal of Biometeorology 55/4 (2011): 595-
611.
33
one on 8 November – no very different dating is possible and it must be
accepted that the area witnessed extraordinary weather conditions with notabJe
amounts of snow.122
The town of Levoca (LiJcse/Leutscha) burnt down: 1342
In 1342, according to the fifteenth-century Georgenberg chronicle, the
town of Löcse in Spis (Szepesseg/Czips; today in northeastem Slovakia) burnj
down.123 Caspar Hain’s early-seventeenth-century local chronicle also mentions
it as the year when the town bumt town for the second time.124 For the same
year, in Austria the Continuatio Novimontensis mentions a storm that destroyed
trees and houses, and both versions of the annals report on fires in many towns
in this year. 125
1344 January reports: hard winter weather and fog in the north, hail in the east
No weather-related information is available for 1343, although a number
of pieces of flood-related evidence are known from this year.126 The next
weather report on conditions in early January 1344 comes from a charter dated
122 Nagy, Anjoukori okmanytar, 282-287 (3 December 1342): … , quod in predictis octavis festi
Nativitatis beate virginis in facie diele terre /itigiose inter prefatas possessiones Bahun et
Zamul existentis cum hominibus regiis French predicto et Andrea de Capella qui
presencialiter affuissent, accessissent, et presentibus testimoniis dicti capituli Posoniensis
vide/icet magistris Johanne et Michaele flliis Alexii concanonicis eorum, et non eodem
Andrea clerico qui tempore prioris reambulacionis affuisset, eandem particulam terre
litigiosam in prima visiva consideracione pro quinquaginta iugeribus terrarum
consideratam et signis metalibus consignatam regali mensura mensurassent, et /icet
propter temporis gravitudinem et nivei magnitudinem reambulantes determinative
mensurare non potuissent, et idem Mykou super ipsa particula terre nomine quinquaginta
iugerum terrarum ut sibi fuisset impositum iurasset, tamen pro nunc per condignam
mensuracionem regalem in ipsa particula terre litigiosa in primis quinquaginta iugera
terrarum reperissent et eandem ipsi Mykou statuissent perpetuo nomine sui iuris
possidendam, deinde sexaginta iugera superflua in eadem terra litigiosa reperientes eidem
Johanni statuere voluissent, ubi idem Mykou contradixisset dicendo, quod ipsa particula
terre existeret intra signa metalia ipsius particule terre per ipsum iam in litem deducte et
ex eo ad ipsius possessionem Zamul pertineret, quamvis homines regii et capituli
Posoniensis tune temporis iuxta continenciam literarum nostrarum minime valuissent ut
premisimus propter temporis gravitudinem mensurare, sed pro eadem quantitate pro qua
dictus Mykou iurare debuisset reliquissent; …..
123 SRH, vol. 2, 284 (Chronicon, quod in Monte Sancti Georgii conservatur): … , darnach
starb konig Karulus Anno dni MCCCXLII do her hatte XXXII Jor regiret. Czu der selbin
czeit ist dy stat Lewtscha verprant, vnd also sein auch dy altin prife des lanids des meiste
teil verprant.
124 Bai et al., Hain Gaspar, 13: Anno 1342. Ist Leutsch zum 2 mahl auszgebrant.
125 MGH SS, vol. 9, 672. See also: Rohr, Extreme Naturereignisse, 427.
126 For more details, see Kiss, „Floods,“ 37-47.
34
12 July 1345 that describes an unsuccessful perambulation of Reeth (Ret) landed
ossession near Veresalma/Vörösalma (today Cervenica pri Sabinove in
~Jovakia) in historical Saros County. The perambulation was ordered by the
noble congregation of the county on 2 October 1343 and the report had to be
submitted by 13 January 1344. Thus, the attempted perambulation could have
taken place any time in between these two dates. However, due to the hard
winter conditions and the severity of fog127 they could not properly recognize
the !andmarks. Finally, the successful perambulation, including the identification
of landmarks and boundaries, took place on 11 April. The result of the
successful perambulation had tobe submitted by 18 April. Therefore, at least a
week must also be added for the travel in January and the unsuccessful
perambulation had to have taken place in the first week of January at the latest.
Another piece of information about weather condition refers to an
unknown time (probably months) before late January. In this case the toe-nail of
a vagabond priest froze in prison due to cold weather; the priest had been
arrested and tortured by the people of the Transylvanian archdean. 128 Due to the
events and the following complaints, the archdean was excommunicated, but in
Jate January, after receiving a füll record of the events, the pope absolved the
archdean. There is no further information about when the cold weather took
place, thus it is difficult to draw further conclusions on the usual or unusual
nature ofthe weather conditions.
For the German areas, Glaser suggests a mild winter in this year. No ice
developed on the Danube and the Main Rivers, and there was good weather in
Constance at the beginning ofthe year.129
1345: cold January weather?
On 14 January, in the forest near the village of Lelesz (Leles in eastern
Slovakia), nine local serfs were completely robbed and/or left naked, and then
five of them were forced to go to Chete (Csicser?; today Ciöarovce in Slovakia)
127 HNA, DL 40984: …. ad faciem diele possessionis Reeth per arbitro prenotato faciendo
adduxissent /amen quia ydem arbitrij propter temporis yemalis gravitatem et asperitatem
nebularum metas bene agnoscere non potuissent, per eo inter ipsas partes arbitrari
nequivissent. Regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regum Andegavensium illustiantia, vol. 29: 1345 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi
Közepkorasz Mühely, 2013), 271-274.
128 A. Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Historica Hungariam Sacram illustrantia maximam
partem nondum edita ex tabulariis Vaticanis deprompta collecta ac series chrolonogica
disposita Tomus primus ab Honorio PP III usque ad C/ementem PP VI 1216-1352. (Rome:
Typis Vaticanis, 1859), 662-663. Regestum: Zs. Jak6, Erdelyi okmanytar lll: 1340-1359
(Transylvanian Cartulary, vol. 3: 1340-1359), Magyar Orszagos Leveltar kiadvanyai II.
Forraskiadvanyok 47 (Budapest: Magyar Orszagos Leveltar, 2008), 88-89.
129 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 76.
35
village on (bare?) feet, by which the serfs suffered greatly from the severe
cold.130
This winter was reportedly mild in Lower Austria (Klosterneuburg) and,
similarly, the Bohemian army’s move to Prussia was rather restricted due to
prevailing mild conditions (swamps and other water bodies were not frozen).131
Based on southern and eastern German sources, Glaser suggests prevailing
(very) mild weather (when water bodies did not freeze) for the winter of 1345.132
One cannot exclude the possibility, however, that the conditions were not bad
for the armies when they originally left their homeland.
Urgent needs of religious communities in 1346
At the beginning of F ebruary 1346 the monastery of Zebegeny mortgaged
its land (in Kerekegyhaz, Baranya County) due to poverty (y[m]mo potius
necessitatibus ipsius monasterii nunc sublevandis), 133 while at the end of
November the master of the hospital in Budafelheviz (today part of Budapest)
similarly mortgaged half of its mill (in Szentendre) due to its urgent need.!“
Naturally, one cannot draw many conclusions based on these cases, but the
(urgent) need and financial problems of two religious communities (with
privileges) in the mid-1340s may provide interesting background information.
Further, the customer in both cases was the magnate, Töttös Becsei (count of
Pilis), and in both cases the religious communities emphasized their actual,
urgent problems/necessities as the cause ofthe mortgages,
Fires and damages in vineyards caused by frequent hoarfrosts – in 1347 or
1348?
Due to their great poverty, need, and hunger, the citizens of a Hungarian
royal town applied to King Louis I to avoid paying extra taxes for the king’s
130 HNA, DF 233644: … , quorum ex eis quinque post tergum ligatis manibus in magno frigore
usque ad uillam Chetem uocatam pepulissent, qui propter frigus nimium in pedibus
tormentati extitissent. T. Neumann, Bereg megye hatosaganak oklevelei 1299-1526
(Charters of Bereg county) (Nyiregyhaza: M6ricz Zsigmond Könyvtar, 2006), 34-35. For
this and later copies of the charter: F. Piti, Anjou-kori Okleveltar / Documenta res
Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium il/ustrantia, vol. 29: 1345 (Budapest-Szeged:
Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2013), 128-130, 152-153, 170-171 (referring to DF 233645
and 233646).
131 Bräzdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 115.
132 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 76.
133 HNA, DL 76787. Regestum: F. Piti, Anjou-kori Okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regum Andegavensium il/ustrantia, vol. 30 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz
Mühely, 2014), 57.
134 HNA, DL 3865: …. Habito consilio inter nos mutuo et de matura deliberacione per meliori
statu et vtilitte domus nostre predicte, nec non ex vrgente necessitate eiusdem obligamus et
presentibus in pignoramuz, Regestum: Piti, Anjou-kori Okleveltar, vol. 30, 459-460.
36
Jtalian military campaig~. For reasons, the town. citizens referred to the
difficulties caused by contmuous fires and damaged vmeyards that had been the
esult of frequent/great hoarfrosts (per continua incendia, et laesionem vinearum
r ostrarum per frequentes pruinas contingentem).135 Because the king’s
:iquisition found the application correct, he freed the town from paying the
military tax.
This charter is preserved in a „book of formulae,“ created for officers, a
sample book of how to write charters on different topics and how to fonnulate
sentences. Although in these cases complete (real) charters were used, dates
were usually not included. Thus, based on the text it is only known that the
charter was probably dated (shortly) before the military campaign ofKing Louis
1 to Italy. To some extent, it is possible to identify the time and the most
probable town(s) that applied for the tax release.
Between 1347 and 1350, three military campaigns to Italy were organized
and the king himself participated in two of them. The first Italian campaign took
place between 11 November 1347 and May 1348; another army left for Italy this
time without the king) in late spring 1349, and the king led his second Italian
campaign between 18 April and 25 October 1350. The charter could have been
written before the king’s first or the second Italian military campaign, thus
probably in either 1347 or 1348. Theoretically, also 1349 or early 1350 would
be possible, but since the charter does not mention the problems caused by the
Great Plague at all, the later dates are less likely. In the Codex diplomaticus,
Fejer, who published this charter without any explanation, dated it to 1348.
As for the location, theoretically any town in Hungary strongly dependent
on wine production (and export) could have been the applicant, but it was
presumably a royal town (civitas nostra). Probably based on this information,
Fejer suggested Pozsony (Bratislava in Slovakia) as the town in question. This
idea, namely, that a town in the west was the applicant, might be supported by
135 CD, vol. 9/5, 630-631: .. . Quod /icet dicta ciuitas vestra et nos incolae in eadem
commorantes inter alias ciuitates vestras ingenti fama, et magno praeconio exto/lamur
tamen prout fama exterius volat et disseminatur interius mentitur huiuscemodi parte
dissimulationem; scire enim desideramus vestram Maiestatem quod per continua incendia,
et laesionem vinearum nostrarum per frequentes pruinas contingentem in tantam inopiam
peruenimus quod fere maior pars ciuium ob talem extremae paupertatis inopiam et famem
inopiaeque ad impositionem presentis co/lectae vestrae fugam ceperunt, et prorsus de hac
ciuitate alias transire volunt causa commorandi; …. . CD, vol. 9/5, pp. 631-632:
Ludouicus, Dei grati a Rex Hungariae, etc. vt supra; humilis querela vestra
desiderabilisque suplicatio nobis patefecit, quod licet vestra extrinseco maior existat quam
intrinseco vsus – fructus, vtilitates possidentes opulentia, intelleximus etiam ex tenore
litterarum vestrarum nobis directarum quod incolae praescriptae ciuitatis nostrae pro
oppositione talis collectae et pro praeteritis erumpnis et dampnis per incendia, et
vinearum suarum deuastationes fugam reperissent, de ipsa ciuitate nostra alias transire
intenderent, causa commorandi; et quia nos ad praesens talem exercitum arripuimus in
quo plus orationum sujfragia et deuotorum hominum suspitia quam pecuniarum congeries
nobis possunt subsidiari.
37
the fact that based on the Continuatio Novimontensis, the Anna/es Zwetlenses
and the Chronicon Anonymi Leobiensis, memorably unpleasant and sour grape~
were harvested in 134 7 due to the cold and rainy summer and bad weather
conditions (intemperies aeris) followed by early snow and strong frosts in
autumn.136
For the German areas in 1347, Glaser suggests a precipitation-rich spring
and summer with snow that remained for 10 days in Upper Swabia. Moreover,
in the same year, harmful frosts were mentioned in mid-September in
Würzburg.137 In the Czech Lands, July 1348 was windy and frequent gales in the
Prague area caused great damage to the harvest and buildings. Summer was
generally dry with a poor cereal harvest. 138 According to the Carinthian Friesach
annals, in 1348 many people were struck by lightning.139 Moreover, according to
the Kleine Klosterneuburger Chronik, twelve thunderstorms destroyed vines and
crops in this year.!“ Glaser further suggests 141 that also in spring 1349 there was
a cold period in March, and on 27 and 29 April frosts harmed the grapes in
Würzburg. Based on all the information, not only 1347, 1348, even 1349 could
be the year of the letter of application, but 134 7 and especially 1348 seem to be
the more likely dates.
Severe weather andfloods of waters: no perambulation in early January 1349
In a charter dated 13 January 1349, another legal procedure is described
that had taken place on 2 January. In the presence of neighbors and the king’s
man, the new owner of the lands of Keresztur and Tasolya (Kristy and Tasula
in Slovakia; see Fig. 1) was officially introduced to his possessions. Although
the new owner took over the lands without any problems, they could not visit
the boundaries and landmarks of the landed posession due to the severity of the
weather „in those times,“ and also because of flood waters. 142 The formulation
136 Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 448.
137 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 85, 86, 89.
138 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 115.
139 MGH SS, vol. 9, 673 (Continuatio Novimontensis): Anno domini 1347 generalis fuit ubique
intemperies aeris ut ex intenso frigore uva immaturata remaneret et pre duricia tundi
vix poterat, vina in tanta amaritudine sunt procreata ut nullus a retroactis temporibus
tantam acerbitatem passet recordari .. Az informaciot szo szerint atvette a Chronicon
Anonymi Leobiensis. See also Zahn, Anonymi Leobiensis Chronicon 45. For more Austrian
sources mentioning the event see Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 448. For the 1347
case and also for sources concerning 1348 and 1349 see also Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse,
427.
140 Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 427.
141 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 85.
142 HNA, DF 278864: …. in crastino festi circumcisionis domini iam preteriti utpote feria
sexta accessissent ad faciem possessionum Kehrezthur et Thasula supradictam, et easdem
universis vicinis et cometaneis suis legitime convocatis per suas veteras metas et antiquas
…… reambulando, cum omnibus utilitatibus et pertinentiis earundem, de eo jure de eaque
38
bout the tirning of the events is rather interesting because it suggests
tbe text ather conditions were bad around this time and not merely on the day
the wea
at erambulation. 0ftbC p
nd (long-term) tax reduction: spring 1349 p0verfY a
On 27 April 1349, due to their great need and poverty (considerantes
1 Jobagionum nostrorum de Kapruncha inopias et paupertates
dictor~\na) the serfs of Kapronca (today Koprivnica in Croatia) received tax
,n;senss non fro, m the arc hbi1 s h op o f E sztergom unti· 1 t h ei. r si. tuati. on got b etter. 143 ref ~c ~gh no fu1ther information is available conceming the cause, the serfs
At 0were clearly in considerable need.
Reports from the 1350s
Need reportsfor 1350 and 1351
On 1 January 1351 the „guest“ (hospes) population of Dobronya (today
Dobra Niva), Nemetpelsöc (today Pliesovce), and Babaszek (today Babina; at
present all located in Slovakia) asked for tax reduction from the tax rate that had
been fixed during the reign of Bela IV (1235-1270).144 This problem is
interesting because it seems that taxes that were appropriate and accepted by the
hospes population barely a century before became unpayable by/in the midfourteenth
century.
Somewhat similar problems were raised by the hospes population of
Szepsi (today Moldava nad Bodvou in Slovakia) who – referring to their poverty
and need (paupertates, necessitates) – received pennission for the free use ofthe
p/enitudine, qua per dominum Thomam filium Blasy coram dicto Comite paulo informa
premisse proposicionis eedem quo supra resignate extitissent, statuissent memorato .
facere perpetuo possidendas, autem earundem possessionum propter arduitatem presentis
temporis et aquarum inundationes, que in illis partibus ninc nimium prevaluissent nondum
e/igere potuissent atque renovare homo noster similiter personaliter coram nobis
comparendo premissa sit sicut idem homo vester nobis consequenter ajjirmavit. Regesta:
F. Sebök, Anjou-kori Okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium
illustrantia, vol. 32 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2015a), 48-
49.
143 HNA, DL 43553. Regestum: F. Sebök, Anjou-kori Okleveltar / Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia, vol. 33 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi Közepkorasz
Mühely, 2015b), 149.
144 HNA, DF 268293. Regestum: E. Teiszler, Anjou-kori Okleveltar I Documenta res
Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium i//ustrantia, vol. 35 (Budapest-Szeged:
Szegedi Közepkorasz Mühely, 2016: in prep.).
39
royal forest.145 The monastery of Desvar (today Dej in Romania) could not
repair its damaged mill and dam on the Szamos River due to their need anct
poverty (inopia, paupertas), and – in order to earn the money necessary for the
repairs – the community sold another mill.146 Moreover, in November 1351 the
Pauline monastery of Pilis also sold their vineyard, amongst other items
rerCe rn• ng tot h ei. r actua 1 nee d (p enuri. a, necessi. tas ) . 147 ‚
Based solely on this information, it is difficult to draw any conclusions on
the weather conditions ( or related circumstances) of those years. The urgent
needs of religious communities in different parts of the country in 1350 and
1351 may provide interesting general background information for any further
analysis in a larger-scale context.148
Fire reportsfrom the early-mid 1350s
According to Török and Legeza, on 30 April 1351 the eleventh-century basilica
in Kalocsa bumt down.149 Whereas a charter dated 20 March 1354 deals with an
unexpected fire of the church in Buda in which charters perished, 150 another
charter, dated 10 February 1357, describes the death ofan entire family that had
occurred four years before, probably in their possession at Kall6.151 In a further
charter, dated 21 March 1356, other charters are mentioned that perished in a
fire event that probably took place in Felsömacskas in medieval Kolozs County
in Transylvania (Szentmartonmacskas; today Sänmärtin in Romania).152
Winter of 1356-1357: great snow and cold in the north
Not far from the cold winter event recorded in 1338, a perambulation of
Adrianuagasa (Adrianvagasa – a piece of land after forest clearing) took place
145 I. Nagy, Anjoukori okmanytar / Codex Diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis, vol. 5
(Budapest: Magyar Tudomanyos Akadernia, 1887), 515-516. The author is grateful to Eva
Teiszler who drew attention to this and the next two published charters.
146 K. Geresi, A nagy-karolyi gr6f Karolyi csalad okleveltara, vol. 1 (The cartularyof the
count Karolyi family of Nagykaroly) (Budapest: Kocsi Sander, 1882), 203-204.
147 Nagy, Anjoukori okmanytdr, vol. 5, 527-528.
148 According to a charter dated 22 February 1351, the abbot ofHeiligenkreuz monastery in
Lower Austria also sold two vineyards due to the needs of the monastery. See: HNA, DF
238730. Regestum: Teiszler, Anjou-kori Okleveltar, vol. 35, (in prep.).
149 J. Török and L. Legeza, A kalocsai ersekseg evezrede (Millennium of the Kalocsa
archbishopric) (Budapest: Mikes kiadö, 1999), 23. No information is available from the
Czech Lands for this year, and for the German areas Glaser only suggests a generally mild
spring with early vine blossoming in May. See: Glaser, Klimageschichte, 85.
ISO HNA DL 4411
151 HNA‘ DL 5658.1
152 HNA‘. DL 26752: Regestum: K. Rabai, Anjou-kori Okleveltar I Documenta res Hungaricas
tempore regwn Andegavensium i/lustrantia, vol. 40: 1356 (Budapest-Szeged: Szegedi
Közepkorasz Mühely, 2014), 268.
40
. the mountain area of Wyfalu (Ujfalu=Pecsujfalu; today Peöovska Nova Ves in
~ovakia), the castle of Torkeu (f arkö; !oday Kamenica in Slovakia), and
Veresafma (VeresalmaNörösalma; today Cervenica pri Sabinove in Slovakia)
an unknown day between 19 December 1356 and 12 March 1357. On a day ?11 the defined period (but probably in the later patt of this period) perambulators
Il1 ent to the debated location, but they could not settle landmarks and walk along
;e boundaries as the snow was too deep and the cold like winter; thus the
erambulation was postponed to 1 May.153
p West and north ofHungary no information is available for Austria, Poland
or the Czech Lands. According to Glaser, the winter of 1357 was mild in the
German areas; in Constance there was no snow or ice until 13 February, but
after this date there was much snow that stayed until 4 March. 154 This later
evidence might show some parallel to the weather conditions described in the
charter about the postponed perambulation in the western Carpathians. lt might
be further interesting that floods occurred in the second half of December in
Flanders and also on Ijssel Lake in the second half of December 1356 and in
early January 1357. Moreover, floods were also reported in November and
December in Northern Italy and also in Avignon, which suggests an early to
mid-winter period rich in precipitation.155
No new landmarks settled due to frozen ground in the winter of 1358
On 20 January 1358 (in quindenis festi Epiphaniarum Domini), although a
perambulation was due in Hont County, there was hard winter weather and the
ground was so frozen that in Ztarchan (Tarcsany/Sztarcsany; today Dolne
Semerovce in Slovakia),156 located in historical Hont County, the perambulators
could not settle new landmarks.157 Landmarks, if they are not trees or alreadyexisting
objects, are practically always connected to some kind of earthwork.
153 HNA, DL 68910: … diele terre octoaginta laneorum tune propter magnitudinem nivium et
aeris distemperanciamfacere et consu(m)pmare non valuissent, …
154 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 77.
155 Alexandre, Le climat, 485.
156 For the location, see Gy. Györffy, Az Arpad-kori Magyarorszag törtenetiföldrajza, vol. 3
(Historical geography of Hungary in the Arpadian Period) (Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6,
1987), 257.
157 Gy. Tasnädi Nagy, Anjoukori okmanytar (Angevin chartulary), vol. 7 (Budapest: Magyar
Tudornanyos Akademia, 1920), 16-19 (23 January 1358): …. , per veras suas metas et
antiquas taliter et hoc ordine reambulassent: prima et principa/iter ab oriente iuxta terram
quondam Leustachii, nunc vero Petri filii Egidii incipiendo, sub duabus arboribus piri
duas metas terreas de novo propter congelationem terre cum securi consignassent; ….
Dixerunt etiam, quod quia propter tempus yemale et congelationem terre in cursibus
predictarum metarum novas metas erigere non valuissent, licet signa posuissent, tamen
partibus volentibus ipsi(s) commisissent, ut transacto isto yemali tempore, ad hoc apto
tempore, dum citius potuerunt, ipsimet novas metas unanimiter erigere deberent in locis
per eos assignatis.
41
Thus, in winter the circumstances obstructing perambulation were usually either
flooding or snow.Here, however, the ground was deeply frozen which, on the
one hand, may suggest that there was no significant snow-cover, but on the other
hand, that low temperatures prevailed at least for a short period. Neither for this
nor for the next case are parallel weather observations available in the published
scientific literature for Central Europe.
Great snow in the south in early April 1358
On 8 April 1358, a perambulation should have taken place at Zekaspataka
landed possession (Szekäspataka/Krassoszekas; today Secäseni in Romania) 158
in the southem part of medieval Krass6 County. The perambulators, namely, the
king’s man, the canon of the Csanad chapter, and the castellan of Ersomly6,
reached the debated land, but due to the snow they could not carry out the
perambulation,159 so the legal process was postponed to 27 May when finally the
perambulation took place successfully.
Late autumn 1359: Rains, dense fog, and flood obstruct perambulation in the
mountains
On 22 November 1359, due to the great rainfall, dense fog and floods of
waters, perambulators could not perambulate the boundaries belonging to the
church of Jaszow (Jaszo) in the upper B6dva (Bodvou in southeastem Slovakia)
catchment.l'“ They successfully perambulated the land and settled new
boundaries on the lands of Sepsi (Szepsi; today Moldava nad Bodvou), Debreg
(Debröd; today Debrad‘), Somogh (Somodi; today Drienovec), Nyihaza-
158 Györffy, Az Ärpad-kori Magyarorszag torteneti földrajza, vol. 3,494.
159 F. Pesty, Krasse varmegye törtenete, Okleveltar (History of Krasse county. Chartulary),
vol. 3 (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1882), 32-42 (38): … , quod ipsi in octauis festo pasce
domini proxime preteritis, vnacum Gregorio procuratore magistri Johannis Byseni, tune
Castellani de Ersomlou, ac Gregorio, Farkasio, et Nico!ao filys Zoku/, ad facies possessionum
Zekaspataka vocatarum in Comitatu de Crassou existencium accessissent, et cum
easdem Juxta veteres ipsarum metas et anliquas reambulare voluissent, propter magnam
Niuem, tune inibi existentem reambulare nequiuissent, …. I am grateful to Robert Papp who
raised my attention to this document.
16° CD, vol. 9/3, 91-95: …. ; et cum terram seu terras ad ciuitatem Szomolnok Banya
occupatas videre seu conspicere vo!uissent, praedicti homines regii et noster tandem Judex
scilicet Du/enuch et quidam ciues de eadem ciuitate venientes, eisdem in quibusdam /ocis
prope villam Ecclesiae praedictae Meczenseff vocatae, iuxta fluuium Piwunya metam
terream demonstrassent, et /icet dicta regia Maiestas in ipsis /itteris suis vniuersas metas
ipsius Possessionis Ecclesiae de Jaszov reambulare et vbi contradictum non fuerit, nouas
metas erigere eisdem hominibus suis praecepisset, tandem ipsi propter nimias pluuias et
inundationes aquarum et densitatem nebu/ae vlteriores metas possessionis ipsius Ecclesiae
reambulare nequiuissent. Datum feria quarta proxima post festum S. Catharinae Virginis
et Martyris, Anno Domini M CCC. LIX.
42
/Nyihaza telek, Ay (Aj/Haj; today Haöava), and Thorna (Toma, today
tefeke nad Bodvou). After settling a new landmark, the church of villa
rurn:ense.ff (Mecenzef, today Medzev) at the Pivunya waterflow (jluuium
JJ_ecun a), they could not proceed towards the lands of Szomolnok Banya due to
p,w yains flooding, and dense fog. Thus, they could not perambulate the upper
great r , , . ,
daries of Jaszo church that included the towns of Szomolnokbanya (today
boun, Ik) Gölnicbanya (today Gelnica), and Idabanya (Aranyida, today Zlata
5~0 n all ,located west and north-northeast of Jaszö.
Id a), As for potential Central European parallels, in early autumn there were
t1 ds in Prague and Zittau in Bohemia, but otherwise only the wet character of tti°° ummer (in the Czech Lands, Lower Austria, and Poland) and then the very
e~ winter 1359-1360 are emphasized.161 For the German areas, Glaser
wa ntions the mild and temperate winter of 1360, but he suggests a cold autumn
~e 1359_162 Moreover, in southem France the ,or . Durance flooded in mid- 163
November at A vignon.
Weather reports and related information from the 1360s
Great snow: the early spring of 1361 in the North
On 10 March 1361 a piece of land was given back to Peter, son ofBodor
of Sarnochamelleke. However, because of the great snow they could not carry
out the perambulation (and therefore the land measurements) on the
Sarnochamelleke landed possession (near the Sarnocha waterflow). 164 Some of
the nearby settlements, such as Polereka (today part of Abramovä in Slovakia),
Nadaser (Nadaser; today Nedozery in Slovakia) and the convent of Tur6c are
mentioned (the latter was the responsible legal authority) in the perambulation
charter.
Although no information is available from the neighboring areas and
Central Europe about the weather conditions of early to mid-March, there was a
cold and dry winter in this year in the Zwettl area and Bohemia, and it was also
reported as cold in Bonn. Moreover, according to a Paris source, the winter was
not only severe but also long. 165
161 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 115-116.
162 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 77, 89.
163 Alexandre, Le climat, 489.
164 HNA, DL 90540: … ad faciem diele possessionis Sarnouchamelleke vocate accedendo
vicinorum et commetaneorum suorum legitimis convocationibus prohabitis utrysque
partibus presentibus parliculam terre predictum petrum filium Bodor demonstratam
165 recaptivatamque reambulasset, reambulatam vero per eo quia nives magne inibi extitisset.
Alexandre, Le climat, 490-491; Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 116; Glaser,
Klimageschichte, 77.
43
Frosty, snowy early spring, muddy mid-April 1361 in the west
A series of perambulation processes took place in the wetland area in the
Lake Fertö basin near the villages of Sarrod and Pomogy (today Pamhagen in
Austria).166 The first perambulation was to take place some time after the order
was issued on 3 March and before 11 April when the next field survey took
place. At that time, it was not possible to cany out the perambulation due to the
frosty weather and great snow and, thus, this part of the field survey was
postponed.167
During the process that took place on 11 April, at one point of the
perambulation close to the water of Fertö Lake, the process was obstructed by
water and mud, and this part of the perambulation at one particular meadow
could not be carried out at that time. The division of pastures and the lake
portion in Fet1Ö was postponed until winter (freezing) time when they planned to
reach the meadows and the lake portion on ice (tempore glaciali). lt is
interesting to add that the next perambulation, which should have taken place
on 9 February 1362, was again postponed.168 In this case, there is no information
about why the perambulation was postponed, so no conclusions related to the
weather then can be drawn.
As for potential European parallels, the hardness of winter was
emphasized in Bonn and Zwettl, but in the latter case a lack of snow was also
mentioned. A long and hard winter was reported in Paris.169 According to a
report from Niederaltaich, dated by Alexandre to 1362 (1361 in the original), the
winter was more rainy than snowy, and at the same time in Paris similarly mild,
almost continuously rainy, weather prevailed. 170
166 Published as a separate charter: CD, vol. 9/3, 323-331 (328). The charters (with texts and
datings separated) included in one charter, issued on 16 June 1362, were published in G.
Dreska, A pannonhalmi konvent hiteleshelyi mukodesenek okleveltara / Monumenta
eredibilia eonventus de monte Pannonia, vol. 1 (A Györi Egyhazmegyei Leveltar Kiadvanyai.
Forrasok, feldolgozasok 6 (Györ: Györi Egyhazmegyei Leveltär, 2007), 118-127
(124): ….. residuis vero tribus partibus earundem posses sionariarum porcionum ipsis
nobilibus de Kyra similiter a parte ipsius possessionis ipsorum Kyra, iure peremnali
remanentibus et per dictum Bendietum remissis ae renunciatis, sed quia tune propter
gelida tempora et nivium habundanciam, inter poreione possessionarias parcium ipsarum
metas neeessarias erigere nequivissent, ….
167 CD, vol. 9/3, 329; Dreska, A pannonhalmi konvent, vol. 1, 126: … Inde transiret versus
meridiem aliquantulum, ubi inter duo iugera terre arabilis, in loeo Balenteleke versus
possessionem Pomagh vocatam.in extremitate cuiusdam prati posita esset meta terrea,
inter partes distinetiva, ulterius autem aqua et luto obstantibu in ereeeionem metarum
proeedere tune temporis nequivissent, ….
168 Dreska, A pannonhalmi konvent, vol. 1, 123.
169 Alexandre, Le climat, 490-491. See also Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 116;
Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 443.
170 Alexandre, Le climat, 492.
44
Ught threatens the Trau/Trogir area in 1362: oro an exarnple frorn the
oatrnatian coast
On 25 March 1362, the duke (banus) of Dalmatia and Croatia gave
:r mission to the shepherder community of Black Vlachs or Morlachs (gens -Iachi) to stay within the territories of Trau/Trogir (in Dalmatia, today part of
C :atia) until 24 April because of the great drought that threatened the area at
hat time. Due to this drought their animals ( especially lambs) and also other
:gricultural resources (e.g., vineyards, arable fields, etc.) were in danger.171
Bad crop harvest in 1361, prohibiton of grain export in 1362
In July 1361, Duke Rudolf IV of Austria issued a charter in which he
refen•ed to natural calamities, namely, plague, fires, and bad harvests of cereals
and grapes that affected his territories at that time. When talking about the bad
harvest, he mentioned Hungary, the Czech Lands, and Bavaria among the
affected areas. 172 The information on the Czech and Austrian bad harvests was
also ment1. 0ne d.m ot h er sources. 113
Presumably related to the same problem, on 13 April 1362, the Hungarian
king issued an order to the Ragusan council asking them not to buy up more
harvested goods (fruges) in his kingdom (i.e., in the countries of the Hungarian
171 CD, vol. 9/3, 336-338: … Quod cum nobi/es viri ciuitatis Tr. Serm. Principis D. N. Regis
Hung. fideles, et dilecti sepe sepius in eo vide/icet, quod quedam particula gentis
morlachorum ipsius D. N. Regis intra conjines, et terminos diele sue ciuitatis seu in
territorio ipsorum descendissent, ymo, et alii morlachi intra confines, et terminos ciuit.
eorum figendo tentoria ipsorum animalia seu pecudes ad aquandum intra metas
terminorum ipsorum depellendo damna non modica in satis seu bladis, nec non et in
vineis, pascuis, et Gays incessanter irrogarent Coeque ciuit. eorum, nec non et singulares
persone ipsius ciu. si successiuis temporibus per ipsam gentem similia perpetrarentur in
maximam egestatem possent devenire, et popularibus hominibus destituentium
querimoniam porrexissent …. tamen quia temporis nimia siccitas, et onerosa nunc ad
presens in tantum imminebat, ac etiam agnellorum teneritas ipsorum Morlaccorum affuit;
vt dum ipsi Morlachi praesenti tempore a /oco ipsius habitationis remoti fuissent in
maximum damni periculum incidi potuissent. For more details, see A. Kiss and Z. Nikolic,
„Droughts, dry spells and low water levels in medieval Hungary (and Croatia) I: The great
droughts of 1362, 1474, 1479, 1494 and 1507.“ Journal of Environmental Geography 8/1-
2 (2015): 11-22 (13-14).
172 E. Schwindt and A. Dopsch (eds.), Ausgewählte Urkunden zur Verfassungs-Geschichte der
deutsch-österreichischen Erblande im Mittelalter (Innsbruck: Verlag der Wagner’schen
Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1895), 203: … und auch von der ungewondleichen missewechst
die ditz iar beschehen ist an getraide nicht alain in unsern land zu O’sterreich sunder auch
ze Unge“rn ze Behem ze Pairn und in andern umbligunden landen. For further analysis, see
also: P. Csendes and F. Opll (ed.), Wien, vol. 1: Geschichte einer Stadt Von den Anfängen
bis zur Ersten Tiirkenbelagerung (Vienna: Böhlau, 2001), 269; Rohr, Elementare
Naturereignisse, 443.
173 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 116; Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 443.
45
Crown) and in the lands of his possession (de regno et terris suis), and not to
allow the harvest ( cereals) to be exported to other countries from the town anct
its territory, 174 Based on this charter one can presume that the prohibition on
exporting food referred not only to Ragusa, but also Hungary, Croatia, anct
Slavonia.175 Although there are no reports on the weather in Hungary, as notect
for Austria the winter of 1361 was cold and dry, while the summer Was
reportedly hot and dry in Silesia, and prices remained generally high until the
13 62 harvest. 1 76
·
Locust invasion in 1363-1364 and/or 1366?
Although without exact dating, in the Chronicle of the Hungarians the
contemporary chronicler, John of Küküllö, mentions that – among other
calamities – locusts and mice ate the grain spikes and othercrops, which resulted
in hunger at different times during the reign of Louis I. 177 Moreover, he also
mentions droughts and bad weather conditions that could have been a source of
harvest failures. Although apart from this evidence (for instance, the damage
from bad weather in the late 1340s and the drought of 1361 and/or 1362) there is
little source evidence on any of the events John of Küküllö mentions, but based
on some further indirect evidence an attempt to date some of these weatherrelated
events can be made.
During Louis‘ reign locust invasions were reported twice in countries
where locusts might have arrived from Hungary, in 1346-1347 and in 1363-
174 The king also ordered its public announcement in the town. See J. Gelchich and L.
Thall6czy, Raguza es Magyarorszag osszekoueteseinek okleveltara / Diplomatarium
Ragusanum Reipublicae Ragusanae cum regno Hungariae, Magyar Tudornanyos
Akademia Törteneti Bizottsaga (Budapest; Kiadja a M. Tud. Akademie Tört, Bizottsaga
1887), 35: Serenissimus dominus noster dominus rex Hungarie misit suas litteras domino
rectori consi/io et communi Ragusii, inter cetera continentes nobis precipiendo, ut non
sumamus in anteafruges, cuiuscumque generis exustant, de regno et terris suis educere ad
terras alienas in portu nostro. Et quod hoc faciamus in civitate nostra et nostro districtu
publice promulgari. Et si quos huiusmodi publicationem fruges de regno et terris suis
vendentes et educentes invenerimus, illos tales in rebus et personis puniamus absque omni
compassione. Et aliud pro sua gratia nonfacturi ..
175 For more detailed information, see Kiss et al., „14. szazadi rossz termesek.“
176 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 116; Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 443.
177 The work of John of Küküllö has been preserved in the Chronicon Dubnicense: (De
pestilencia fame et terremotu.y: ltem eciam tempore sui regiminis pestilencie per loca
particularia, et eciam per totum regnum Hungarie, et eciam in alys vicinis regnis
viguerunt. Et James diuersis temporibus per locustas et mures, specias frugum et aliarum
segetum corrodentes, et per siccitates temporum, ac aeris tempestates inualuerunt. Et
pluribus vicibus terremotus per loca factus est. Published in M. Florianus, Chronica
Dubniciense cum codicibus Sambuci Acephalo et Vaticano, cronicisque Vindobonensi
picto et Budensi accurate collatum, Historiae Hungaricae fontes domestici I/3 (Leipzig:
Typis M. Taizs, 1887), 191. Also mentioned by the 15th-century chronicle writer Thur6czy:
Galantai and Kristo, Johannes de Thurocz, 185 (Chronica Hungarorum).
46
1346-1347 little source evidence is available and therefore it is
6. for state firm]y the fact of a significant invasion. Two non-contemporary
1c~lt to mention it, in 1346 for the Czech Lands, and in 1347 for Northern
l~~e;he case is different for the 1360s; clear reports are available for these
Jy. f 111 both the immediate neighborhood of Hungary and also from more
rs r~eas. In (Lower) Austria, according to the Klosterneuburg annals, there
’staJI~ acust invasion in 1366.179 Locusts are mentioned in ltaly as early as 1363,
as a h~ by the vento schiavo temperato, a wind ~lowing ~r~m the northeast,
:t,roug the direction of the southwestem Carpathian Basm. 80 Locusts also
fl’OJll ed in the Frankfurt area in late August 1364, and many locusts again
appeadr damage in August 1366 at Stuttgart. An invasion of rats was also
cause . . S b 181
t·oned men, at that time 111 trass ourg.
Southern Transdanubia: deep snow and a severe winter in early January 1364
The chapter of Fehervar reported to the country judge, Istvän Bebek, that
_ due to the too deep snow and severe winter conditions – on 8 January 1364 it
was not possible to perambulate the boundaries of Tamasy castle (Tamasi) and
its Jands, on the one h~nd, and the settlement of Hedruh (Hedrehely) in Somogy
County on the other. Beyond the fact that a central area in Hungary had deep
snow and hard winter weather in early January, the location and extent of the
two properties are also important. Whereas an extensive piece of land in Tolna
County with extensive boundaries belonged to Tamasi castle, Hedrehely in
Somogy County was/is located rather far away (ca. 70-80 km) from Tamasi and,
thus, when great snow and a severe winter are mentioned for both places, this
refers to a much !arger region in southem Transdanubia than merely two
separate properties.
The winter of 1364 was famous for its severity all over Europe.183 Glaser,
for example, calls it as a „record“ long, severe, and snowy winter that lasted in
the German areas until mid- to late March. 184 The frost was so deep in the
southem German areas, for example, that people had problems with the water
178 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 115; Camuffo and Enzi, „Invasioni di cavallette,“
31-32.
179 MGH SS, vol. 9, 736. Alexandre, Le climat, 500; Rohr, Elementare Naturereignisse, 475.
180 Alexandre, Le climat, 493; Camuffo and Enzi, „Invasioni di cavallette,“ 33-35.
181 Alexandre, Le climat, 495, 500. Glaser, Klimageschichte, 67.
182 HNA, DL 87396: …. in octavis diei Strennorum proxime preteritis … ad facies predicti
castri Tamasy et possessionum ad idem pertinencium necnon pretacte possessionis Hedruh
. . . . et suarum pertinenciarum vicinorum et commetaneorum suorum legitimis
conuocationibus habitis et temporis ac dictis partibus presentibus accedendo easdem
reambulare ac in condigno suo precio estimare voluissent /amen propter yemis nimiam
frigiditatem et niuium validitatem, easdem possessiones reambulare et suomodo e[stimar]e
nequiuissent.
183 Alexandre, Le climat, 493-498.
184 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 177.
47
supply. This memorable harsh winter was also documented in Silesia, and _
probably caused by a sudden thaw of much snow – there was a great flood in
Prague on 27 January.185
1364: Crisis revisited? Food shortage and famine: inland tolls diminished
Due to the threatening famine in the country, the central govemment
required urgent solutions in 1364, and therefore special orders were issued on 15
July (thus, around harvest time). According to the royal order, people were not
allowed to store more grain than they would use within a year. The rest had to
be sold at the average price to those lacking grain – these transactions had to be
controlled by the local chapters, monasteries, and (if lacking those) local parish
priests. Morever, the king decided to decrease all toll payments within the
country borders for wheat, barley, oats, millet, malt, bread, lentils, peas, beans
vegetables, and all other legumes. 186 ‚
185 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 116. See also: Alexandre, Le c/imat, 498. It is,
however, rather interesting that none ofthe contemporary Austrian narratives mentions this
hard winter.
186 HNA, DF 238823; CD, vol. 9/3, 408-411: Nos Ludouicus, …. Genitrice nostra carissima,
ac nonnullis Prelatis et Baronibus Regni nostri, defertiliori et uberiori Statu regnicolarum
nostrorum anxie cogitantes, presenli caristie, frugum seu bladorum per opportuna remedia
cupientes obuiare; statuimus committentes, ut in qualibet Ciuitatum, et liberarum villarum
regalium et reginalium, Ecclesiarum, … possessionatorum hominum, talis modus
observetur; ut Judices, villici, et Iurati Civitatum, et villarum predictarum in eo, quod
b/ada seu fruges cuiusvis generis ve/ speciei existant, non plura, quam ad sustentationem
Ciuitatensium vel villanorum ad unum Annum sufficientia fore, …. Nos vero ex
superabundanti Regia pietate de Consilia Domine Regine, matris nostre ac Pre/atorum et
Baronum nostrorum predictorum statuimus, quod pro bladis, seufrugibus, vide/icet tritico,
siliginibus, ordeo, auena, milio, brasio, farina, panibus, nec non de lentibus, pisis, fabis,
oleribus, et aliis leguminibus, undecunque, et quecunque /oca, per quoscunque, et
quotiescunque a data praesentium infra vnius anni spatium intra limites Regni nostri, et
non extra, regnicolis nostris venditioni exponenda deferentur, nullum tributum, nu//umque
tellonium, in terris et aquis, tam in locis tributorum regalium, reginalium, ecc/esiarum,
prelatorum, abbatum, monialium, prepositorum, priorum, et fratrum cuiuscunque ordinis
et religionis existant, nec non baronum, nobilium, et possessionatorum hominum, excepto
solo nau/o, seu tributo portuum, quod iusto et levi modo ab ipsis exigi volumus, ab eisdem
exigatur; …. For a more detailed analysis, see Kiss et al., „14. szazadi rossz termesek.“
2016.
48
r reports and related information from the 1370s
eathe
es and/or very high prices in Hungary: (1373-)1374
ShOrtag
While travelling in Hungary, the papal tax officer complained of shortages
very high prices and floods that made his joumey very expensive. 187
andl~ on his itinerary, the problematic patt of his joumey in Hungary took place
~as;e winter. Although no information is known about the harvest of 1373, the
in t mer of 1373 was d1y and hot in the German territories.188 Moreover, this
s~mter was famous in other parts of Central Europe for floods caused by
wtnsually rainy conditions.189 In February 1374, for example, there were two
suingun ificant floo d s o f t h e VI tava Ri ver m. p rague. 190
Bad weather, plague, and food crises in the early 1380s
Early March 1381: bad weather conditions and flooding in the east, deep snow
in the west
Reported in a charter dated 4 March, 1381, in the area of Rozuag
(Rozvagy) and !yga_n (Cigand) not only flooding, bu~ also bad weather
conditions prevailed m early March. Thus, a perambulation – planned for 6
March – had tobe postponed two days before it should start. 191
According to another charter, issued on 11 March, 6 March was bad not
only in the central lowland areas, but also at the westem border. During the
perambulation process of Wagh landed possession (Vag in Sopron county, along
the Raba River), the perambulators could not fix the boundaries of arable land,
187 Rationes col!ectorum pontificorum in Hungaria / Papat tized-szedök szamadasai 1281-
1375 (Mon. Vat. Hung. 1/1) (Budapest: Franklin Tarsulat, 1887), 460-461 : …. ltem die VII.
Decembris anni LXXIIL, quia tune noviter fuerat commissum michi per dominum Heliam,
de recipiendo decimam regni Ungarie, tam pro dicta decima, quam pro mediis fructibus
beneficiorum per sedem apostolicam collatorum recipiendis, arripui iter meum pro
circuendo ecc/esias catedrales et collegiatas regni Ungarie. Unde redii ad Calidas Aquas
ad domum domini Cardinalis die XII. Martii anni LXXIII!. Expendi tam propter magnam
caristiam, quam propter inundationem aquarum et transitus ipsarum, in llllxx. XIII. diebus
CLXVIJ. jlorenos et quartam. / ltem pro uno equo, qui fuit mortuus in via, XV jlorenos
auri.
188 Glaser, Klimageschichte, 67.
189 See, for example, Alexandre, Le climat, 508-511; Glaser, Klimageschichte, 222; 0. Wetter,
Ch. Pfister, R. Weingartner, J. Luterbacher, T. Reist and J. Trösch, „The largest floods in
the High Rhine basin since 1268 assessed from documentary and instrumental evidence,“
Hydrological Sciences Journal 56/5 (2011): 733-758 (753).
190 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 117.
191 HNA, DL 96560: . . . metas inter possessiones Rozuag et Zygan vocatas … propter
intemperanciam aeris et aquarum inundacionem ipsam possessionum reambulatum bono
modo fieri 11011 valuisset, …
49
meadows, forests, and other resources due to deep snow and bad weather con,
ditions.l'“
As for potential weather parallels and preceding weather conditions in
Central Europe, in Augsburg the late autumn was frosty and snowy, but then the
weather was quite rainy (reported in both Mainz and Augsburg) until early to
mid-January, when harsh frosts and snow prevailed between 21 January and 2
April.193
High prices and/or shortagesin 1381
On 14 June 1381, the Dominican nuns from Margit Island (today in
Budapest) sold their landed possession called Csuza (Chuza) in Baranya County;
the nunnery received 500 forints for the land. Out of this sum, they planned to
spend 300 forints for food due to the shortages (or high prices) of those times,
while the remaining 200 forints were to cover the expenses of some necessary
repair work on their buildings. Concerning the same purchase, in a charter dated
16 September high prices and/or need as weil as shortages were mentioned as
prevailing in the country at that time.194 Among the possible reasons for these
problems one can mention the severe epidemic documented in 1381.195
As for weather-related information concerning Europe, the winter of 1381
or at least patt of it, was rather severe with a great deal of snow in !arge parts of
Western and Central Europe, while March was rainy around Mainz, followed by
dry conditions until mid-May when rains prevailed. Due to these rains the cereal
harvest was good in this year.196 The grain harvest was poor in England in the
same year, however, and grain prices were very high (and still rising) in the
French territories, while plague prevailed in most of Europe throughout the
year.!“
192 HNA, DF 262640: … terras autem arabiles feneta et silvas ac alias utilitates eiusdem
possessionis Wagh propter magnam nivem et malum temporis deinde nequivissent.
Regestum: P. K6ta, Regesztak a vasvari kdptalan leveltaranak okleveleirol (1130) 1212-
1526 (Regesta of the charters of Vas county archives), Vas megyei leveltari füzetek 8,
Közepkori oklevelek Vas megyei leveltarakban 1 (Szombathely: Vas megyei leveltar,
1997), 67.
193 Alexandre, Le climat, 520; see also Glaser, Klimageschichte, 78.
194 CD, vol. 9/5, 475-481: …. ex quibus eaedem Dominae trecentos florenos in caristia, quae
in regno protunc viguisset, pro victu ipsarum ….
195 CD, vol. 9/5, 481. For the 1380-1382 plague in Hungary see, for example, I. Bertenyi, A
tizennegyedik szazad tortenete (History of the fourteenth century) (Budapest: Pannonica
kiado, 2000), 77; J.-N. Biraben, Les hommes et la peste en France et dans /es pays
europeens et mediterraneens, vol. 2 (The Hague: Mouton, 1976), 440. A recent, more
detailed, overview of the available sources on this epidemic and its probable consequences
in Hungary are provided by Kiss et al., „14. szazadi rossz termesek.“
196 Alexandre, Le climat, 520. See also Glaser, Klimageschichte, 90.
197 See, for example, L.R. Ladurie, Histoire humaine et comparee du climat, tome I:
Canicules et glaciers Xllle-Xt/Ille siecles (Paris: Fayard, 2004), 88-89.
50
weather-related evidence in the 1390s
frosts, a bad grape harvest, and deserted vineyards reported in 1392
In a letter to Queen Elisabeth, Pozsony citizens complained to the queen
about the severe damage that had occurred in their vineyards due to cold
weather (propter frigidi temporis invasionem indicibilia dampna perpessi
Jore).198 Nevertheless, it seems that in 1392 not only was the grape harvest bad,
but another letter reports on a bad hay harvest, and it seems that the grapevines
suffered not only in 1392 but also in previous years; as a result many vineyards
were deserted and some people even blamed the Jews for this situation.199
For 6 October, 1392, the Anna/es Mellicenses also report a great frost and
hoarfrost (in Austria) that destroyed all the vineyards to such an extent that,
according to the description, hardly one-tenth remained and even the remaining
harvest was bad.200 Similar problems were described in the German wineproducing
areas; in Mainz, great frosts occurred on 7 October, while according
to a Limburg source, frost damaged the vineyards along the Rhine, Lahn, and
Mosel Rivers as early as 29 September. Moreover, frosts also damaged the vines
in the Nördlingen area. After that, a great deal of snow fell on 25 November in
Nuremberg. An early, snow-rich winter in November and early December,
followed by a sudden thaw and flood in Prague, were also reported in Bohemia.
201
Very early grapevine ripening in 1393?
In 1393, there was a hot summer and great drought in the Czech Lands
and also in Austria.i'“ Even ifno direct evidence is available for the same period
in Hungary, some indirect infonnation suggests that May and July temperatures
were higher than usual. In a case related to a legal debate, the chapter of Szekesfehervar
– after a legal survey- stated on 3 March 1394 that in the previous year
in Zala County Master Gyula had not only harvested grapes in Kal in the
198 T. Ortvay, Pozsony vciros tortenete (History of the town Pozsony), vol. 2/3 (Bratislava:
Stampfe! Karoly, 1894), 164. This letter is only known from Ortvay’s reference („Dipl.
Pos. I. 747“), and so far I have not found it in the medieval source collection of the
Hungarian National Archives (DL-DF collection).
199 This letter is also known only from Ortvay’s reference („Dipl. Pos. I. 833″; in: Ortvay,
Pozsony vciros tortenete, 164): Item man mag Irn gnaden auch erczellen, wie die Stat
kainerlay nucz noch Rentt nicht hat, weder vif noch wenig als andre stett mer allein die
weingarten die haben, uns ettlich Jar noch einander gar grob/eich gevelet, und besunderleich
fert und hew. Dorumb auch maniger weingarten öd bleiben musz und dy armen lewt
awuch vif schuldig bleiben! den Juden.
200 MGH SS, vol. 9, 514 (Anna/es Mellicenses).
201 Alexandre, Le climat, 530-532; Bräzdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 119; Glaser,
Klimageschichte, 90.
202 See, for example, Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 119.
51
vineyard of the bishop of Veszprem, but around 8 September (GC: l?
September) he also destroyed the vines and damaged the boundaries.i'“ As the
harvest and the destruction of vines and the boundaries occurred at the sanie
time, the illegal vintage might have_ occurred on the s~m_e ?ay or immediately
before. This means that the grapes npened early, even 1f 1t 1s clear that the real
vintage probably would have taken place some time later.
1395 High prices in Hungary?
In his letter sent from Buda on 27 November, 1395, Paulus de Armannis
the ambassador of Mantua, apart from his political reports, described the very
high prices (or shortages“) that prevailed at that time in Buda. Referring to this
unfortunate circumstance, he asked the prince of Mantua to allow him to return
harne earlier.t'“ No infonnation is available conceming the weather conditions
in Hungary for this or the previous year.
In Silesia and Austria there was a bad harvest in 1394 and the Klosterneuburg
annals refer to good cereal and grape harvests for the year 1395.
Although a reference is also available mentioning a bad harvest in 1395, Czech
research – comparing Silesian and Austrian sources – rather suggests a bad
harvest and high prices in 1394 but not in 1395.205 Nevertheless, in 1395, both
the grapevines and crops were damaged by hail around Mainz and Cologne in
May and June, and problems continued in these areas in 1395.206
203 HNA, DF 200361: …. , quod Magister Gywla tempore cuius preterisset revolucio annua/is
quandam vineam in territorio et in monte possessionis Kai sitam vindemiant
vindemiateque circa festum nativitatis beate Marie virginis vires penitos extirpant per
extirpationemque metas eiusdem possessionis destrui et aboliti fecisset in preiudicium et
derogarum dicti domini Episcopi et sue ecclesie valde grande. Regestum: E. Malyusz,
Zsigmondkori okleveltar, vol. 1 (Cartulary of the Sigismund period) (Budapest: Akaderniai
Kiad6, 1951), 367.
204 L. Ovary, A magyar tudomanyos akademia tortenelmi bizottsaganak oklevel-masolatai.
Elsö Füzet (Charter copies of the History Committee of the Hungarian National Archives,
first volume) (Budapest: Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia Törteneti Bizottsaga, 1890), 58-
59. Since Ovary did not refer to his source in detail, at present one can only rely on his
regestum ofthe original letter.
205 Brazdil and Kotyza, History of Weather, 119.
206 Alexandre, Le climat, 534. Only a few data are available in Europe for the winter of 1395,
but in the Paris area the weather was rather rainy with floods; and (just like, for example,
in 1374) inundation damaged the cereals.
52
ßefore November 1400 the basilica of Veszprem burnt down
According to the permission of the pope issued on 8 November 1400, the
bishop of Veszprem was allowed to rebuild the basilica, which had burnt down
previously.207 The date or year ofthe fire event is unknown.
overview
Most of the weather-related evidence is available in domestic charters
(only one from Austria); the next significant group is foreign (Austrian, Czech,
and Polish) narratives. In only a few cases do domestic narratives contain useful
information. Compared to the previous centuries, the composition of source
evidence directly or indirectly referring to weather conditions went through a
significant transformation; while in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries narratives
play a leading role, by the fourteenth century legal documentation ( charters)
become the most important source for weather and related phenomena. When
the data are available in charters dating and location are rather precisely defined
in most cases, although providing information only for a couple of days. Still,
they often provide information that shows significant parallels to the prevailing
weather conditions of a month or season in neighboring countries where
documentation is predominantly available in narrative sources.
Despite the great number of flood-related items, the weather itself is not
reported about often; but when reported, in most cases the available
documentation refers to problems caused by cold temperatures. Apart from
floods, the indirect consequences of unfavorable weather conditions were bad
harvests and subsequent food supply problems, high prices, and shortages.
Compared to the previous centuries, in the fourteenth century these phenomena
are relatively well-documented. Fires are another piece of potentially related
information with a !arge number of documented cases. In the present paper
events were only listed when there was a chance that weather may have
contributed to the development or spread of the fire.
The available fourteenth-century evidence can be grouped as follows:
1) Temperature-related weather information:
a) winter cold/severity: the Drava crossing in early 1314 or 1317, in midJanuary
1330 at Tiszaug (central Hungary), in rnid-January 1336, 1344, and
in 1357 in the north/northeast (the Carpathians); in early January 1345 in
the northeastern Great Plain, in early January 1349 in the northeast
(Tasolya), in early January 1364 in southem Transdanubia;
b) winter weather in early November: Central Transylvania in 1315;
207 J. Lukcsics, Monumenta Romana Episcopatus Vesprimiensis / A veszpremi puspokseg
romai okleveltära, vol. 2 (Budapest: Franklin Tarsulat, 1899), 324.
53
c) deeply frozen ground in mid-January 1358 in the north (Sztracsany);
d) harmful/disturbing frosts: in Saros county (north) in autumn 1340 ( or spring
of 1340 or 1341 ), prior to 1348 or 1349 in Pozsony(?), in early spring 1361
at Lake Fertö, in 1392 in Pozsony (damaged vineyards).
2) Evidence of precipitation events:
a) deep/great snow: in late February 1338 andin winter 1357 in Saros County
(northeastern Hungary), in early April 1358 in the south, in early March
1361 in both Tur6c County (north), Lake Fertö/Neusiedl (west), in early
January 1364 in south Transdanubia, in early March 1381 in north Transdanubia;
b) incessant rain: in 1316 in the eastern alpine area; also floods in Hungary;
c) rains: in late autumn 1359 in the northeast (Szomolnok area);
d) rainy weather: in late May 1342 in Bihar County, in late autumn 1359 in the
northeast;
e) dense fog: in late November 1359 in the northeast (Szomolnok area);
f) hoarfrosts: prior to 134 7 or 1348 ( or 1349) in Pozsony(?);
g) drought: in (winter-)early spring 1362 in mid-Dalmatia.
3) Biophysical indicators:
a) bad grape harvests: 1321 in (west?) Hungary, 1347 or 1348 and 1392 in
Pozsony;
b) locust invasions: (1309-1310, 1313-1314?), (1346-1347), (1337?-)1338-
1340(-1341 ?), 1363-1366(?);
c) probable early grape ripening: 1393 in central Transdanubia;
d) probable late grain harvest: 1342 in central Transdanubia;
e) approximate average harvest date: 1326 in both Vaja (northeastern -Great
Plain) and Csakany in the west (southern Transdanubia);
f) bad crop harvest in Hungary: 13 61.
4) Other weather(-related) phenomena, physical indicators:
a) bad weather conditions: in late summer 1301 (or 1304) in Szekesfehervär,
in mid-September 1342 in Pozsony county (west); in early March 1381 in
the northeastern -Great Plain;
b) broken ice; prior to spring 1322 on the Bodrog River;
c) strong wind: in mid-January 1336 in the northeast (Ciöava);
d) religious procession introduced against thunder: late 13th or early 14th
century;
e) fire events: prior to 1305 (Pozsegavar), prior to May 1314 (Pozsony), prior
to late 1317 (Sopran), prior to 1324 (Esztergom), in spring 1327 (or 1328;
Szekesfehervar), 1328 and prior to 1347 or 1348 (Pozsony), prior to spring
1331 (Jak), 1332 and 1342 (Löcse), 1338 (Nagyvarad), in spring 1351
(Kalocsa), prior to spring 1354 (Buda), prior to spring 1356 (Felsömacskäs
in central Transylvania), in the years before February 1357 (Kalle), and
prior to 1400 (Veszprem).
54
S) food supply problems and consequences:
a) [ood shortage: 1321 in the west (Vasvar);
b) shortages/high prices: 1312 in the northeast; in winter 1374, 1381, 1395 in
( central ?) Hungary;
c) (great) poverty (paupertas) and need (inopia, penuria): 1304 in
Slavonia/Dalmatia, early 1311 for Saros County nobility, in July 1312 in
central Hungary, 1321 in the north (Zsolna), 1346 in central Hungary
(Zebegeny and Budafelheviz), 1349 in Kapronca, 1351 in the north (Dobronya),
northeast (Szepsi) central Hungary andin Transylvania (Des), 1381 in
central Hungary;
d) famine (for a long time): prior to spring 1318 in the eastem Great Plain and
central Transdanubia;
e) prohibition of grain export from the countries of the Hungarian Crown: in
spring 1362;
f) order for food redistribution; inland tolls decreased: in summer 1364;
g) hunger migrants from the southwest German areas: 1313 and/or ca. mid-
13 lüs.
Acknowledgements: The final version of the paper was completed in the framework of the
„Flood Change“ ERC project at the Vienna University of Technology. The author is grateful
for the help and useful suggestions of Eva B. Halasz, Zrinka Nikolic, Eva Teiszler, Ferenc
Piti, Krisztina Rabai, and Ferenc Sebök.
55
MEDIUM AEVUM
QUOTIDIANUM
73
KREMS 2016
HERAUSGEGEBEN
VON GERHARD JARITZ
GEDRUCKT MIT UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER KUL TURABTEILUNG
DES AMTES DER NIEDERÖSTERREICHISCHEN LANDESREGIERUNG
niederösterreich kultur
Titelgraphik: Stephan J. Tramer
ISSN 1029-0737
UB SALZBURG
11111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111
+DA68623806
,20/( f: l</3. – A -0
Herausgeber: Medium Aevum Quotidianum. Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der materiellen
Kultur des Mittelalters, Kömermarkt 13, 3500 Krems, Österreich. Für den Inhalt verantwortlich
zeichnen die Autoren, ohne deren ausdrückliche Zustimmung jeglicher Nachdruck, auch
in Auszügen, nicht gestattet ist. – Druck: Grafisches Zentrum an der Technischen Universität
Wien, Wiedner Hauptstraße 8-10, 1040 Wien, Österreich,
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Vorwort 4
Andrea Kiss, Weather and Weather-Related Natural Hazards
in Medieval Hungary III: The Fourteenth Century 5
Sarah Pichlkastner und Ingrid Matschinegg, Zwischen gesicherter
Nahrung und gar zu klain gemachten knedlen:
Die Ernährungssituation in Fürsorgeeinrichtungen
im (Erz-)Herzogtum Österreich unter der Enns
vom 14. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert- eine Projektskizze , 56
Anschriften der Autorinnen 88
V
/ \
Vorwort
Das vorliegende Heft von Medium Aevum Quotidianum beschäftigt sich mit
zwei wichtigen Projekten zur Alltagsgeschichte des Mittelalters und der frohen
Neuzeit. Beide Beiträge konzentrieren sich auf Gebiete des mitteleuropäischen
Raumes und bieten wichtige neue Ergebnisse zur Erforschung der Geschichte
von Allltag und materieller Kultur in Ungarn und Österreich.
Andrea Kiss bietet als Fortsetzung ihrer Beiträge in Heft 66 (2013) und 68
(2014) den dritten Teil ihrer Untersuchung zur Wettersituation im mittelalterlichen
Ungarn, der sich dem 14. Jahrhundert widmet. Dabei zeigt sich, wie zu
erwarten, die Quellenlage als weitaus besser als in den zwei vorangehenden
Untersuchungen zum 11./12. und zum 13. Jahrhundert.
Ingrid Matschinegg und Sarah Pichlkastner, beide Mitarbeiterinnen am
Institut für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit der Universität
Salzburg in Krems an der Donau (Niederösterreich), offerieren eine Projektskizze
zur Erforschung der Ernährungssituation in Fürsorgeeinrichtungen
in Österreich unter der Enns vom 14. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert. Das Projekt
stellt Teil des Forschungsnetzwerks Interdisziplinäre Regionalstudien (FIRST)
dar, einer Vernetzungsinitiative der im Bundesland Niederösterreich ansässigen
Forschungseinrichtungen auf dem Gebiet der Geistes-, Sozial- und Kulturwissenschaften.
Gerhard Jaritz
4
MEMO - Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture Online
Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture Online
